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13 Unique and Quirky Soccer Stadiums You Need to Visit Immediately
By Daryl Grove | February 12, 2015 | 8:00pm
Soccer Lists
There are plenty of great soccer stadiums in the world. Modern palaces like Arsenal's Emirates Stadium, structures overflowing with history, like Liverpool's Anfield or Manchester United's Old Trafford, and gigantic, unmissable destinations like Barcelona's Camp Nou and Real Madrid's Santiago Bernabéu Stadium.
This list isn't about any of those places.
This list is about the weird and wonderful stadiums of the soccer world. It's about celebrating the unique and experiencing the quirks of architecture and culture that can only be found in the following 13 places. I advise packing your bags before you start reading.
1. Craven Cottage
Team: Fulham F.C.
Where: London, England
Capacity: 25,000 (soon to be 30,000)
What makes it unique: There really is a cottage inside the stadium. It's used as a dressing room because the stadium's original architect forgot to include a place for players to get suited up, and the cottage balcony provides a quaint vantage point for friends and family of Fulham players to watch their loved ones in action. Also worth a look: the magnificent, old-school, red-brick exterior.
2. La Bombonera
Team: Boca Juniors
Where: Buenos Aires, Argentina
What makes it unique: Three of the stands at The Chocolate Box are almost vertical, and so Boca fans always look as if they're about to fall on to the field of play. It also gives the stadium incredible acoustics. Not recommended for vertigo sufferers.
3. Sapporo Dome
Team: Consadole Sapporo
Where: Toyohira-ku, Sapporo, Japan
What makes it unique: It shouldn't be possible for one stadium to host both baseball and soccer without ruining the viewing experience for at least one of the sports. But the Sapporo Dome is like a Transformer. When switching from baseball to soccer, not only does the diamond-shaped artificial turf roll out as a rectangular grass soccer field rolls in, parts of the stand also rotate 90 degrees to suit the different viewing angles of the two different sports. Just as impressive, the dome is deigned to fight off the 20 feet of snow that falls annually in the Sapporo region—basically, it just slides off the rood instead of collecting.
4. Igralište Batarija
Team: HNK Trogir
Where: Trogir, Croatia
What makes it unique: Trogir's stadium sits between two 15th-century protected buildings. At one end of the field is Kamerlengo Castle, built by the Venetians. At the other end is the Tower of St. Marco, a Renaissance-style fortress. In between is the beautiful game. Best way to watch a Trogir game is from the castle parapet, like the people in the bottom right corner of the above photo.
5. Soccer City Stadium
Team: Kaizer Chiefs FC
Where: Johannesburg, South Africa
What makes it unique: You might remember this beauty from the 2010 World Cup. During the day, gaps in the stadium allow natural light to burst through and on to the field. At night, the stadium lights up to resemble a ceramic cooking pot, complete with a bright ring of lights at the base to resemble a stove top.
6. Kenilworth Road
Team: Luton Town FC
Where: Luton, Bedfordshire, UK
What makes it unique: Sporting grounds nestled in residential neighborhoods are special places, but this is something else. If you didn't know it was there, you could easily walk down Oak Road and not know that the entrance to Luton Town's football ground was nestled amidst the Victorian terraced houses. When you head through the gates, an elevated walkway lets you peek at the gardens of adjacent residents before feeding into the stands. Kenilworth Road harkens back to an older, less polished era of English football.
—James Patrick Gordon
7. Estádio AXA
Team: S.C. Braga
Where: Braga, Portugal
Capacity: 30, 286
What makes it unique: The Estádio AXA has stands on two sides, a giant cliff on another and an open end overlooking the city of Braga on the fourth. The cliff is a reminder of the rock quarry from which the stadium was carved out. Want to go to the other side to meet a pal? No worries, just head under the pitch to get to the other side of this ground, which was built in part to host Euro 2004 matches.
—Jon Arnold
8. Allianz Arena
Team: Bayern Munich, 1860 Munich, German national team
Where: Munich, Germany
What makes it unique: The luminous exterior of the Allianz changes colors to suit the home team. It can be red, or red and blue, when Bayern Munich are at home; blue, or blue and white, for 1860 Munich home games; and white, or black, red and yellow, for the German national team.
9. Cadbury Recreation Ground, Bournville Lane
Team: Cadbury Athletic FC
Where: Bournville, Birmingham, England
What makes it unique: There are plenty of quirky grounds in English nonleague football, but few have as much charm as the home patch of the semi-pro team Cadbury Athletic. The team, affiliated with the famous Cadbury chocolate company (I'm not even kidding), plays their fixtures in the Midlands Football Combination Division 1 in the shadow of a magnificent Edwardian pavilion, and with occasional chocolate aromas drifting from the factory the field.
10. Taiwan National Stadium
Team: Taiwan national team
Where: Zuoying, Kaohsiung, Taiwan
What makes it unique: The 8,884 solar panels on the exterior of the spiral-shaped National Stadium provide close to 100 percent of the stadium's power, and feed into the local power grid when the stadium is not in use.
11. Stadion Gospin dolac
Team: NK Imotski
Where: Imotski, Croatia
What makes it unique: There's a 500-meter drop into a lake directly behind this stadium. So peer over the edge and enjoy the scenery … but don't lean too far unless you want to go for a swim.
12. Estádio Municipal de Aveiro
Team: Beira-Mar
Where: Aveiro, Portugal
What makes it unique: Easily the world's most colorful stadium. The bright blues, oranges, yellows and greens, as well as deep purples and reds making the exterior of this place look like a gigantic children's playground, and the kaleidoscopic color-scheme is kept alive inside the stadium with jaunty multicolored seats.
13. Estádio Janguito Malucelli
Team: J. Malucelli Futebol
Where: Curitiba, Brazil
What makes it unique: This "eco-stadium" was created entirely out of natural and sustainable materials, and by embedding seats into a grass hill instead of into a concrete construction.
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Christmas is surely an important holiday celebrated by Christians all over the world each and every 25th of December. The primary intention most people celebrate Xmas will be to please remember the start of Jesus Christ. Xmas may be the working day businessmen often produce a large amount of income as a consequence of the huge revenue created from Christmas programs, these as Christmas trees, balloons, clothing and many way more. Nevertheless, shoppers put in a number of their revenue all through Xmas celebrations identifying by themselves broke over the following New Calendar year. Accordingly, plenty of individuals concern regardless myroyalessays.co.uk/buy-essay if Xmas must be eradicated because it has long been greatly commercialized or it needs to keep going to exist as aspect on the Christian culture.
First and foremost, no-one is aware the exact day Jesus was born. Xmas pageant is generally held on December 25th considering the fact that Christians feel that it was the day Christ was born. December thirty day period typically is available in the wintertime year. The scripture tells us that during Jesus' birth, shepherds have been looking after their flock around the fields . No flocks may be appeared subsequent to inside cold winter season period. Wintertime is usually a chilly time also, the bible also informs us that individuals would dedicate indoors lots of months until it finished as a result of the cruel chilly climate circumstances. The wintertime season commences inside of the month of November by March in Palestine . It is worthy of noting that pilgrimages that spend a browse on the location Jesus was born, get bewildered to encounter chilly wintertime period, yet they travel imagining it's going to be summertime warm time in Israel. Due to the cruel chilly climate, Jesus' parents or guardians wouldn't have travelled while in December to give beginning to Jesus. So, Christians tend not to get it accurate once they expend lots of bucks getting yourself gifts and yuletide playing cards, thinking that Christ was born in December. For this reason, Xmas is definitely an outdated tradition that shouldn't be held since it is barely a day when businesses reap exorbitant revenue from big revenue they report. Some other cause why Christmas is just a waste of money is as it shouldn't be noted anywhere inside of the Bible to commemorate it. Passover competition would be the only pageant Christians are called on to recall. Over the working day of Passover, Jesus took bread, broke it and gave it to his disciples asking them to choose it as his shape to mark his remembrance . He took a cup of wine, drunk it and gave it to his disciples telling them that it was the covenant of his blood and to drink it sometimes in his remembrance. Nonetheless, no verse during the bible asks Christians to commemorate Jesus' delivery.
Furthermore, Christmas traditions are slowly but surely fading absent. For example, in United states of america, little ones acquired gifts underneath a Xmas tree by Santa Claus, a man who was in purple regalia. Currently, this kind of exercise is less observed all through Xmas. This is because plenty of people feel that Xmas is all about consuming as well as a one day affair wherever consumers put in quite a lot of bucks on Xmas objects and end up being broke the subsequent day. By way of example, another person who's got a large family unit will need to order each individual member a Christmas reward. This would may make them deep extra inside their pockets. Furthermore, wealthy citizens believe the need to acquire more costly items to their associates and household. During Christmas vacations, most organizations place up adverts with the media endeavoring to influence consumers to obtain their programs and products. The leading reason of these kinds of adverts is usually to sway customers into investing in their providers and goods. Considering persons are not that self-sufficient, they deficiency some other preference besides consuming. Thus, Xmas largely gains corporations.
Christmas really is a touchy topic especially for Christians. From the dialogue over, Christmas holiday getaway isn't significant in the least aside from benefiting business industries. While its traditions should really be saved, visitors mustn't take in even more through this pageant. A straightforward "Merry Christmas" greeting to mates and people is far much better than investing in them gifts.


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Tier II Girls 16U
Pool C (NHL)
Pool D (Liberty)
Jessica Olivieri
Kailey Jacobs
Jamie Burke
Kayla Anderson
Meghara McManus
Julia Neelon
Brenna Galvin
Maeve Moynihan
Kara Nelson
Cynthia (Tia) Dawson
Elena Kapolis
Michelle Beggan
Sonja Klumpp
Kelsey Trerice
Cynthia (Tia) Dawson #12·F
Timeline G A PTS SOG SOG % PPG PPA SH SHA PEN PIM FOW FOL TO HIT BS + / - MVP GW FG for 2014 Pool Play
SOG %
AVG PTS
04/02/2014 W 5-1 Mid-Fairfield Stars 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
04/03/2014 W 5-0 at Carolina 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
04/04/2014 L 1-5 at Marquette 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
04/05/2014 W 4-1 KPHA 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
04/05/2014 W 3-2 at Bay State 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
04/06/2014 W 2-1 Marquette 1 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
Pool Play Totals 6 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00
2014 Totals 6 0 0 0 0 0.0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0.00

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


For more than 100 years, NAIFA & NAIFA-Ohio have protected and promoted the professional interests of insurance and financial advisors.
From legislative advocacy and sales innovations, to networking opportunities and skills training, NAIFA offers programs across the full spectrum of financial services.
NAIFA members gain exclusive access to resources and information that enhance their sales skills, grow their professional networks, and build their practices. NAIFA offers access to great education and training opportunities, great discounts on a wide range of sales and marketing resources to help advisors grow and manage their practices more effectively. Most importantly NAIFA provides advisors with a wealth of great sales ideas and strategies by connecting them to a grassroots network of more than 70,000 of the top insurance and financial advisors in the business!
Becoming active in NAIFA's government relations efforts provides advisors a chance to maintain a favorable legislative and regulatory environment. NAIFA provides the "legislative foot soldiers" that connect Advisors with both legislators and regulators. NAIFA has led the fight to maintain the tax benefits of life insurance and annuities.
It has lobbied to keep the Department of Labor (DOL) from mandating a fiduciary standard for retirement accounts. And, among many other legislative and regulatory initiatives, it advocated for the creation of the National Association of Registered Agents and Brokers (NARAB). On the state level NAIFA-Ohio represents Advisors with respect to both agent licensing laws and rules of conduct. Recently it has lobbied successfully against proposals that would restrict the number of Advisors able to provide Section 403(b) coverage for Ohio's K though 12 schoolteachers. NAIFA's IFAPAC is the nation's largest and most successful industry political action committee.
The life insurance industry generates approximately 82,000 jobs in Ohio, including 32,000 direct employees and 50,000 noninsurance jobs.
484 life insurers are licensed to do business in Ohio and 40 are domiciled in the state.
Ohio residents have $981 billion in total life insurance coverage.
State residents own 6 million individual life insurance policies, with coverage averaging $103,000 per policyholder.
Life insurance companies invest approximately $164 billion in Ohio's economy.
About $137 billion of this investment is in stocks and bonds that help finance business development, job creation, and services in the state.
Life insurers pay out $1.6 billion to families and businesses every day. This is nearly as much as the $1.8 billion that is paid by the Social Security Administration.
The life insurance industry generates approximately 2.5 million jobs in the U.S.
If your company provides products or services used on any level of the financial services business, you will want to participate in NAIFA-Ohio's Corporate Sponsorship program.
The NAIFA-Ohio Association of Insurance and Financial Advisors mission is to improve the business environment, enhance the professional skills and promote the ethical conduct of agents and others engaged in insurance and related financial services.
Recognition of your sponsorship support for one year at all NAIFA-Ohio events.
Optional complimentary exhibit at all NAIFA-Ohio events.
Two complimentary registrations at all NAIFA-Ohio events.
One year sponsor link included in each NAIFA-Ohio E-newsletter.
Podium time at a NAIFA-Ohio event of your choice.
Receive the membership list electronically twice during the year.
One complimentary registration at all NAIFA-Ohio events.
Six month sponsor link included in each NAIFA-Ohio E-newsletter.
Receive the membership list electronically once during the year.
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The U.S. Geological Survey began a program of mapping the water table (unconfined aquifers) and potentiometric surface (confined and unconfined aquifers) in Chester County in 1984 in cooperation with the Chester County Water Resources Authority. The maps are used to determine depth to water, direction of groundwater flow, and routes of contaminant movement.
Hale, L.B., 2006a, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in East Nottingham and West Nottingham Townships, Chester County, Pennsylvania, April through June 2004: U.S. Geological Survey Scientific Investigations Map 2911, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Hale, L.B., 2006b, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in the lower White Clay Creek and upper Christina River Basins including portions of Franklin, London Britain, New Garden, and New London Townships, Chester County, Pennsylvania, June through September 2005: U.S. Geological Survey Scientific Investigations Map 2939, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
McManus, B.C., 1990, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in the Triassic sandstones and shales, northern Chester County, Pennsylvania, October 1989 through March 1990: U.S. Geological Survey Water Resources Investigations Report 90-4114, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Mohammad, Abdul, 2000, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in upper Elk Creek watershed, Chester County, Pennsylvania, January through June 1999: U.S. Geological Survey Open-File Report 99-475, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Mohammad, Abdul, 2002, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in Highland and West Fallowfield Townships, Chester County, Pennsylvania, March through July 2001: U.S. Geological Survey Open-File Report 02-167, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Mohammad, Abdul, 2004, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in West Fallowfield, Upper Oxford, and Lower Oxford Townships, Chester County, Pennsylvania, March through July 2002: U.S. Geological Survey Open-File Report 03-262, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Mohammad, Abdul, 2005, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in part of Lower Oxford, East Nottingham, and West Nottingham Townships, and in part of the Borough of Oxford, Chester County, Pennsylvania, April through June 2003: U.S. Geological Survey Scientific Investigations Map 2876, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.
Rowland, C.J., 2000, Altitude and configuration of the potentiometric surface in Warwick and East Nantmeal Townships, Chester County, Pennsylvania, July through December 1998: U.S. Geological Survey Open-File Report 99-458, 1 plate, scale 1:24,000.


The idea of an "Internet of Things" is a concept infused with a lot of excitement in the consumer wearables and home environment, but what does it mean for your business as you work toward omnichannel distribution? Business thrives with structure, and the natural disruption that smart data brings to the party seems incompatible at a glance. Properly leveraged, however, these connected devices and tools are poised to utterly redefine the way we map a route to success—elevating competitiveness beyond the wildest dreams of any supply chain or operations leader only 20 years ago and smoothing the transition into omnichannel fulfillment.
Imagine receiving a shipment where a quick visual scan for freight damage is your only concern.
For high-volume receiving departments, being able to skip the laborious invoice cross-offs and data entry into the SKU system translates to incredible amounts of time and cost savings. With RFID technology becoming cheaper and more accessible, Inbound Logistic's Udaya Shankar muses that soon individual SKUs can be linked to separate RFID tags, enabling a company to "receive" a shipment in one fell swoop. This link will also allow both a supplier and their client to watch the shipment travel in real time, reducing time-consuming check in emails, calls and emergencies.
The days where company assets and machinery can be misplaced, lost or stolen are coming to a close. With everything from desk computers to vehicles linked to accessible cloud-based dashboards, tracking the position of company possessions has never been easier. Steve Banker of Forbes explains that this visibility could even increase efficiency in applications such as vending machines. If employees tasked with filling the machines are able to check fill levels before ever burning gas and mileage, the company as a whole benefits from a better use of their time.
Where achieving a balance of proper stock and future demand insurance used to be a guessing game, Suhas Sreedhar of GT Nexus imagines that future innovations such as smart warehouse shelving will be able to transfer vital data to decision-makers in real time. In addition, rather than relying on periodic audits that are often tinged with human error, these wired-in tools can deliver a steady stream of trends, right down to the day of the month or even hour of the day. This will, in turn, lead to less waste in an omni-channel distribution scheme, more reliable refill order placement and even more space for important assets.
It's easy to get swept up in the excitement of what the IoT could offer, but as any business professional knows, the liabilities it exposes are worth equal consideration. Considering how interwoven technology already is within the supply chain, increased transparency will make your data an even more tempting target for hackers. New program interfaces will be necessary to run and process the new data streams, and with them come new loopholes, complications and bugs.
Mark O'Neill of Supply Management cautions those companies already gearing up for full steam ahead: if solutions to data risk aren't formulated alongside IoT business applications, industries run the risk of getting deeply entrenched in a movement that could end up drowning them.
The answer is to temper the introduction of new IoT tech with a watchful eye towards cautionary tales and potential issues. There should always be an "off" button, and if a company elects to use IoT smart devices in their warehousing or workflows, a stable, realistic plan should be in place in case of accidental or malicious exposure.


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Plectorhinchus cinctus är en fiskart som först beskrevs av Temminck och Schlegel, 1843.  Plectorhinchus cinctus ingår i släktet Plectorhinchus och familjen Haemulidae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Externa länkar

Abborrartade fiskar
cinctus

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Home » Blogs » Security Blog » Hunting the American Terrorist
Hunting the American Terrorist
Zalud's Blog just finished a solid book that all chief security officers should read. American psychiatric organizations on both sides of the country have turned their attention to the new book "Hunting The American Terrorist" by Terry D. Turchie and Dr. Kathleen M. Puckett.
In Miami Beach, the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law recommended the book to its membership at its 38th annual conference held October 18- 21st. The Academy, a worldwide organization of psychiatrists, is dedicated to excellence in the practice and teaching of forensic psychiatry.
In San Francisco, the Langley Porter Psychiatric Institute has invited Dr. Puckett and Mr. Turchie to lecture to its prestigious body on December 3rd. The lecture, to be entitled "Hunting The American Terrorist-the FBI's War on Homegrown Terror," will be a discussion of their book which is an inside view of the last two years of the FBI's pursuit and capture of the notorious Unabomber, Ted Kaczynski, followed by an analysis of the psychological makeup of ten of the most dangerous terrorists in American history. The latter is based on recently de-classified and previously unpublished material, a feature singular to "Hunting The American Terrorist." The Langley Porter Psychiatric Institute is part of the University of California, San Francisco.
Terry D. Turchie was the FBI Unit Director who was brought in from counterintelligence to head up the pursuit of Mr. Kaczynski who successfully eluded capture for sixteen years. Mr. Turchie changed the investigative procedure which resulted in the terrorist's capture in twenty four months. He was also prominent in the pursuit of several other terrorists including Eric Robert Rudolph and Osama Bin Laden before 9/11. He was the recipient of the Attorney General's Award For Distinguished Service and the FBI' Director's Award.
Dr. Kathleen M. Puckett, also brought in from counterintelligence, was an FBI Special Agent and a clinical psychologist for the counterterrorism unit. She was a founding member of the FBI's Behavioral Analysis Program, and she too, was the recipient of the Attorney General's Award for Distinguished Service.
Hunting The American Terrorist, published by History Publishing Company, LLC, is available at bookstores nationwide.
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The Multi V III is a variable-refrigerant-flow (VRF) system for large-scale facilities, such as commercial office buildings, hotels, hospitals, and schools. The third-generation in the Multi V series uses VRF technology that enables improved energy efficiency by allowing occupants to choose whether to air condition or heat only the zones in use. A fast-response cooling or heating feature reaches room set point temperatures 40 percent faster than previous systems. It also is one of the first performance-certified VRF systems, ensuring customers receive verified ratings that comply with all national energy codes.


Finding the perfect solution to meal planning can be tricky. Luckily, technology can help you out. Check out our Pinterest page for everyday dinner recipes or ideas for the spread for an upcoming party. Don't forget your mobile phone is an easy solution to the ever-disappearing grocery list. Try apps like, GroceryIQ to organize your list and coupons. Let your mobile device make meal planning a breeze.


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<?php

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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Litigation for the People
Critics argue that anti-discrimination law fails to challenge the fundamental inequalities of society. For Filipino-American workers, however, it became an important organizing tool in the fight against segregation and unsafe conditions on the job.
Samuel Bagenstos ▪ Fall 2020
Union flyer featuring Ernie Mangaoang (University of Washington)
Union by Law: Filipino American Labor Activists, Rights Radicalism, and Racial Capitalism
by Michael W. McCann and George I. Lovell
University of Chicago Press, 2020, 504 pp.
Can anti-discrimination litigation be a tool for social change? For many years, a contingent on the academic left contended that the answer is no. The Critical Legal Studies movement (CLS) of the 1970s and '80s argued that using litigation to enforce rights privileged lawyers, fed an alienating and individualized discourse, and ultimately had a depoliticizing effect. CLS adherents believed that anti-discrimination laws often legitimated, rather than challenged, the fundamental inequalities of society.
Although CLS is no longer a presence in law schools, its ideas live on. Its critique of rights litigation has been bolstered by the opposition to identity politics from some on the left. In the words of Nancy Fraser, today's neoliberals "[talk] the talk of diversity, multiculturalism, and women's rights, even while preparing to walk the walk of Goldman Sachs." A commitment to anti-discrimination "charge[s] neoliberal economic activity with a frisson of excitement," she writes, and allows it to take on the mantle of "the forward-thinking and the liberatory, the cosmopolitan and the morally advanced."
A remarkable new book by Michael McCann and George Lovell offers a different view. In Union by Law: Filipino American Labor Activists, Rights Radicalism, and Racial Capitalism, McCann and Lovell, professors of political science at the University of Washington, trace the history of Filipino workers in the United States through the last decade of the twentieth century, starting from the U.S. occupation of the Philippines following the Spanish-American War. This review will not spend much time on McCann and Lovell's engaging treatment of U.S. imperialism before and after the Second World War. Rather, it will focus on the implications of their argument for how anti-discrimination law can be a useful political tool and not simply written off as elitist, alienating, and supportive of the status quo.
When CLS adherents formulated the rights critique, they had history on their side. During the early part of the twentieth century, courts deployed rights to property and contract as weapons to stymie minimum wage, child labor, workers' compensation, and other laws that sought to reform the labor market. Even the liberal Warren Court, which dramatically expanded the scope of the First Amendment to cover mainstream civil rights groups such as the NAACP, provided little meaningful protection to the speech of radicals such as members of the Communist Party. When the Burger Court began to deploy the First Amendment to protect commercial speech and, especially, political spending by the rich, the critique appeared to have increasing bite.
Even anti-discrimination law, which had seemed the shining example of successful rights litigation, turned out to be double-edged. As the legal scholar Derrick Bell saw it, anti-discrimination law had "lowered racial barriers for some talented and skilled blacks" and thus encouraged the belief that "racism is dead." Law professor Alan Freeman contended that legal rules took a narrow "perpetrator perspective" in seeking to identify discrimination. By focusing on discrete, identifiable acts of wrongdoing undertaken by specific, blameworthy individuals, the law failed to provide a meaningful response to structural or institutional discrimination that cannot be attributed to the fault of a particular racist or sexist.
These arguments generalized into a harsh indictment. Anti-discrimination law highlights a particular criterion of justice: that of meritocracy. It focuses on a particular understanding of meritocracy: one rooted in economic rationality. And it draws attention to a particular set of threats to meritocracy: the discrete, individual acts of particular defendants. It thus sends the message that if we can just get rid of discrimination, we will have solved the fundamental problem.
Legal theorists such as Patricia Williams, Mari Matsuda, and Kimberlé Crenshaw have observed that the rights critique failed to account for the ways in which civil rights law and litigation offer racial minority groups an organizing and rallying point for challenging the status quo. Their argument was powerful, and the rights critique had largely dropped out of the legal academic discourse by the late 1990s.
Events, however, were moving in the direction of the critics. The rhetoric and apparatus of inclusion along racial, gender, and other identity lines was expanding in governments and workplaces across the nation. By the 2010s, the ideal of diversity—or at least the view that businesses should visibly pledge allegiance to that ideal—had become deeply entrenched across corporate America. Economic inequality was exploding, but businesses used the language of diversity to legitimate their own accumulation of money and power.
Meanwhile, the courts increasingly enforced constitutional rights to thwart democratically adopted efforts at progressive change. During the Obama era alone, the Supreme Court hobbled the Affordable Care Act's expansion of Medicaid, invalidated a key part of the Voting Rights Act, and declared limits on corporate electoral spending to be unconstitutional. In this context, the rights critics of the 1970s and '80s appear as dishonored prophets. It is hardly a surprise that many on the left have warmed to the critique of legal rights in recent years.
That is what makes Union by Law such a timely book. McCann and Lovell fully appreciate the limits of legal rights, and of anti-discrimination law in particular. They note that "the civil rights and due process revolutions" exemplified by the Warren Court and the Civil Rights Act "provided few ideological or institutional resources for leveraging redistribution of economic, social, and political power denied for centuries to racialized, gendered, poor, and other exploited persons." Notwithstanding those legal developments, they acknowledge, "extreme socioeconomic inequality and material marginalization persisted and even worsened in various ways." And the apparent successes of the civil rights era "reinforced innocence among dominant groups about the continuing role of law in coercively sustaining systematic race, class, gender, sexual and religious hierarchies."
"Subaltern groups," according to McCann and Lovell, "concurrently suffer from both a deficit of resources to access liberal legal rights and an excess of violent, illiberal law regulating their lives." The violent, illiberal law governing the workers who are the subjects of Union by Law includes not only the repressive practices of employers, backed by the American legal principle of employment at will, but also the harshness of the U.S. immigration system, which treated "imported, commodified laborers" as effectively disposable. And it includes official repression perpetrated by the United States and the Philippines during the Ferdinand Marcos era, bolstered by the geopolitics of the Cold War.
Yet the authors are not prepared to give up on legal rights mobilization. In their view, "law still provides one of the most important institutionalized sites . . . for subaltern group resistance to . . . hegemonic policies, practices, and relationships in both state and society." They note that "legions of leftist activists in and beyond the United States have embraced the liberal principle of egalitarian citizenship to challenge the proprietarian, profit-based principles of capitalism."
Legal contests, they conclude, "often generate 'forums of protest' that can keep alive alternative ideas and ideals, inspire and hotwire mobilization for new forms of advocacy, keep pressure on dominant groups to reassess their interests in conceding changes that benefit marginalized people, and thus sometimes alter at least slightly the balance of power among social groups." That may not be much, but it is something to celebrate in the ongoing battle for social change.
In their century-spanning discussion, McCann and Lovell highlight Filipino-American workers' "persistent, creative struggles to challenge many forms of institutionalized hierarchy and to advance institutional change in more egalitarian, democratic, and even socialist directions." Although the workers lost in Wards Cove, the 1989 Supreme Court case that is the focus of the book—as they lost at many points on the road to that decision—they also won significant and persistent victories along the way. A review of these successes and failures shows the uses and limits of rights and anti-discrimination. It also offers lessons for future organizing.
Filipino laborers began to migrate to the West Coast of the United States to work in agricultural jobs during the period of formal colonial rule following the Spanish–American War. McCann and Lovell's history reveals that many of these workers brought with them a belief in American ideals of equality and freedom. As with many other oppressed groups in the United States, the gap between those ideals and practical realities inspired a rights consciousness. By the 1920s, grassroots organizations were stoking that rights consciousness and reinforcing a sense of community among Filipino migrants.
From the beginning, these workers and their advocates used law as a crucial tool to organize and to achieve concrete gains. Early cases involved efforts to obtain citizenship for Filipinos who had been honorably discharged from the U.S. military, which had some success in federal district courts before being codified in a 1918 statute. Less successful were challenges to the application of state laws that barred noncitizen Asian migrants from leasing land, until the Second World War altered the political landscape.
In the 1930s, Filipino communities in California and Washington state deployed the law in very different ways to attack bans on interracial marriage. In California, where clerks repeatedly denied marriage licenses to Filipinos who sought to marry whites or Mexican Americans, these individuals took the clerks to court and argued that the legislature did not intend to include Filipinos among the groups who were barred from marrying members of different races. Their claims met with only occasional success. In Washington, by contrast, Filipinos worked with "a broad-based, multiracial, labor-based coalition" to head off the adoption of any ban on interracial marriage. This victory helped to draw more Filipinos—and other people of color—to Seattle, thus reinforcing efforts to build community organizations. And it directly supported "class-based struggles for fundamental change in capitalist economic as well as racial relations."
By that decade, Filipinos, many of whom were recruited from Seattle, were heavily concentrated in seasonal jobs in the Alaskan salmon canneries. The work was dangerous, the terms of employment were exploitive, and the workplace was highly segregated along racial lines. Filipinos worked in the worst and riskiest jobs, were packed into the worst and least sanitary housing in the remote facilities, and received the worst and most inadequate food. With the assistance of New Deal legislation (the National Industrial Recovery Act and then the National Labor Relations Act), these workers formed a union, which came to be "involved in nearly every struggle over civil rights by Filipinos in the Pacific Northwest during the 1930s and years beyond." Through the union, they fought for both racial and class justice.
Throughout the Second World War and the early part of the Cold War, the union faced severe state repression. Laws adopted during the McCarthy era authorized the denaturalization of leftist labor leaders and supported "highly discretionary, even arbitrary state violence against alleged political dissidents and their organizations." Yet, as McCann and Lovell note, "the growing harshness of US state repression, through both law and lawlessness, only solidified and intensified Filipino activist appeals to basic constitutional rights and liberties," with even "self-identified socialists and communists" embracing "the ideals and legal constructions of the 'revolutionary fathers.'"
The cannery workers and their union frequently went to court during this period, but their invocations of legal rights tended to be largely defensive. A particularly striking example came in their response to the years-long effort by the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) to deport "subversive" members of the union. Beginning in 1949, John Boyd, the director of the Seattle immigration district, ordered the arrest of the union's business agent, Ernie Mangaoang, on at least four occasions, and several of those times singled him out for deportation for having been a past member of the Communist Party. But union lawyers took the INS to court, and the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals repeatedly overturned the deportation orders. Before the court issued a ruling in 1955 that finally ended Boyd's campaign, the INS had interrogated 2,000 Filipino cannery workers, jailed over a hundred of them, and sought to deport over a dozen. In the end, although they suffered severely during the process, no leftist Filipino cannery workers were deported. The use of law thus headed off an existential threat to militant unionism, even as it could not stop the "chilling effect on political speech, organization, and advocacy of novel rights claims and visions."
Politically conservative forces took over the union in the 1960s (no doubt aided by the effects of the government's anti-leftist campaigns). By the 1970s, however, a new generation of Filipino Americans began to assert themselves. They had been raised as American citizens and gone to work, as their parents had, in seasonal cannery jobs, often during college breaks from campuses where the activism of the 1960s had taken hold. They found that conditions remained oppressive, unsafe, and racially segregated. Workers of Asian descent continued to work in the harshest jobs, live in substandard quarters, and be blocked, informally if not by explicit rule, from advancement into better positions.
These new activists framed a multifaceted legal and organizing strategy to challenge those work conditions. The workers teamed up with Tyree Scott, an African-American activist who had undertaken numerous direct-action protests challenging racial discrimination in Seattle and was beginning to organize workers nationwide, and Michael Fox, a white attorney in Seattle who had represented the United Farm Workers, among others, and had set up an innovative organization known as the Northwest Labor and Employment Law Office (LELO). LELO sought to ensure that "movement goals would be guiding the lawyers rather than the other way around." Working with LELO, the young Filipino-American activists formed a new nonprofit group, the Alaska Cannery Workers Association (ACWA), which was independent from the cannery workers' union but had membership that overlapped with it.
The mission of the ACWA was to sue the canneries under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act for racial discrimination. Members carefully investigated the conditions at the facilities (including by going undercover as University of Washington business students to gain access), identified a set of plaintiffs that spanned the generations of Filipino Americans in Seattle to facilitate organizing within the community, and filed complaints with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and the courts. They brought three major Title VII cases in the mid-1970s: one against the New English Fish Company, which resulted in a $6 million damages award; one against the NEFCO–Fidalgo cannery, which resulted in a settlement that gave substantial compensation to the plaintiffs and made significant changes at the plant; and one against the Wards Cove Packing Company, which failed in the Supreme Court fifteen years later.
The ACWA activists used their lawsuits as an organizing tool. They brought their cases as class actions, which meant that the suits, if successful, would not just benefit the individual plaintiffs but all of the workers who had experienced discrimination. The class-action device thus facilitated organizing among the cannery workers. The lawsuit also served as a rallying point for the activists' effort to seek democracy within the union. They obtained a major victory in 1980, when a reform slate swept the election for union officers.
These activists also developed connections with opponents of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines and organized within their international union to challenge his repressive regime. These alliances led to tragic violence in 1981, when two key reform leaders in the cannery workers' union were shot dead in Seattle. The ACWA activists responded by carrying out a multipronged strategy—including a civil suit against Marcos himself—to hold the regime accountable for its apparent connection with the killings. Marcos was held liable for $15 million in damages, and the trial served as "an essential vehicle for uncovering numerous unsavory aspects of Marcos's operations in the United States and clandestine U.S. support for its repressive client state," McCann and Lovell write.
The book culminates with the Wards Cove case. Wards Cove was the most prominent of a series of anti–civil rights opinions issued by the Supreme Court in its 1988–89 term under the leadership of William Rehnquist, whom Ronald Reagan had named chief justice in 1986. Although Congress overturned Wards Cove in part of the Civil Rights Act of 1991, the decision marked the end of the era in which disempowered groups looked to the courts to overturn practices of systemic discrimination.
The litigation challenging discrimination in the Alaska canneries ended in a historic loss for the Filipino-American workers. By the time the Supreme Court ruled, the number of cannery jobs had also dropped dramatically, thanks to overfishing in the waters around Alaska, competition from producers in other countries, and changes in consumer tastes.
But the question remains: did the workers who brought lawsuits like Wards Cove do worse by using litigation—and by framing their claims in terms of discrimination—than they would have had they used other political tools? The simple fact is that the workers were up against forces much larger and more powerful than they were: those of class, race, and ecological destruction. The likelihood of prevailing against these forces through any path was not high.
But McCann and Lovell show that, far from depoliticizing them, the litigation helped to advance organization among the Filipino-American workers and to build connections between them and other workers, labor organizers, and political activists, both in Seattle and in the anti-Marcos movement in the Philippines. The anti-discrimination litigation facilitated organizing that led to the displacement of conservative union leadership by a reform slate that campaigned on challenging capitalist repression at home and abroad.
Nor did the civil rights lawsuits rest on arid talk of diversity or meritocracy. On the contrary, they were explicitly framed as challenges to oppression that was both race- and class-based. No doubt this framing resulted in significant part from the fact that the litigation remained driven by the community instead of by its attorneys. That was due in part to the vision of Scott and Fox, who worked to invert the lawyer-dominated paradigm of much public-interest law practice. It was also due to the rights consciousness of the Filipino-American workers themselves, who internalized the radical implications of the long-expressed American ideal of equality.
Although the eventual outcome in Wards Cove was a disappointment, the law provided significant benefits to the community along the way. The financial awards in the other two discrimination cases against the canneries helped many of the workers and their families to live more comfortable lives. The anti-discrimination law thwarted the attempted deportations of radical union leaders during the Red Scare. In 1981, when the union leaders were murdered, civil litigation gave activists both the tools to connect those murders to the Marcos regime and a forum to widely publicize their links to U.S. government activities.
The law was no savior for the Filipino-American workers in Seattle and Alaska. But it did provide a tool that could be used opportunistically to secure concrete gains, organize along race and class lines, and help to advance political goals. Rather than simply writing off anti-discrimination law as inherently neoliberal, we should recognize the important though limited role it can play as one of many tools to achieve more radical ends.
Samuel Bagenstos is a civil rights lawyer and the Frank G. Millard Professor of Law at the University of Michigan Law School.


I wore this lovely little number almost every day I was there… if you have seen my Instagram, then you know I lived in it religiously!
Not only did I get stopped and asked about this trench while traveling around England, but people stop me at my school asking me where to find such a beautiful coat!
The things about a trench coat like this one is that it complements any ensemble you pair it with. It also takes your style to a whole new level of sophistication! I have paired this trench coat with everything from business attire, to casual! Dresses, denim (ripped or not), casual t-shirts, to fancy dresses. Everything and anything you can think of goes with it! I can't understand why on earth I waited so long before letting a trench into my life?
Be prepared to see this trench coat in about 5 other blog posts because it is literately all I wore 🙂 No complaints here! Who else loves a good trench coat?


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What Use Is Literature to Political Philosophy?: Or The Funny Thing about Socrates's Nose
David Robjant
Philosophy and Literature 39 (2):322-337 (2015)
Like Leo Strauss and Karl Popper, most readers take it that one cannot have a political reading of the Republic at all, except by interest in Plato's attitude toward the proposals developed by Socrates and his interlocutors. But this is not true. I do not mean that it is a good idea to cultivate apathy concerning Plato's attitudes to sexual equality, private property, food, war, and so on. I mean that there is this possibility mentioned by Stanley Rosen, that "Plato speaks in the story he tells, not in the arguments he assigns to his dramatis personae."1 That possibility, more usually deployed against Popper, might also worry Strauss. For it is not obvious that treating Socrates as Plato's satirical voice is any..
Keywords Plato Ancient Philosophy Literature Politics Republic
Literature and Emotion in Aesthetics
Literature and Knowledge in Aesthetics
Philosophy of Film in Aesthetics
Plato: Forms of Rule in Ancient Greek and Roman Philosophy
Plato: Interpretive Strategies in Ancient Greek and Roman Philosophy
Plato: Poltical Philosophy, Misc in Ancient Greek and Roman Philosophy
Plato: Republic in Ancient Greek and Roman Philosophy
Political Theory in Social and Political Philosophy
DOI 10.1353/phl.2015.0056
muse.jhu.edu (no proxy)
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City and Soul in Plato's Republic.G. R. F. Ferrari - 2003 - University of Chicago Press.
A Guide to Plato's Republic.Daryl H. Rice - 1997 - Oxford University Press.
The Power Struggle of Republic I.Ioannis Evrigenis - 2010 - History of Political Thought 31 (3):367-382.
Platonism, Moral Nostalgia and the City of Pigs.Rachel Barney - 2001 - Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium of Ancient Philosophy 17 (1):207-27.
Thrasymachus in Plato's Politeia I.Ivor Ludlam - 2011 - Maynooth Philosophical Papers (6):18-44.
Plato's Republic in Its Athenian Context.Debra Nails - 2012 - History of Political Thought 33 (1):1-23.
The Republic. Plato - 2006 - In Thomas L. Cooksey (ed.), Masterpieces of Philosophical Literature. Greenwood Press.
Women in Plato's Political Theory.Morag Buchan - 1999 - Routledge.
Plato's Philosophers: The Coherence of the Dialogues.Catherine H. Zuckert - 2009 - University of Chicago Press.
How Philosophy Became Socratic: A Study of Plato's "Protagoras," "Charmides," and "Republic".Laurence Lampert - 2010 - University of Chicago Press.
The Ancient Quarrel Between Philosophy and Poetry Revisited: Plato and the Greek Literary Tradition.Susan B. Levin - 2000 - Oxford University Press.
The Psychology of Politics: The City-Soul in Plato's Republic.Ioannis D. Evrigenis - 2005 - History of Political Thought 23 (4):49-59.


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Q: Using atlas in QGIS server GetPrint? I have a QGIS project that utilizes an atlas to change the symbology and map extents based on a vector layer's features. I'm looking to use QGIS server to create and serve PDFs on demand.
Is there a way to utilize this functionality in a QGIS server GetPrint request?

A: You could use the qgis-atlasprint python QGIS server (2.18) plugin

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


This article explores the impact of recent trends towards privatism through a study of neighbourhood governance in Baltimore and Bristol and considers its implications for the big society in the UK. The self-help ideology of the big society has been prevalent in Baltimore for many years and the city's experience highlights profound difficulties in substituting volunteering for government-led revitalization. The article concludes that the Baltimore experience is a warning to British policy-makers, posing a major dilemma.


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Four things to know about the new political season in Ukraine
Saakashvili supporters forcefully drag the politician across the border from Poland to Ukraine. Photo: rbc.ua
2017/09/13 - 03:48 • Featured, International
Article by: Olena Makarenko
Edited by: Alya Shandra
Autumn is a hot time for politics. On September 5, the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada (Parliament) got back to work. Also, in Ukraine, autumn is a period of activated discussions about early parliamentary elections, no matter whether chances for them are high or meager. Still, in general, Ukrainian politicians act like the next elections are just around the corner: no need for strategical decisions, it's all about ratings and self-promotion.
The beginning of the season was also spiced up by the scandal over ex-Georgian president and ex-Odesa Oblast governor Mikheil Saakashvili whom President Poroshenko deprived of citizenship a month ago, and who entered the territory of Ukraine by force on 10 September 2017.
Saakashvili is an ardent devotee of early elections. But does his political force really have power? Euromaidan Press collected some facts helpful to understanding the processes happening in Ukrainian politics.
What the ratings say
Over two post-Euromaidan years, the ruling coalition lost its positions. Image: Euromaidan Press. Note: the poll quoted in the further text is a more recent one, from April 2017.
First of all, let's take a look at what Ukrainians think about politics and politicians. According to the poll of the Razumkov Think Tank conducted in April 2017, the Parliament has an extremely low level of trust among the population. Only 9% of respondents said that they trust this institution and 86.6% said that they do not. Only 1.9% fully support the actions of the Parliament and 67.5% do not. Talking about political parties in particular, 83.5% of respondents do not trust them.
The majority (60%) see the political situation in Ukraine as being tense, 30% as being critical, and only 6% as being calm.
The relative majority supports holding the early parliamentary elections, but a fairly large share (35%) does not think it is a good idea.
There are several factors which can precipitate early elections. If plenary sessions aren't opened for 30 days, if the government cannot be formed for 60 days, or if the coalition in parliament breaks and the new one can't be formed within a month, the President of Ukraine has the right to dissolve parliament and announce early elections.
So far, the official coalition is represented by Petro Poroshenko's Bloc and Narodniy Front, the party of ex-Prime Minister Arseniy Yatseniuk.
The fight for ratings is tough and Yuliya Tymoshenko's Batkivshchyna is so far the leader.
According to the mutual research of Ilko Kucheriv Democratic Initiatives Foundation and Razumkov Think Tank, the ratings the following:
Batkivshchyna – 11.2%
Petro Poroshenko's Bloc – 9.3%
Hromadianska Pozytsia – 8.3%
Opposition Bloc – 8.4%
Za Zhyttia – 7.7%
Radical Party of Oleh Lyashko – 7.3%
Samopomich – 5.8%.
*The data represent the opinion of those who are ready to come and vote
The rest of the parties do not reach the 5% threshold needed to get into parliament. Coalition member Narodniy Front gets only 1.7%. And Rukh Novyh Syl, the political party of Saakashvili, currently unrepresented in Parliament, gets only 1.8%. However, his party already has strong allies.
New forces and coalitions
Ukrainian politician Yulia Tymoshenko, Georgian ex-President Mikheil Saakashvili, Polish member of the European Parliament Jacek Saryusz-Wolski, after Saakashvili's entrance to Ukraine. Photo: Denis Kazansky, facebook.com/den.kazansky
During his Skype press conference from the US on the situation with his citizenship, Saakashvili announced that the mobilization of Ukrainian pro-democracy forces is planned for autumn.
Among the strongest allies of Saakashvili's Rukh Novyh Syl is actually Batkivshchyna. Its leader Yuliya Tymoshenko herself expressed her support to the ex-governor of Odesa Oblast, visited him in Poland, accompanied him on his forceful journey across the Ukrainian border, and said she is going to coordinate her actions with Rukh Novyh Syl.
"It is unacceptable for a president who came to power through a democractic uprising to fight his opponents in such a way. We will support the return of citizenship to Mykheil Saakashvili," said Tymoshenko.
This partnership helps both forces to advocate for early elections. With its relatively high ratings, Batkivshchyna has a real chance to increase the number of their MPs in case new elections take place.
After breaking into Ukraine, Saakashvili traveled to Lviv, where he met with Samopomich leader Andriy Sadovyi (here shown in a Lviv cafe). Photo: antikor.com.ua
Also, Saakashvili has been talking about a political alliance with Samopomich, led by Lviv Mayor Andriy Sadovyi, another party represented in parliament.
"This [union] has to happen and I am certain that it will happen," said Saakashvili just before Poroshenko announced his controversial decision on Saakashvili's citizenship.
The leader of Samopomich Oleh Bereziuk confirmed that the talks on that indeed took place, however, he does not see sense in such union:
"On which base should it happen? You can rally around an idea – to fight for the anti-corruption courts or new electoral legislation. You can ally in a majority constituency when a number of parties is united and shares the influence in a constituency."
Another reason why the unity of Rukh Novyh Syl and Samopomich might not happen is that in spring 2017 the party Volia joined Saakashvili's force. Some time ago, Volia had a conflict with Samopomich.
Saakashvili and Hrytsenko at a Rukh Novykh Syl rally in Chernivtsi, 9 March 2017. Photo: screenshot from video
One more potential ally of Saakashvili is Anatoliy Hrytsenko and his Hromadianska Pozytsiya. Hrytsenko is an old-timer of Ukrainian politics. In 2000s, he held the position of Minister of Defense. In 2014, he ran for presidential elections and got only 5.48% of votes. Later that year, his Hromadianska Pozytsia didn't reach the 5% threshold during the parliamentary elections. However, now his ratings are quite high. According to Hrytsenko himself, since March of this year, he is an organizer of the negotiation process on the union. He names Samopomich, Rukh Novyh Syl, European Party of Ukraine and others among the forces which it will include.
"I received a mandate from Hromadianska Pozytsiya on holding such negotiations and permission to lower the flag of our party before the flag of another, bigger political force, if needed. We are ready to take away any ambitions, related to personified, personnel etc., only to make this union happen," said Hrytsenko.
Despite the high ratings, the experts do not expect that during elections Hrytsenko and his party alone will gain a lot.
"Hrytsenko has a formed image. He is ancient. He does not need any changes or adjustments. However, during the elections there are less people who vote for him than those who have a good attitude towards him," says Oleksiy Antipov, the head of the Sociological Group Rating.
The expert explains this phenomenon by the existence of other forces which are brighter, more convincing, and with have more resources, in particular, with more of advertisement. However, the situation with Hrytsenko is different in the period between elections, when the players do not really advertise themselves and just are present in the information field. Ukrainians' total disappointment in other politicians plays out negatively for Hrytsenko, as he during his period in power had not discredited himself.
Not only the so-called coalition of democratic forces has noticeable players. The ratings of the party of Vadym Rabynovych, Za Zhyttia, are also growing. Officially, Rabynovych is still a member of Opposition Bloc, a party represented in parliament which is the successor of the Party of Regions of runaway president Viktor Yanukovych. If Hrytsenko does not promote himself, Rabynovych uses every opportunity for that, by giving endless interviews to NewsOne, a TV channel created by him and now owned by another MP, and another loyal channel 112, and by spreading his populist messages on billboards.
Populism is the main strong point of Rabynovych. His electorate is people who are disappointed in the Opposition Bloc. Za Zhyttia promotes "peace at any price," promising to end the four-year conflict between Russian-led separatists in eastern Ukraine and the Ukrainian army, even if it means Ukrainian capitulation, and is quite loyal to Russia. In the past, the party organized protests demanding the resignation of the head of the National Bank Valeriya Hontareva. The goal was not reached, but the party received a lot of media coverage. Some experts say that the Administration of the President acted in support of the protests to drown out more dangerous opponents, like Batkivshchyna.
Also, there are some movements within the so-called right forces. Two outsiders of the last elections, Svoboda and Right Sector, and the new party Natsionalnyi Korpus, created out of the members of the Public Organization Azov, united to pursue common goals, the first of which is the fight against Russian business.
How parties spend their money
A promotional billboard for Radical Party leader Oleh Liashko shows him promising to return Crimea to Ukraine. Photo: mskod.com
Recently, Ukraine made an important step towards transparency by adopting the Law on Preventing and Counteracting Political Corruption. According to it, parties started receiving state funding in order to stop being oligarch projects. So far, the funding is available to only those who got to parliament. After the next elections, the parties which are supported by at least 2% Ukrainians will be able to receive funds from the state, too. However, for that, parties should report on their expenditures. Results from the first six months of 2017, however, show that for some parties self-promotion is a number one priority.
Still, some parties are funded not only by the state.
The state funds are allocated proportionally according to the results of the party during the elections. The results for the second quarter, according to the parties reports, voiced over by the NGO Сommittee of Voters of Ukraine:
The Radical Party of Oleh Liashko spent nearly $500,000, some $492,000 of which came from the state. The party spent 45% of all funds on TV-advertisement.
Samopomich spent $760,000, 98% of which came from the state budget). The biggest share (29%) went for the party's newspaper. Also they spent over $38,000 for TV and Radio ads.
Opposition Bloc received state money for the first time. According to their report, they spend the least amount: $115,000, of which $50,000 came from the state. They spent ⅓ on ads.
Batkivshchyna spent $165,000, of which nearly $154,000 was state money. The biggest share, ⅓, went to pay for rent.
Presidential Petro Poroshenko's Bloc used only state funds – nearly $850,000. 62% was used to develop the regional network.
And Narodnyi Front over three months spent $818,000 ($718,000 came from the state) – 36% for salaries, 37% for rent, and 24% for taxes and fees.
Oleksiy Koshel, the head of the Commitee of Voters of Ukraine, called Oleh Lyashko's and Samopomich's practice of spending state fund for self-promotion a "shameful practice:" "Instead of developing local organizations and educating members of the party, these political forces continue to buy ads, in fact wasting the money of taxpayers."
"Instead of developing local organizations and educating members of the party, these political forces continue to buy ads, in fact wasting the money of taxpayers." The expert also noted that
The expert also noted that that his organization developed changes to legislation which forbid to spend state money for political advertisement.
"It is necessary to note that our parliament does not correspond to the requests of society and all main political forces are preparing to the next elections," says Andriy Vydyshchenko, the expert of the Kyiv Center of Political Studies and Conflictology. According to him, the situation is difficult for both coalition parties, Petro Poroshenko's Bloc and Narodnyi Front, which try to strengthen their positions. Particularly, Petro Poroshenko's Bloc attempts to consolidate its power in the regions.
Why elections can't change the political situation significantly
Image: Euromaidan Press
Whether there will be early or regular elections in Ukraine, it is very unlikely that they will significantly change the situation in the country, first of all, because of the existing electoral rules and conditions.
Among the main obstacles for fair elections and electing good leaders there are:
The mixed voting system which in Ukraine includes all the drawbacks of the proportional and majority voting systems. In particular, it opens the doors for using administrative resources, can let winners have an absolute minority of votes. Also, the system does not encourage the renewal of political elites. Discussions on the electoral reform had started long ago. However, so far the reform is promoted mostly by activists.
The Old Central Election Commission continues to work, despite the expiration of its term. If the situation is not changed, it might undermine the legitimacy of the next elections.
Among other obstacles, there are the numerous violations during elections, the overall poverty of the population and resulting popularity of populism, as well as the lack of conditions for a new generation of politicians to enter the world of big politics.
Last but not least, the country is still ruled by oligarchs, and any major political decisions indulge their interests.
One of the main oligarchs in Ukraine is actually its president Petro Poroshenko. According to Opendatabot, he is second in the list of Ukrainians owning the largest amount of companies – 76. The richest oligarch in the country, Rinat Akhmetov, is number one, with 303 companies. Officially, these two represent completely different political forces. However, recently Ukrainian media point to the collaboration between Akhmetov and Poroshenko more and more often. Especially when talking about the energy sector, which is almost monopolized by Akhmetov, despite the de-oligarchization announced by the president.
The policy of the president which increasingly starts being referred to as an usurpation does not score him any positive points. According to the above-mentioned poll, 51.7% of respondents do not support his actions, 71.9% do not trust him, while only 22% do.
There are also positive aspects in the fact that Ukrainians are disappointed by those who are in power. It means that neither the president, nor parliamentarians can be totally safe. Apart from fulfilling their own interests, they also have act on behalf of the country to gain some approval.
The new season is a time for battles and compromises.
New law may be the end of oligarch-controlled politics in Ukraine | #UAreforms
Reform to deoligarchize Ukrainian politics reaps first results
Electing bad leaders in Ukraine: how to break the vicious cycle #UAreforms
Saakashvili enters Ukraine after fans storm border crossing
Tags: elections, Featured, Hrytsenko, international, Petro Poroshenko, Saakashvili, Tymoshenko
Olena Makarenko
Olena Makarenko is a journalist at Euromaidan Press. In 2014, Olena started working as a volunteer on public initiatives focusing on building civil society and promoting dialogue between people from different regions of Ukraine.
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Types of Injuries Sustained in Lakewood Dump Truck Accidents
Dump truck accidents are frequent occurrence throughout the local area. Whether caused by a driver's error, lack of care, or failing to maintain their vehicles, the types of injuries sustained in a dump truck accident could prove to be painful and costly.
If you have been injured, or would like to learn more about the claims process, be sure to get in touch with a professional attorney today for legal assistance.
Why are Dump Trucks so Dangerous?
Dump truck accidents are particularly hazardous because they carry extremely heavy loads such as dirt or pieces of cement and other building materials and residues which are normally extremely heavy. Whenever a person is involved in a collision with a heavy vehicle, they are likely to suffer serious injuries. Also, since the driver in the dump truck is very high off the ground, the height can obscure the vision of the driver and cause blind spots all around the vehicle.
Lastly, dump trucks are often involved with frequent backing. Backing dump trucks with huge blind spots can cause accidents with pedestrians and workers who are not aware of the sudden backing of the dump truck or the dumping of the dump truck. Consequently, due to the increased possibility of a variety of accident, dump trucks can be extremely hazardous and cause the same sorts of injuries as auto accident but with much more serious consequences.
What Does an Insurance Adjuster Have to Account for in a Dump Truck Accident?
There are multiple factors that an insurance carrier has to account for, including the carelessness of the driver, whether the driver was intoxicated or involved with drug use in the process of driving, whether the driver employed safety procedures in the operation of the dump truck, whether the driver received appropriate training in the operation as a dump truck, whether the driver inspected the dump truck–whether the driver was trained to inspect the dump truck by his employer, whether the driver-was this driver inspected his vehicle, was the driver is careless, the driver's percentage of negligence involved in the accident versus that of the employer or others involved in the accident.
What Types of Damages Could Victims Recover in a Lakewood Truck Accident?
Among the damages that people might seek, although not an exhaustive list, would include pain and suffering, loss of enjoyment of recreational activity and other activities enjoyed by the injured party that they may never be able to participate in again, and future wage loss where the injured party has become so disabled by the accident that they will experience a loss of wage in their employment for the rest of their life.
Punitive damages are dependent on whether the company or driver had been cited previously for negligence and whether remedial steps had been taken previously. An experienced attorney could pursue these types of injury for an injured party.
Schedule a Consultation Today to Get Started
The types of injuries sustained in Lakewood dump truck accidents could prove to be quite severe. Not only would victims face a significant amount in damages, but they may also miss time from work in order to heal from their injuries. With these combined factors, victims cannot afford to not have the guilty party held accountable.
To learn more about filing a claim for compensation, get in touch with an experienced attorney today.
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Bank of America Corp (NYSE:BAC) released its quarterly earnings results on Tuesday. The financial services provider reported $0.70 EPS for the quarter, topping the consensus estimate of $0.65 by $0.05, MarketWatch Earnings reports. Bank of America had a return on equity of 11.66% and a net margin of 25.45%. The business had revenue of $23 billion during the quarter, compared to analyst estimates of $23.24 billion. During the same period last year, the business posted $0.62 earnings per share. The company's quarterly revenue was down .4% on a year-over-year basis.
Shares of NYSE BAC opened at $29.88 on Wednesday. The stock has a market cap of $305.67 billion, a price-to-earnings ratio of 11.45, a price-to-earnings-growth ratio of 1.31 and a beta of 1.47. The company has a quick ratio of 0.91, a current ratio of 0.92 and a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.94. Bank of America Corp has a 1 year low of $22.66 and a 1 year high of $31.91.
The firm also recently declared a quarterly dividend, which was paid on Friday, March 29th. Shareholders of record on Friday, March 1st were issued a dividend of $0.15 per share. This represents a $0.60 dividend on an annualized basis and a yield of 2.01%. The ex-dividend date of this dividend was Thursday, February 28th. Bank of America's dividend payout ratio (DPR) is 22.99%.
A number of research analysts recently issued reports on BAC shares. ValuEngine lowered Bank of America from a "hold" rating to a "sell" rating in a report on Friday, March 1st. Wells Fargo & Co set a $36.00 target price on Bank of America and gave the company a "buy" rating in a report on Wednesday, January 16th. Daiwa Capital Markets lowered Bank of America from an "outperform" rating to a "market perform" rating in a report on Friday, February 8th. Edward Jones upgraded Bank of America from a "hold" rating to a "buy" rating in a report on Wednesday, January 9th. Finally, Jefferies Financial Group reiterated a "buy" rating on shares of Bank of America in a report on Tuesday, January 8th. One equities research analyst has rated the stock with a sell rating, ten have issued a hold rating and seven have given a buy rating to the company. The stock has a consensus rating of "Hold" and a consensus target price of $33.24.
ILLEGAL ACTIVITY WARNING: "Bank of America (BAC) Releases Quarterly Earnings Results, Beats Estimates By $0.05 EPS" was posted by Stock Observer and is owned by of Stock Observer. If you are viewing this report on another publication, it was stolen and republished in violation of United States & international copyright and trademark laws. The correct version of this report can be viewed at https://www.thestockobserver.com/2019/04/17/bank-of-america-bac-releases-quarterly-earnings-results-beats-estimates-by-0-05-eps.html.


You can make hearts, flowers, circles,ovals, teardrops, leaves and more.With just these four templates.
Adele's Tips: try with paper before using your good fabric.
Look for Sue's new book to go along with these versatile tools.


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Allegan, MI Residents Voice Concerns Over Proposed Roundabout
Lauren Gordon
Lauren Gordon Published: February 10, 2022
When I say I love roundabouts, I know I am in the minority. I also know it's a touchy subject for Kalamazoo locals especially, as the city is home to one of the most infamous roundabouts in the state. When comparing roundabouts to traditional traffic intersections experts use terms like "safer" and "simpler" but most drivers think roundabouts are super confusing! I simply think they're misunderstood.
The City of Allegan is set to vote on a resolution regarding the construction of a roundabout at the intersection of M-89 and M-40 on February 14 and Allegan residents do not seem too thrilled with this news! In a recent Facebook post, Allegan residents were asked whether they were in favor or against a new roundabout being put in at the busy intersection. Though a few residents came to the defense of roundabouts, most chimed in with a resounding NO.
Here's what Allegan residents are saying:
Maria Cross
"They do help with the flow, but some Michigan drivers are so inexperienced with them it would suck for quite awhile. I don't like them at all, but the back up can be pretty bad there so I get it."
Colleen Johnson
"Totally against it!!!!! There is too much traffic at that intersection for that. The other problem is at fair time what a mess that would be!!!!"
Greg Woodard
"Against. There doesn't even appear to be enough room to have one put in"
As an Allegan resident myself, I would love to see a roundabout put in at that intersection. It's no secret that the City of Allegan has been seriously exploring the roundabout idea for several years. However, councilmembers believe their biggest obstacle will be educating the public on how to properly use them.
The beauty of the roundabout is two-fold: First, you only have to look in one direction for on-coming traffic. Second, you're not required to come to a complete stop before entering the traffic circle if no one else is coming. Yes, did you know that's what 'YIELD' means? Because I don't know if enough Michigan drivers do!
What are your thoughts on the possibility of seeing more roundabouts pop up in West Michigan?
The 10 Scariest Intersections In Kalamazoo
We asked our audience what they though the 10 scariest intersections were in Kalamazoo. As someone who has to drive to these everyday, I'd have to agree.
Filed Under: Allegan, roundabout
Want to Buy a Bowling Alley? This One's Up For Sale in West Michigan
If You Are Terrified of Roundabouts, Here Are The 10 Most Dangerous Roundabouts In Michigan
Battle Creek Sets Q&A Session For Roundabout Naysayers And Others
Battle Creek Explores A Roundabout at North Ave And Emmett Street
The Sprinkle Rd Roundabout Needs A Walk Up Song For Safety's Sake
Is There A Flaw In Kalamazoo's New Roundabout On Gull Road?
It's Finally Open; The Gull Street/Ransom Street Roundabout
MDOT Holding Meeting To Discuss Roundabout On M-40 Near Paw Paw


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Kōta Hattori (jap. , Hattori Kōta; * 22. November 1977 in der Präfektur Chiba) ist ein ehemaliger japanischer Fußballspieler.

Karriere
Hattori erlernte das Fußballspielen in der Schulmannschaft der Shibuya Makuhari High School. Seinen ersten Vertrag unterschrieb er 1996 bei Sanfrecce Hiroshima. Der Verein spielte in der höchsten Liga des Landes, der J1 League. 1996 und 1999 erreichte er das Finale des Kaiserpokals. Am Ende der Saison 2002 stieg der Verein in die J2 League ab. 2003 wurde er mit dem Verein Vizemeister der J2 League und stieg in die J1 League auf. 2007 erreichte er das Finale des Kaiserpokals. Am Ende der Saison 2007 stieg der Verein wieder in die J2 League ab. 2008 wurde er mit dem Verein Meister der J2 League und stieg erneut in die J1 League auf. 2010 erreichte er das Finale des J.League Cup. Für den Verein absolvierte er 450 Spiele. 2012 wechselte er zum Zweitligisten Fagiano Okayama. Für den Verein absolvierte er 14 Spiele. Ende 2012 beendete er seine Karriere als Fußballspieler.

Erfolge
Sanfrecce Hiroshima
 J.League Cup
 Finalist: 2010
 Kaiserpokal
 Finalist: 1996, 1999, 2007

 Supercup: 2008

Weblinks

Fußballspieler (Sanfrecce Hiroshima)
Fußballspieler (Fagiano Okayama)
Japaner
Geboren 1977
Mann


There are plenty of ways to add value to your home, and one of the most cost-effective is by improving your garden.
The Telegraph in answering the question "Do gardens add value to properties?" point out that a well-maintained garden can add 20% to your property value.
Then again, you neither need to spend a fortune nor take up topiary, to improve your garden, because the simpler changes appeal more to buyers who are generally put off by fussy-looking spaces and gardens that are hard to maintain.
Short-term improvements are for people thinking of selling their home soon. So, it makes perfect sense that you opt for simple, low-cost improvements that you can do quickly. One obvious improvement you can do is give your garden a thorough clean up.
You can then give your plants a "lift," which is sometimes called crown lifting. This process entails removing the lower branches from trees and shrubs, which can make plants look cleaner and improves their overall shape.
Next, you can "top dress your pots," and here is how you can do it: Look for established plants and simply scrape away the top 5 cm of compost from their pots.
Make sure you do this carefully using your fingers, a kitchen fork, or a blunt pencil. By doing this it will remove weeds, moss, and dead leaves, but be very careful so as not to break or damage the roots. After this, replace the compost you have scraped away with a layer of fresh compost or even decorative mulch.
You should also consider improving the lighting in your garden by installing outdoor lights. This is relatively easy, will not cost an arm and a leg, and will take very little of your time.
You can use fences and furniture as attachment points, or you can dangle them from canes stuck in the ground or on the branches of tall plants.
In contrast to short-term improvements, long-term changes are for people thinking of selling their home a few years down the road.
As these improvements are done with the view towards the future, you can, therefore, plan accordingly and invest a little more in the way of resources, time, and labour. And in many ways, these long-term renovations are better investments, as they will add a lot more value to your home.
Installing a pergola comes to mind right away, as this garden feature will give your space a more sophisticated look. Just take a look at the rose pergola at Kew Gardens in London (pictured above) and you'll see what we mean. If you are handy with woodwork, you can build pergolas from scratch.
This will save you money compared to buying one from a garden centre. Screwfix feature an array of pergolas that show the different types that are popular in the UK. Most are made from natural timber, are pressure-tested and come with a manufacturer's guarantee of 15 to 20 years.
Due to the length of the standard guarantees being offered, your pergola is sure to be an integral part of your garden for a long time; that is until you ultimately sell your home.
Another feature that will add value to your property is a water feature. Whether it is a small pond or a water fountain, this will make your home attractive to many buyers, as it will be an extra cost they won't have to spend on improving the garden.
A water feature will give your garden a focal point and help prospective buyers plan their own garden around it.
We've given you more than enough pointers to improve your garden already. Now, it's up to you to add 20% more value to your home by trying out our tips.


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Q: how to double nest angular ng-repeat I have a template which is constructed in the following way...

Is it possible to nest two repeats inside an ng-repeat? if so based on the example above is this the correct html method?
i also have a  json file which looks like the following:
    image: "http://www.colette.fr/media/push/swa_mmm_001255.jpg",
                                productTitle: "Ipath lowrunner",
                                productDesc: "Low skateshoes - Grey",
                                user: "knows",
                                price: "$17",
                                productImgs: [
                                                {img: "http://www.colette.fr/media/push/swa_mmm_001255.jpg"},
                                                {img: "http://www.colette.fr/media/push/paddin265.jpg"}
                                ]
                            },

However i have noticed the productImg content does not appear when view through inspect element. Again is the correct structure when double nesting an ng-repeat function - if this even can be done?
click on demo for a more in depth example

A: You aren't repeating over the proper array within the nested repeat. I scaled your demo down to just relevant html for the question

{{productObject.productDesc}}

Repeating images

DEMO


When booking accommodation Mackay, at The Shores Holiday Apartments the following terms and conditions apply.
stay will be charged. The balance of accommodation is payable on arrival. For bookings cancelled 48 hours or less prior to arrival date, the total price of the booking will be charged. If the guest fails to arrive the total price of the booking will be charged.
a cancellation fee equal to the total price of the accommodation booked. Deposits are not transferable to alternative dates.
number provided to confirm the booking. The balance of accommodation is payable on arrival. Changes to the booking may be permitted subject to the Managers' approval. Deposits are not transferable to alternative dates.
number provided to confirm the booking. The balance of accommodation is payable on arrival. Changes to the booking may be permitted subject to the Managers' approval. Cancellations made within 14 days of the scheduled arrival date will incur a cancellation fee equal to the total cost of the accommodation booked.
number provided to confirm the booking. Changes to the booking may be permitted subject to the Managers' approval. For long term stays accommodation is payable every 7 days. For Group Bookings the balance is payable on arrival. Payment can be by credit card, Company account, or direct deposit. Cancellations made within 30 days of the scheduled arrival date will incur a cancellation fee equal to the total cost of the accommodation booked.
reserve the right to apply a $250.00 surcharge to guests who smoke in units or doorways.
please advise us on booking. Click to see our Property Layout.
instructions. Departure time is 10.00 am unless prior approval has been obtained from Management.


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The Sharpie was featured in the Dutch nautical magazine "De Waterkampioen". The Sharpie is a 9.50m trailerable sailing yacht that was launched in 2008. It's a unique ship with two removable masts and a lifting keel and rudder. It will dry out upright and is therefore very well suited for shallow waters. The design is based on a traditional American yacht.
De Bravoure 50 is the newesr design for de Drait Yachting. It's the fourth design in the series Bravoure 34, 40, 45 en 50.
This 23m Motorjacht has been launched on december 18th in St. Petersburg. The yacht was developed in conjunction with Guido de Groot Design for a Russian yard. At this moment 4 yachts are being built.
This yacht is being designed for a Dutch owner. The length is 24m and the yacht is seagoing, but with the possibility to go through the French channels. Breadth and height are therefore restricted to resp. 4.95 and 3.50m.
Building of this 40m Motoryacht has started in Turkey. It was developed together with Guido de Groot. We did the complete technical design.
This motoryacht is the larger sister of the Hudson 26 and is being designed for Menken Maritiem. It's a fast seagoing motoryacht with a large cockpit.
This design of this boat is an assignment from Asia. It is a 10m Walkaround Sportsboat. It can be equipped with either 2 225 hp outboards or a 260 hp sterndrive diesel.
De Newport Bass Convertible is a new version of the highly popular Newport Bass. It is the more conventional version of the "open" standard Newport Bass. The unique round seating area can also be found in this version.
This is a new yacht for Menken Maritiem, with a length of 7.85m. It's a new design for a modern classic. The yacht can be bought in several versions with speeds up to 35 knots. Building of the moulds has started and the first boats have been sold.
At this moment we are working on this design for a 17m high-speed motor yacht . In January building the plug and mould has started. We will deliver the complete design, including technical installations. Maximum speed will be 34 knots. We got this assignment from a Chinese yard.
The hull of this 23m motor yacht is almost finished. Styling and interior design are by Guido de Groot. We've done the complete naval architecture and technical design. The yacht is being built in St. Petersburg, Russia.
Op de Hiswa van 2005 was voor het eerst het paviljoen "PASSION FOR BOATS ingericht. In dit paviljoen waren de jachten van bekende Nederlanders te zien. Wij waren vertegenwoordigd met maar liefst 4 jachten, waaronder dit jacht van Jan des Bouvrie.
Dutchess has arrived in Rotterdam on september 26th. She was launched directly from the containership and sailed on her own keel to Sassenheim.
The Bravoure is our newest standard design. It is 10.25m long and is a very comfortable motoryacht designed for a couple with occasional guests.
The Newport Bass construction was introduced in 2004. Already 25 boats have been sold. Boats can be delivered as standard with 3 interior versions and speeds up to 28 knots.
The first Riffler Pilot has been sold on December 17th 2002. The hull construction has been completed. Also the deck has been finished. Th yacht will make its debut at Hiswa the Water 2003 in-water boat show in September.
Our newest project. This is for a slender 20m motoryacht. The boat will be narrow at only 4.00m. This to be fitted wit small engines for a high efficiency. Sea keeping capabilities will be very good.
On November 29th 2002 the first Jan des Bouvrie Riffler was delivered to Jan des Bouvrie himself. The yacht was handed over after a spectaculair demonstration.
This is our newest assignment: a 26 meter Motoryacht. This is all we can show. We have just started.
We have almost completed the construction drawings for this yacht. Construction is to Lloyd's Register.
Schiedamseweg 57
3121 JE Schiedam
email: info@jensdesign.nl
t+31 10 4704862 f+31 10 4713067