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Home > What Does America Get for Its Military Aid?
What Does America Get for Its Military Aid?
February 22, 2018 Topic: Security Region: Middle East Tags: Middle EastTrumpMilitarySalesNDAAForeignWeaponsArabs
Too often the United States has sold or transferred weapons to Arab friends and allies with little regard to their military utility and the recipients' capacity to use them.
by Bilal Y. Saab
ON OCTOBER 16, 2017, Baghdad dispatched troops to the oil-rich city of Kirkuk with the goal of retaking it from Iraq's Kurds, who had plans of creating an independent state in the northern part of the country. Not only did Iraq's security forces, trained and equipped by Washington, assault a crucial U.S. ally in the fight against the Islamic State (also known as ISIS), they did it with the help of Qassim Suleimani, Tehran's top operative in the Middle East, who reveled in seeing Iraqi militias under his control use American Abrams tanks and Humvees in pursuit of their mission.
This wasn't the first time that something had gone terribly wrong in U.S. security assistance to Middle Eastern partners. In Syria, the United States spent four years and burned through more than a billion dollars trying to create a rebel force that would be able to rein in the influence of the country's jihadists. The result was nothing short of disastrous. A minuscule number of Syrians ultimately made it through several U.S. training programs, and many who had received military support from Washington made a devil's bargain with Al Qaeda and transferred U.S. equipment to the terrorist group.
Frustration in Washington with U.S. military assistance to Middle Eastern partners has been noticeably on the rise, and Iraq and Syria only tell part of the story. In public and closed hearings on Capitol Hill, members of Congress have more assertively voiced their concerns to Defense and State Department officials about human-rights problems, and American weapons' misuse or seizure by terrorists. In June 2017, almost half the Senate voted against delivering precision-guided munitions to Saudi Arabia (worth $500 million) for its war in Yemen. A month later, President Donald Trump terminated what was left of the CIA's program to support Syrian rebels and expressed interest in slashing several countries' foreign military financing (FMF) programs and turning parts of them into loans. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson cut almost $96 million in military and economic aid to Egypt, while withholding another $195 million in FMF.
America's exasperation with security assistance to its Middle Eastern friends is perfectly understandable, but it hasn't led to a useful policy debate. Instead of addressing the more fundamental issues that have plagued security assistance for so long, Washington has only dealt with the symptoms. Also, it has focused on criticizing the recipients of U.S. aid and blaming them for most, if not all, of the failures, while conveniently ignoring its own problems. Contrary to political instinct in Congress, the question is not whether the United States is spending too much or too little on FMF programs designed for Arab partners. Nor is it whether the United States is selling too many or too few weapons to its Arab partners. Rather, it is whether U.S. security assistance is actually contributing to evolving U.S. policy priorities in the Middle East—and if it isn't, where is it failing, and why?
THE UNITED States has used various forms of security assistance over the past half century to achieve numerous policy goals in the Middle East, including (1) guaranteeing Israel's survival throughout its wars with Arab states, and preserving its qualitative edge over its neighbors; (2) prying Egypt away from the Soviets and restricting Moscow's political access to the shah of Iran; (3) upholding Cairo's commitment to the 1978 Camp David peace treaty, and maintaining U.S. access to the Suez Canal and Egyptian airspace; (4) containing the Islamic Republic of Iran during the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War by secretly providing intelligence and transferring weapons to the Iraqis; and (5) checking Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein following the Second Gulf War by, among other things, arming GCC countries.
Massive U.S. foreign military sales (FMS) to Arab partners throughout these years have also done wonders for the U.S. economy. They have generated trillions of dollars' worth of revenue, created hundreds of thousands of jobs in the American defense industry and boosted efficiency in U.S. military budgets by reducing unit costs.
These enormous political and economic benefits notwithstanding, U.S. security assistance has failed significantly to bolster military relations with Arab partners. It is true that such assistance has sustained U.S.-Arab military ties and provided the United States with deep and relatively easy access to Arab leaders. But it hasn't enabled security integration or achieved higher levels of defense interoperability between the two sides—or among the Arabs themselves—despite much talk about these objectives. Before 9/11, strengthening U.S.-Arab military relations was not viewed as particularly pressing by either side because there were no major security threats to collective interests (Iran and Iraq were still reeling from their long and devastating conflict, while Saddam's aggression against Kuwait was essentially countered by U.S. military power, notwithstanding the international coalition). However, Al Qaeda's attacks on September 11, 2001, totally changed America's perception, forcing U.S. policymakers to rethink Washington's priorities in the region. Since 9/11, strategic-level documents, including the National Security Strategy, the National Defense Strategy and the Quadrennial Defense Review, have put a higher premium on building the military capacities and capabilities of Arab partners so they could address common threats jointly with the United States.
America's fight against terrorism remains a key security preoccupation in the region, but Iran's growing regional influence is becoming more of a concern, especially for a Trump administration who took office determined to halt the expansion of Iran's reach across the Middle East. In addition to deterring Iran from attacking its Arab neighbors, a goal that materialized soon after the birth of the Islamic Republic in 1979, Trump seeks to counter Iran's regional agenda. How U.S. security assistance has fared against these three U.S. policy objectives in the region—deterring Iran, countering Iran, and combating Sunni violent extremism—is discussed below.
U.S. SECURITY assistance to Arab partners has played a marginal (or at best an unclear) role in the goal of deterring Iran by conventional means. It has been almost irrelevant to the goal of countering Iran unconventionally. And it has been at least partly helpful to the goal of fighting ISIS and Al Qaeda.
Of all the likely reasons why Iran has been successfully deterred from directly attacking any of America's Arab Gulf partners, the presumed deterrent power of the Arab Gulf states' conventional arsenals, developed to a large extent through U.S. arms sales, might be the least convincing. This is not meant to pooh-pooh the Arab Gulf states' military assets, or to suggest that these countries' missile defenses, in particular, do not constrain the planning of Iran's military leaders. But it does imply that Tehran worries about potential U.S. punishment, which robust and forward-deployed U.S. forces in the Gulf could quickly execute, more than anything else. Until the Arab Gulf states integrate militarily—a goal that seems even more remote today than it was before—deterring Iran is primarily a U.S. responsibility.
Washington's military support to its Arab Gulf partners may have been a boon to the U.S. economy, but it has done little to stop Tehran from spreading its regional influence. Despite the large volume of powerful and sophisticated weapons the United States has sold the GCC countries, several members of that bloc still feel existentially threatened by Iran, even though it is militarily inferior to them. Such deep fears continue to create significant pressures on U.S. policy and fissures in U.S.-GCC relations. The one time the United States did address, at least indirectly, Iran's regional challenge, it produced awful results. With the help of U.S. arms and logistical assistance, the Saudis went to war against the pro-Iran Houthi militia in Yemen, primarily to deny Tehran a presence in their backyard. Riyadh's national-security concern was and still is legitimate, yet its prosecution of the military campaign has been ineffective so far (although the tide might finally be turning in the Saudis' favor).
The tale of U.S. counterterrorism support to Arab partners is more promising, though still vastly lacking. Thanks in large part to various forms of U.S. help, Iraq's counterterrorism service, a crowning achievement of the United States in Iraq, has performed ably in the fight against ISIS; Jordan's elite military units, one of the most proficient "rapid reaction forces" in the region and highly regarded in the world's special-operations community, have trained Arab irregular forces in partnership with the U.S. military to fight terrorism; Lebanon's army has succeeded in protecting the country's northern borders and evicting violent Sunni extremists; the Palestinian Authority has ensured security and coordinated with the Israel Defense Forces and Shin Bet much more effectively over the past decade; the UAE's special-operations forces have pursued military missions jointly with U.S. special-operations commandos against Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula in Yemen; and finally, Saudi Arabia's counterterrorism apparatus crushed Al Qaeda's insurgency across the kingdom in the mid-2000s and, more recently, denied ISIS a foothold in the country.
Then there are the less positive cases. Egypt probably tops them all. Although it has been receiving $1.3 billion per year in military assistance from Washington since the late 1970s, Egypt still struggles mightily in fighting terrorism at home, countering Islamic insurgents in the Sinai Peninsula, and securing its borders with Libya and Gaza. And while Baghdad should be proud of what its counterterrorism service has accomplished in the past couple of years, one must not forget that the Iraqi army did collapse in a humiliating fashion in 2014, failing miserably to stop ISIS's initial onslaught, despite substantial U.S. treasure and training spanning more than a decade. Although Tunisia has received an exponential increase in U.S. security assistance since 2011 (tripling it to roughly $100 million in 2016) and has been designated by Washington as a major non-NATO ally, the country is a hotbed for Islamic militancy. It is estimated that some seven thousand Tunisians have traveled to fight in Iraq and Syria, making them the largest contingent of foreign fighters joining ISIS. Jordan's internal-security apparatus has done well to contain the Syrian spillover and block ISIS infiltration with the help of U.S. money and equipment. However, terrorist attacks by ISIS-inspired extremists have spiked in Jordan in recent years, and youth radicalization has become a serious problem. Like Tunisia, Jordan has seen many of its young men, anywhere from two thousand to four thousand, leave the country to fight with ISIS, making the Hashemite kingdom one of the world's highest per capita contributors of foreign fighters.
THERE OBVIOUSLY isn't one reason why the United States has struggled to meet its evolving priorities in the Middle East; there are many. So to assign blame solely to U.S. security assistance for what ultimately are policy shortcomings is simplistic and misleading.
First, it should be acknowledged that the United States and its Arab partners have dissimilar threat perceptions and security priorities, which will inevitably impact the effectiveness of U.S. security assistance. Second, each Arab partner has a unique sociopolitical context and threat environment. And each has tackled its security challenges differently, depending on its own perceptions, priorities and resources.
With respect to Iran's regional challenge, for example, it is no secret that the Arab partners do not view such a challenge similarly, nor do they agree on how to address it jointly. For some, Iran poses an existential threat. For others, it is an irritant but a manageable concern. Others even view Tehran's regional policies with indifference. No amount of U.S. arms, funds and training can change these realities.
Political and cultural differences between the United States and its Arab partners help explain why these partners have utilized U.S. security assistance in ways that, from Washington's point of view, seem unwise and ineffective. U.S. officials believe that many Arab partners insist on purchasing large and high-tech U.S. weapons that do not address pressing security needs and requirements or advance shared goals. Supersonic aircraft and advanced missile defenses, for example, are less relevant for Iran's irregular warfare or terrorist insurgencies than attack helicopters, unmanned aerial vehicles and smaller combat search-and-rescue planes.
Given Iran's weapons smuggling and other nefarious activities on land and at sea, it is mind-boggling how most Arab Gulf states have not made proper investments in their coast guards, special-operations forces and various local law-enforcement agencies. Instead of developing minesweeping capabilities to prevent the Iranians from mining the Strait of Hormuz, for example, some Arab Gulf states have been obsessing over the F-35, the latest generation of American fighter plane, even though they already possess considerable air power. It is true that some Arab partners have made smarter acquisitions lately. And it is also true that some partners increasingly realize the importance of formulating official and viable arms-acquisition strategies, and appreciate the value of military education and training. But this general preference for prestige and modernity, instead of effectiveness and integration, is not likely to go away anytime soon.
This is not just about a lack of military expertise or "wrong choices" by Arab partners concerning the types and quantities of weapons they acquire. Arab partners often make political decisions regarding certain arms sales that have nothing to do with national security. This is when factionalist considerations, which Washington has little understanding of and cannot control, come into play. For example, if an Arab leader buys the best weapons and authorizes the best training for one particular military service (for example, the air force) but deliberately ill equips another service (for example, the army) it is due to political dynamics that are tied to his or the ruling family's perceptions of regime stability, or even survival.
Arab partners also are sometimes unwilling to cooperate with Washington on delicate security affairs. That's perfectly understandable. Internal security is a profoundly sovereign decision that involves a country's most intimate secrets. As close as relations between the United States and its Arab partners have been historically, there is a strong and legitimate inclination on the part of these partners to conceal various things about their politics and societies. Such Arab resistance to sharing sensitive information is also amplified whenever relations with Washington experience political turbulence, as was the case with most partners during the Obama presidency. U.S. security assistance is, at the end of the day, a function of bilateral ties. The healthier these are, the more effective U.S. security assistance will be. One would only have to look at America's security-assistance experience with its NATO allies, which shows that the process of consultation and coordination on security and defense affairs is more organized, institutionalized and therefore effective than with Arab partners (although still not where it should be).
On the American side, the problems of U.S. security assistance to Arab partners are equally basic, and have little to do with security assistance per se. The source of all security-assistance ills is not the amount of funding, the quality of training, the speed of U.S. weapons delivery, or the type or quantity of arms that Washington provides. It is the often-broken U.S. policy toward the recipient country that profoundly undermines the entire enterprise. U.S. security assistance has become an end in itself rather than a means, often driving U.S. policy as opposed to the other way around. Every time a training program breaks down, or an arms transfer leads to unintended consequences, U.S. officials and military officers with security-assistance responsibilities are drilled by members of Congress and blamed for the failures. Of course, these administrators of security assistance are too courteous and loyal to their supervisors to state the obvious: things fell apart not because a U.S. general did something wrong or there wasn't enough money, but because, more often than not, the policy toward the Arab partner was incoherent.
Consider Egypt. We finance a good bit of the country's military requirements and support its economy, yet we tolerate its government's political repression, which contributes to Islamist radicalization. In Syria, we said that Assad must go, but did the absolute bare minimum to make that happen. We armed and trained a handful of rebels so they could fight terrorism, which Assad helped create, yet we ceded the terrain to Iran and Russia, whose heavy-handed interventions ensured Assad's survival. In Iraq, we helped build the country's law-enforcement agencies after Saddam, in an attempt to help the Iraqis figure out their politics in relative peace and security. Yet we did nothing to limit Iran's growing influence over Baghdad. Worse still, we tolerated the proliferation of IRGC-controlled Iraqi militias that recently used U.S. equipment to recapture Kirkuk. In Yemen, we politically and militarily enabled Saudi Arabia's war against the Houthis, even though we knew it would be a major distraction from the fight against ISIS and Al Qaeda, and offer Iran influence in Yemen that didn't exist before. Instead of fixing the policy, which should be the author of security assistance, we either have thrown more money at these problems, added more layers of bureaucracy, or overlitigated and politicized the process.
One immediate consequence of an unclear policy toward the recipient country is confusion in the U.S. government over who does what and when in the security-assistance process. The most obvious example of this tension is between the Department of State (DOS) and the Department of Defense (DOD). Bureaucratic infighting is commonplace in any government, and often attributed to rivalry or competition over power and resources. But that is not always the reason. The root cause can also be, especially in the context of security assistance, the lack of a viable policy toward the recipient country. The main reason why the United States defeated the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, for example, is not because the mujahideen of the past were braver or better warriors than today's Arab rebels, or because we armed the Afghans with Stinger missiles (okay, that helped a lot). It's because U.S. policy at the time—rollback of communism—and the strategy—containment—were clear and consistent, which made for effective security assistance.
Numerous congressional hearings have been held, and even more reforms enacted since 9/11, to try to improve DOD-DOS coordination on security assistance. But all the debates and tactical fixes have essentially missed the mark. There is no doubt that some improvement in interagency coordination has been made in recent years, and especially since the 2012 Benghazi incident, when terrorists attacked and burned the U.S. mission in Libya, killing Amb. Christopher Stevens and three other U.S. nationals. Unlike in the past, there is now legislation—Section 333 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2017, or FY17 NDAA, is the latest example—calling for synchronization and joint planning between DOS and DOD. A new steering committee has been established to oversee such joint planning. Further, the secretary of defense now must seek the concurrence of the secretary of state before launching some, but not all, security-assistance programs with partner nations (exceptions include Ukraine and counter-ISIS assistance).
However, optimal interagency coordination won't happen absent a workable policy toward the country receiving such assistance. It also won't happen if DOS continues to exhibit leadership deficiencies and organizational weaknesses. Today, a major opportunity for DOS to get more involved seems to present itself: both the Congress and DOD affirm that they have provided DOS with the necessary resources and authorities to lead this process (although DOS still assesses that section 333 of the FY17 NDAA consolidates DOD's security-assistance "fiefdom" and that Foggy Bottom still lacks the necessary resources and authorities to take the lead as it did in the past). One would also be hard pressed to find a secretary of defense who values and champions interagency coordination more than James Mattis. Yet despite its absolutely crucial role in security assistance, many in the Pentagon and Congress believe that DOS does not appear to be ready yet to assume larger responsibilities in the process. That's especially damaging for the future of the security-assistance enterprise.
The absence of a viable policy toward the recipient country also explains why we're less articulate in explaining why we provide security assistance to our Arab partners. Although we do enjoy, as stated previously, a number of political and economic benefits from security assistance, on military matters, however, it is far less clear. Merely inserting the term "building the local capacity" of Arab partners in high-level documents does not answer the question of precisely why we pursue these onerous, expensive and often controversial activities. For example, should we be engaged in developing our Arab partners' overall military capabilities, or should we help build specific capabilities to achieve well-defined U.S. objectives? The two goals might sound the same, but practically and strategically they are considerably different. The first assumes that such a process would by default contribute to U.S. interests, or it might be indifferent toward that outcome. The second is much more deliberate toward such end results. So far, we have sporadically pursued the second approach and relied much more on the first.
As fundamental as the issue of (lack of) policy is, it is not the only one undermining security assistance. Security assistance hasn't adjusted to the new U.S. priorities in the Middle East. Also, many of the United States' laws and procedures are old—the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and Arms Export Control Act of 1976 still govern the security-assistance process—and need to be updated. Its focus seems to be misplaced, too. Born in the Cold War and designed to address conventional threats, U.S. security assistance is still focused on and better suited to deal with external defense rather than a holistic process of security, from intelligence to intervention, and from arrest to rehabilitation. The emphasis on external defense is not necessarily a big problem when it comes to U.S. allies that are stable democracies, with few worries about terrorist armies and insurgencies. But in the case of Arab partners, none of which is a true democracy, one would reason that their chief threats emanate from within.
Even if a coherent policy does exist, which is rare, let's be perfectly honest: security assistance to politically fragile and militarily weak Arab partners requires a great deal of hard work over a long period of time. It is far easier to transfer a weapons system to Arab partners than it is to commit to helping them build full-spectrum military capabilities, a process that includes education on how to effectively use, maintain and deploy the weapons system in service of a national defense strategy. Arms, no matter how powerful, should not be equated with military capabilities. Indeed, buying a Ferrari will not automatically enhance the owner's driving skills. There is abundant evidence from the Middle East of U.S. military equipment rusting on tarmacs and in deserts, barely used, stolen or prematurely retired. It is true that Arab militaries have gotten better at handling and servicing imported U.S. arms, but the adage that "Arabs don't do maintenance" has not entirely lost its credibility.
The process of military education and training on doctrine, strategy, policy, organization and leadership also has a political dimension. Enhancing the effectiveness of law-enforcement and security agencies in authoritarian Arab governments often requires political reengineering, as well as institutional and legal capacity building, which Washington is not good at and decreasingly interested in doing (so as to avoid even the perception of nation building). It is one thing to help an Arab country train and equip its coast guard, for example, but it is another altogether to help that government create legal systems and authorities that are necessary for that military service's role and jurisdictions.
Personnel is another handicap in the U.S. government when it comes to security assistance for Arab partners. There simply are not enough Arab country specialists in Foggy Bottom and the Pentagon who also have experience in the process of U.S. security assistance. DOS could use more "warrior diplomats" who understand security and the use of force, while DOD could use more "diplomat generals" who are familiar with foreign cultures and history. This is particularly important with regard to U.S. security assistance, because there are cultural and historical reasons, not just competence-related reasons, why security integration with the United States, among and even within the Arab states has not worked well. To make matters worse, a systematic debriefing/lessons-learned process to collect and analyze the experiences of officers when they complete their Middle East assignments does not exist. Such officers tend to "move on to the next assignment" and just disappear into "the system," along with the things they have learned. Fiscal year 2017's NDAA mandates a professionalization of the security-cooperation workforce, including developing career paths, but if that's not treated as a priority to which resources would be allocated, it simply won't happen.
ALL AMERICAN presidents since Jimmy Carter have sought to fix various elements of U.S. security assistance in one way or another, yet they all diagnosed the problem differently. Carter and Reagan focused on U.S. arms sales and particularly on their size rather than on their effectiveness (Carter believed that less was better, to reduce regional militarization, while Reagan was convinced that more was better, to empower friends and allies to fight communism). Soon after he took office, Obama signaled that he would take a more strategic and requirements-based approach to U.S. weapons transfers. The presumed shift was well received by many in the Pentagon. However, U.S. arms sales to the Middle East soared under Obama, oftentimes with little regard for what the president and his national-security team said they were initially committed to. Moreover, security-assistance coordination between DOS and DOD was lacking partly because Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter did not have the best working relationship and disagreed on various foreign-policy matters (contrary to Tillerson and Mattis, who seem to work well together).
Trump believes that the United States spends too much on foreign aid and that it should sell more arms to boost the U.S. economy. That's why his idea of fixing security assistance is based on making cuts in some foreign-aid programs and making more megaweapons deals. There certainly is no harm in looking more closely at the numbers of FMF programs to Arab partners to check if waste can be eliminated or reduced. But economic savings is not what should drive American policy, as those can be made via multiple other avenues in the U.S. budget. The ultimate metric of success for U.S. security assistance should be its direct contributions to America's policy objectives in the region.
U.S. security assistance has to be, first and foremost, integrated into a broader U.S. Middle East strategy and linked more directly to clearly defined U.S. policy goals in the region, which currently center on, but are not limited to, deterring Iranian aggression, countering Iranian asymmetric warfare and combating violent extremism, all of which require working with Arab partners and helping them enhance their military capabilities (and reform their politics and economics). Such a strategic reconfiguration of U.S. security assistance must be implemented through the interagency process, given the involvement of various federal agencies in this system. The National Security Council (NSC) should take the lead, and start by abandoning the current bottom-up security-assistance approach, which is primarily engineered by the defense offices of U.S. embassies in the region, along with CENTCOM and the U.S. military-service chiefs, in favor of a strategy that is formulated at the top and communicated to the various bureaucracies and offices. As experienced as CENTCOM is in the military and security requirements of its Arab partners, and as irreplaceable as its role in the region is, the process of security assistance requires first the strategizing, prioritizing and policymaking of the NSC (ideally, DOS should be the one prioritizing and policymaking, and the NSC should be coordinating and helping get DOD on board). That is because even the strictest military affairs of the region have first-, second- and third-order political effects that must be accounted for, which can only be done through proper interagency coordination. However, strategy at the NSC level is not enough. There also has to be concrete planning guidance to identify which Arab partner capabilities we care about in relation to stated strategic aims. One way to do that is by returning to the original legislative intent of security assistance as a tool of foreign policy, which would require much closer DOS-DOD coordination. While new legislation like Section 333 of the FY17 NDAA is a helpful step in that regard, it maintains the responsibility for many security assistance programs, and a vast majority of unearmarked security-assistance funding, with DOD. Approaches that place foreign policy back in the heart of security-assistance strategy, planning and implementation, such as the creation of a transfer of authority to enable DOD to funnel its assistance dollars through the DOS policymaking apparatus, might assist in this goal.
Second, we need to craft clearer policies toward Arab partners to allow for more effective arming, funding and training of their militaries, should there be a need for such activities. Security assistance simply will not succeed in the absence of a convincing reason why we are committing more U.S. treasure and political capital, and sometimes even blood, to this endeavor. It is no longer sufficient for the Defense and Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), which takes the lead in implementing DOS's authorities and the security-assistance process, to state vaguely that a certain arms sale to the region contributes to "regional stability" and U.S. interests. It has to explain to Congress more clearly why specific types of Arab military capabilities should be developed, and how exactly they are expected to contribute to U.S. goals.
Third, there might be a benefit to establishing a new joint congressional committee (or subcommittee) on security assistance, to which DOS and DOD report—although this runs the risk of creating more barriers and perhaps stovepipes than the ones that already exist. Currently, DOS and DOD report to separate congressional committees and use different language and metrics for security-assistance evaluation. That needs to stop, given the obvious linkages and synergies between political and military affairs when it comes to security assistance. We can talk all we want about joint planning and interagency coordination, but if oversight systems are not harmonized and reporting channels are not unified, it might make no difference (mind you, it will be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to convince the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the House Foreign Affairs Committee and others to give up their jurisdictions on security assistance).
Fourth, the executive branch needs to more meaningfully involve Congress in this process, not just because the latter has the power of the purse, but because security assistance must be a national conversation, especially as we might provide more of it in the future to our Arab partners to reduce our military involvement in the Middle East. This will require not just "dropping off" loads of documents and hoping for lawmakers to read them (which more often than not they won't), but also personally and more regularly engaging with senior staffers on the Hill, who generally tend to know more about the issues than their bosses. In return, members of Congress need to more effectively engage their DOS and DOD colleagues by educating themselves more about security assistance (some, like Sen. John McCain, are more knowledgeable and experienced than others, of course), asking the right questions and, as impossible as this sounds, depoliticizing the issue. There's no excuse for ignorance when DOS notifies and briefs members of Congress in advance on all major arms sales and security-assistance grants and submits multiple reports on FMF.
Fifth, it is vitally important for Washington to try to understand its Arab partners' perspectives on their own national security and U.S. security assistance, rather than dismiss them offhand as bizarre or irrational. There is an unhealthy dose of waste and ineptitude in some aspects of the Arab partners' approaches to defense and security policy, but not everything they do, by any stretch of the imagination, is misguided. A greater appreciation of the differing security calculations and concerns of Arab partners might help U.S. officials in their efforts to (1) encourage these partners to do joint threat assessments, strategic analyses and capability planning with U.S. counterparts, and (2) offer them more pointed advice on their core security requirements, both of which could positively affect U.S. security assistance. It is not as though U.S. political and military leaders have not pursued these consultative processes with Arab counterparts before. They have—many times. For example, Daniel Chiu, former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development, led discussions with various global U.S. partners about their own military requirements and national-security concerns. The goal was to entice the allies to compare threat assessments and pursue joint acquisition projects with the United States. It worked to a large extent with Jordan, for example, but failed with Egypt. The United States now leads annual Defense Resourcing Conferences (DRCs) with Egypt, Jordan and Pakistan, and anticipates expanding these to other partners around the world. The purpose of these DRCs is to help partners match their procurement decisions to their strategy and resources. But unless this process is, first and foremost, directly tied to U.S. policy and strategy—which it doesn't seem currently to be—all it would do is create more problems.
TOO OFTEN the United States has sold or transferred weapons to friends and allies—not just Arab—with little regard to their military utility and the recipients' capacity to use them. This wasn't much of a U.S. concern in the past, because Washington had policy objectives that seemed more important or pressing than building or enhancing the military capabilities of friends and allies.
However, U.S. priorities in the Middle East have changed. Today, the United States is facing a more complex network of adversaries, some of whom do battle in the shadows, resort to irregular war tactics and are eager to sacrifice everything for their apocalyptic cause. The support of Arab partners is vital for addressing these threats effectively. There is immense value in continuing to pursue arms deals that benefit the U.S. economy and preserve enduring U.S. goals in the region, including the upholding of U.S. military basing on and access to Arab territory and airspace, as well as the Camp David peace treaty. But the status quo is no longer acceptable, and it is becoming increasingly costly. Despite its humongous size, security assistance is not and cannot be an island. It must be reintegrated into the U.S. foreign-policy process.
Bilal Y. Saab is senior fellow and director of the Defense and Security Program at the Middle East Institute. He is most grateful to numerous current and former U.S. officials, military officers, senior congressional staffers and experts for sharing their insights.
Source URL: https://nationalinterest.org/feature/what-does-america-get-its-military-aid-24605


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It looks like Williams doesn't hope her love currently being a wedge for you to become used by others.


"Training kids can be a bit like feeding them vegetables. You almost have to hide it in with the good stuff so they don't realize."
That is a quotation I took from a long-term athlete development (LTAD) workshop I recently attended. It's quite a funny but realistic analogy. The point is if you can make something more enjoyable, children are more likely to accept it. So, give them an incentive to do it.


text:
Olean man pleads guilty to attempted assault on disabled person
By Harold McNeil|Published Fri, Jan 20, 2017
A former worker at the Rehabilitiation Center in Olean has pleaded guilty to charges of attempted assault on a person with developmental disabilities in his care.
Ahmad Burney, 52, of Olean, pleaded guilty to second-degree endangering the welfare of an incompetent or physically disabled person, along with one count of third-degree attempted assault, according to a special prosecutor with the New York State Justice Center for the Protection of People with Special Needs.
The charges stemmed from a February 2016 incident in which Burney was accused of allegedly kicking a chair out from under the victim, pulling the victim up off the floor and squeezing the victim's neck, according to the justice center.
Burney also pleaded guilty to one count of second-degree harassment, and was sentenced to a conditional discharge, according to the justice center. He will have to pay a $400 fine, provide 60 hours of community service and attend anger management training.
Burney entered his plea before Olean City Court Judge Daniel R. Palumbo.
The case was investigated and prosecuted by the New York State Justice Center for the Protection of People with Special Needs.
Story topics: assault/ Olean/ Rehabilitation Center/ sentence

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: Как правильно сверстать блок с иконками? Есть вот такой блок

как видно заголовок и название идет четко друг под другом. Я пытаюсь сверстать его вот так

.advantages{
 float:left;
 width:570px;
}

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 display:block;
 float:left;
 width:31px;
 height:20px;
 background-color:red;
}

.advantages_icon-brush{
 display:block;
 float:left;
 width:31px;
 height:31px;
 background-color:green;
}

.advantages_icon-heart{
 display:block;
 float:left;
 width:31px;
 height:27px;
 background-color:blue;
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.advantages_name{
 text-transform: uppercase;;
 color:#000;
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Но в моем варианте мне нужно увеличивать высоту каждой иконки чтобы сдвинуть текст, чтобы он встал нормально. Подскажите правильно ли это и если нет, то как сделать иначе?
P.S. flex не предлагать))) я пока что хочу float постигнуть

A: *

*В вашем случае постижение float ведет к мракобесию и скверному результату. То, что вы делаете, неправильно с точки зрения подхода.

*Постичь flex будет проще, понимание происходящего - полнее, а результат - лучше.

*В вашем случае flex тоже не нужен. Я бы сделал padding-left у блоков .advantages__item, а иконки расположил в виде фоновых изображений либо с абсолютным позиционированием. А можно вообще таблицей сверстать, если так уж хочется освоить антикварные технологии.

A:

ul, li, h2, p {
  margin: 0;
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}

ul {
  width: 570px;
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1. Lorem ipsum

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A: Недавно отвечал на похожий вопрос, вот прям один в один.
Решение на float

.ul-li > .li {
  display: block;
  width: 100%;
  margin-bottom: 7%;
}

.ul-li > .li::after {
  content: '';
  display: block;
  clear: both;
}

.ul-li > .li img, .ul-li > .li .text {
  display: inline-block;
  float: left;
}

.ul-li > .li img {
  width: 40px;
  height: 40px;
}

.ul-li > .li .text {
  width: calc(92% - 40px);
  margin-left: 8%;
}

.ul-li > .li .text h4 {
  margin-top: 0;
}

Title

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Title

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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The direct route from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso is getting popular among domestic tourists year after year. As of 2018, this route is the hot favorite among tourists, especially those who are short on days for an ideal Ladakh trip.
Today in this article, I will talk about some important tips and things you should consider when traveling from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso.
Can I travel from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso directly?
I get a lot of questions about how I can save a day in my plan of Ladakh trip, where people look to travel directly from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso instead of coming back to Leh.
If you need to understand more about the routes in Ladakh along with distances, you can also refer our DoW – Maps of Ladakh | Nubra Valley & Changthang.
As you can see in the DoW maps of Ladakh that there are two routes to travel to Pangong Tso from Nubra Valley directly. I will talk about both of them in detail one by one.
This route has become very popular among the tourists starting 2018. The road conditions have been stabilized a lot on this route and lots of people now travel on this route, especially when it is shorter than Wari La route and saves you a day in overall Ladakh plan.
Some of the road sections between Agham & Shyok villages are kind of tricky and landslide prone. Even though a lot has been improved on this route starting 2016, still, it is not an easy piece of cake especially in July – August time period.
Sometimes the water in Shyok river swells and closes the road. Hence, it is important to ask at Agham village before you travel on this route. There are some sections especially before Shyok Village (towards Nubra side), which might be tough to climb without a high Ground clearance vehicle.
YOU MUST keep in mind that as this route is getting popular year by year but still not majorly used. It is better to wait at Agham village for some company when you are alone and tag along to have some company for peace of mind of being not along. This helps in case of any breakdown as others can help the person in need.
In case, you venture out on this route alone, you might get stranded for a longer period of time. If you are self-driving to Ladakh, it is better to carry the essential things for a self drive trip to Ladakh.
Please take a sensible call for yourself as well as your loved ones waiting for your safe return :)… Cars with high ground clearance are preferable on this route. Always inquire about the road conditions either at Agham Village or Khalsar Village before taking the route from Shyok village to Pangong Tso.
If you are traveling from Pangong Tso, then there is a GREF hut that comes after Shyok village from Durbuk side. You can inquire about the route status from them as well.
Sedans/Hatchbacks = Best avoid them!!
High Ground Clearance SUVs (4×4) = Will help a lot with peace of mind.
The direct route from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso from Wari La pass is much longer as compared to Shyok Village route. It gets connected on conventional route from Leh to Pangong Tso at Shakit/Serthi village.
So, that means you travel Nubra Valley to Sakti over Wari La and then traverse major part of Leh to Pangong Tso route as well, including climbing the Chang La pass. It easily takes about 10+ hrs to reach Pangong Tso from Wari La route.
This route will be closed in the month of June due to snowfall at Wari La pass and is not kept actively open by BRO as there is no urgency to do so. It is just an alternate route present. Hence, in the winter months and early season time, you should not travel on this route at all because it will be most likely be closed.
As Shyok village route, which is much shorter is not traveled by many tourists, it is better to only take Wari La route in case that route is closed. Otherwise, you will not find many people on this desolate route and no help will be available in miles in case of any breakdown.
So, even if for some reason you take this direct route to Pangong Tso from Nubra Valley, it is better to do it in a group of 2-3 vehicles at least.
The road conditions are mostly average with dirt track in majority of the route. There are couple of water crossings and at the to of Wari La, the vehicle with small GC may struggle a bit.
Sedans/Hatchbacks = Tough but doable, at least the climb up/down for Wari La and then again to Chang La. Very tough in early summers.
Given below is a three day itinerary for planning a trip to Pangong Tso directly from Nubra Valley without coming back to Leh. I am assuming that you have already stayed a couple of nights in Leh for acclimatization and then only you are traveling to Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso.
If you have more days at hand, then you can add the Turtuk village stay in the below plan where you can travel to Turtuk on first night. Then, next day come to Hunder and go over to Pangong Tso.
No extra permits are required to travel from Shyok village route or Wari La route between Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso. The permits that you got from DC office in Leh for Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso will be sufficient. You can apply the permits for Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso online now.
In the end, make a calculated risk when traveling on direct routes from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso either from Shyok village or Wari La pass. Remember that it is always good to travel in a group on such unconventional routes in Ladakh, so even if you are alone vehicle wait at Agham village to travel in a group. Otherwise, you will be best suited to avoid them.
I am sure with the details described in this article, you will be able to make a judgment call which is best the best route for you and your family. If you still have any doubt or questions on planning your trip from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso, feel free to post them in the comments section below.
I will be happy to hear from you on other suggestions about this wonderful route in Ladakh. Have you done this route?? Tell me what was your experience and help others travel better in Ladakh. Do not forget to share this article with your friends and family who are planning the trip to Ladakh.
I already travel to ladakh from Pune by my car 10 grand in first week of july in list year with my friends.
I have compleated the circle pune -amritsar- Jammu – shrinagar – Kargil – leh – Khardungla- leh- kharu – Pangong -kharu-sarchu- manali- pune without any failure.
I am planning again in next year i.e 2019 with my family. but i want to ask you can i use "Nubra Valley – Agham – Shyok Village – Durbuk – Tangste – Pangong Tso " rout by same car?
Just one correction, We have completed our last leh tour in last yest first week of Jun.
please suggest if this rout can i use for next year?
Shirish, it will be much difficult to travel by a hatchback from Pangong Tso to Tso Moriri. I will recommend planning the trip carefully and carry the essentials. This will be desolate route a bit now. Confirm at Agham village about the road conditions or stay tuned to DoW Community for road updates.
Actully i am asking for Nubra Valley to Pangong not Pangong to TSO Moriri.
Can you tell me what is the distance between Diskit (Petrol filled) to Pangong Tso via Shyok Village?
Also, we are on planning to go ahead from Pangong Tso to Hanle and Tso Moriri and return via Manali route (Jispa last petrol filling station) so how much petrol we need to carry with us to avoid shortage. We have classic 350.
We have hired Inova, Is it OK, Do we need some extra precautions as we both are senior citizens. I s this a proper plan?
Vinod sir, your plan is good and easy. You will enjoy the trip a lot. You are traveling slow, drink plenty of fluids and keep yourself hydrated. It shall be a good trip. You will find veg food all of the Ladakh, no problems with it.
I have been following ur blog for months now reading everything about Ladhak. Finally I booked flight (up & down) to Leh (13-19Sep). I'm going with a very close friend & both of us will be renting Bullet at Leh.
Will there be direct & safe route from Nubra Valley to Pangong Lake ? (I'm a fair rider with long highway rides but no experience on hilly areas).
Well, you can see from the article that there does exist a route that takes you Pangong Tso from Nubra Valley. I have updated the conditions as well for this year and in fact, in September it will be in the best conditions of the season. So, just wait for few vehicles to come at Agham village and then tag along to have some company.
You can travel from Nubra to Pangong Tso directly and it can be done but do wait for a few vehicles at Agham villageto tag along so that you have company to travel on that route. There will not be much water in water crossings and road will be much stable.
We are starting our trip from Srinagar to Leh by car with the local driver. We have 13 days in hand.
We want to do Srinagar to Leh then Leh to Nubra to Pangong to Spiti to Manali To Chandigarh fly back to Mumbai . We are renting bikes in Leh. What is the best would you recommend to cover the stretch.
We start our trip tomorrow night from Mumbai. Land in Srinagar then by car to Leh.
Also how feasible is it to get a bike from Leh & drop in Manali ?
You can get the bike from Leh to drop I believe up to Keylong but the pickup charges will be around 10K per bike.
I have gone through the blog written by you very carefully. very nice description. Is it possible to travel directly from Nubra to Pangong tso via Agam-Shyak road on 27th July this year by two 14 seater Tempo travellers ?
How much is the risk ? May we be able to overcome it ? Please reply.
Thanks for sharing your experiences with all of us here.
Here is what I've planned based on all the reading / research i have done so far.
Please have a look and comment, if this all is feasible, sensible to do during beginning of July '18.
Looking forward to your comments, suggestions.
Navneet, the plan looks fine to me except one thing of night stay at Sarchu. I will recommend that you do Jispa to Leh directly and don't do a night halt at Sarchu because your body will not be acclimatized to sleep at that high altitude. Use that day to break the long journey of Pangong Tso to Tso Moriri at Hanle.
Noted, for Jispa to Leh directly, we shall cover it within the same day.
On the other hand, wouldn't Hanle be out of the way (from Pangong to Tso Moriri)? We plan to take the route of (Pangong Tso) tangste – durbuk – sakti – hemis – upshi – kiari – chumathang – karzok (Tso Moriri).
Lastly, for Nubra valley to Pangong Lake, we plan to take the route of Hunder – Khalsar – Shyok – Durbuk – Tangste.
Would you suggest for this route or instead suggest to take Nubra – Leh – Pangong?
You can take the Shyok route as many people have started taking this route in recent years. Just check the status at Agham village and take the final call.
Hi Dheeraj, We have been trying to plan a trip to Leh since ages and finally got some time and immediately booked the flights to Delhi and back from Delhi. We are sure we cannot do it anytime again. After reading so many articles now we are worried about the trip. Please suggest us an itinerary.
So effectively we have 11th to 19th 2pm available with us. We are planning for a biking trip. Please help.
We wouldn't mind considering Spiti valley as well if that fits in well.
I will suggest you skip Ladakh unless you are ready to fly into Leh directly. Go for Spiti valley trip and the 9 days you have I will advice going from Manali side and only go from Kinnaur side if heavy rains are not predicted.
Is it likely that the road between Khalsar & Durbuk along the Shyok river will be over in the 1st week of July 2018?
If that road is closed, are we likely to be able to go via Agham & Wari La at that time of the year, or will the only option be to go via Khardung La?
We will be riding hired motorcycles from Leh.
is there any petrol pump between Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso direct road via Shyok?
Please suggest any changes if required.
3.I am mostly concerned about, will it be a good idea to travel from Nubra Valley to Pangong directly from Shyok Road in mid June, through bikes as we are a group of 3 couples.
4. As per the new rules do we need any permits for our route.
Good to see you planning the trip again.
2. I will recommend that you rest for two days in Leh before going to Nubra Valley. Rest plan looks OK.
3. Many people take this route now and have become more and more dominant every year. So, once you reach Nubra, inquire about the road conditions at Agham village or taxi folks or this forum where we post the status updates and then take a call.
Day 1 – Arrive in Leh & acclimatize.
Day 2 – Drive to Alchi. Enroute visit Magnetic Hill, Gurudwara Patthar Sahib, Confluence of Zanskar and Indus river. Visit Alchi Monastery and drive back to Leh. Just before reaching Leh, visit Ladakh Hall of fame.
Travel will be on either Scorpio, Xylo or Qualis.
My biggest concern is the route to take on Day 4.
Bopanna, Day 4 does not seem realistic to me. Also, it is highly recommended to not travel on the direct route alone and have some company of vehicles as the route is quite desolated. Drop Pangong Tso or add a day to cover it.
We are reaching Leh around 20th Sep. We have both Nubra and Pangong in itinerary. Travel agent has recommended to reach Pangong via Shyok from Nubra. Is the road good and safe now? Two ladies will be travelling.
Sri, Nubra to Pangong Tso is open now, so taxi driver will be able to take you on that route even though road conditions are not that good. It is always recommended to wait for few more vehicles at Agham village and travel in a group on the desolate route.
I will strongly suggest to follow the plan mentioned in How to make trip to Ladakh in 5 Days?
I have a bike trip to Leh this August. After having acclimatisation there, while return I have a plan to take a rout via Nubra Valley, Pangong Tso, Tsomoriri, Tso Kar and then to Manali. I also intend to visit Khardungla but that's not possible through this rout I guess..
How should I make an itinerary for this return trip.? Please advise.
Khardung La connects Leh to Nubra Valley, so when you travel to Nubra Valley you will pass Khardung La first. How many days do you have in hand?
I think you got little confused with my travel. I am traveling by bike ride and for my whole trip I have around 15 days from the day I leave from Manali on the bike. And while return I want to cover Tsomoriri, Tsokar and then to Manali.
I wanna know the 12 days schedule that you've made for me (below) looks perfect but can I consider that same schedule for my bike trip as well, because I believe you thought i was gonna hire a cab.?
Once, you reach Leh and acclimatize then you can very much follow the plan I suggested previously by going to Nubra and rest followed.
Thank you so much Dheeraj for the very quick response.. Your tips and the schedule made are highly helpful. Thank you so much.
I would like to understand the best possible route to reach tsomoriri and tsokqr from leh.
And also please advise me whether can I head back to manali from tsokar?
Your assistance herein is grwtly appreciated.
No Faisal, you must plan for two days if rest and acclimatize in Leh after landing in Leh. Then you have 4 days at hand, make two day trip to Nubra Valley first and then a two day trip to Panogng Tso.
Pangong Tso – Nubra via Deskit takes about 6-6.5 hrs depending upon breaks taken in between.
thanks Dheeraj fr providing continuously support.
Yes Failsal, Inner Line Permits are again required from this year for Indians and they can be applied online. Use the link: Ladakh Inner Line Permits Available Online. Once applied, take the print out and pay the fee at Tourist Info Center in Leh or DC Office in Leh.
I planned to book a private Innova/Xylo for the entire trip and we are 6 adults. Couple of tour operators said that I cannot plan for Nubra to Pangong directly. They just said a blank "NO"because roads will be in bad shape in August. Few others are fine. Whats your suggestions? Personally I don't mind taking that bit of stretch!
Bhavik, best will be to tell once you reach the Agham village and then take a call if the route is too dangerous or even open. Shyok river swells during monsoon and some section becomes closed or too difficult to cross. I will recommend that you drop Gulmarg trip and do two day trip to Nubra and two day trip to Pangong tso.
we are going to leh second time. this time our progrmme is via manali its own vehcles, sir it is possible we are going to pang to tso moriri lake, tso moriri to pangong and pangong to nubra valley. please tell me how many days to be spent on this route.
We have very limited number of leaves but we figured its now or never. Would really appreciate your expert feedback on the below .
Marzu, the above plan will most likely land you up in hospital or will put you or your friends very close to near death experience. When we travel from Manali to Leh, we have to take care about acclimatization which is not at all present in above plan. At minimum to make a bit safer trip by road to Ladakh, you will need to have at least 9 days from Delhi for Manali route and 10 days if you choose to do the circuit of Manali – Ladakh – Srinagar.
Thank you Dheeraj bhai for the clear advise much appreciated !
I guess since we are flying in from Dubai to Manali we were trying to do as much as we can in the short leave.We are comparatively fit and used to riding but dont have any experience on high altitudes hence the plan 🙂 . Would you please help us to replan the below itinerary for seven days.
We are planning only ONE way trip so we can drop of the bikes in Leh or Srinagar. Or would you recommend travelling from Srinager to Manali.
Looking forward to your advise .
Thanks a lot for your inputs will try to plan our itinerary as advised by you..
Just one clarification how do we do the Pangong Tso – Pang/Sarchu route .Couldn't find any clarity in any forum about this route.
Pangong Tso – Chang La – Karu and then take the left to Manali – Leh Highway instead of going back to Leh. You will have to leave around 6 AM from Pangong Tso to reach Sarchu in time before sunset.
Is it possible to go from Pangong Lake to Nubra Valley via Wari La by a High GC vehicle like Quanto on 2nd weak of June this year? Please suggest.
Saurav, it is better to take Shyok – Agham route instead of longer Wari La route. Qaunto is capable enough to do both the routes. Just make sure you are joined by some vehicles on these desolated direct routes.
It is my honour to here you. I have a little confusion about the route you said. In DoW map you marked this route in red line that means this route is for 4×4 vehicle with high GC. Will my vehicle Quanto will be able to cover this route though it have a high GC? Please suggest.
Saurav, the map is a bit outdated, 3 years old, things have settled now and most of the taxis do it which are 4×2 only. Of course, it wont be easy but higher GC will help you pass through tricky sections.
2nd June, Day 1: we will start from our home at 2 AM and expected to reach at Etawah, UP by 8 PM (982 km as per google map). Night stay.
Day 2: Etawah to Pathankot (803 km) starting at around 7 AM. Night stay at Pathankot.
Day 4: Sonamarg to Kargil.
Day 5: Kargil to Leh.
Day 6: Leh for procuring the permission. If possible we will go for local sight seen.
Day 7: Leh to Pangong Tso. Night Stay.
Day 8: Pangong Tso to Diskit / Hunder via Shyok – Agham route (as per your suggestion).
Day 9: After visiting the local sight seen and Turtuk we have a plan to go to Sumur. Night stay at Sumur (your Suggestion needed).
Day 10: Sumur to Upshi via Khardung La after visiting hot spring at Panamik.
Day 11: Upshi -Kiari – Chumathang – Korozk (Tso Moriri).
Day 12: Korozk – Sumdo – taking left turn Polokung La – Pang – Sarchu (night Stay).
Day 13: Sarchu – Keylong – Rothang – Manali. We want to proceed further and stay at Bhuntar. Is it possible?
Day 14: Bhuntar – Pinjore / Ambala (here we need your help, we don't want to stay at chandigarh). Please suggest.
Day 15: Your suggested place to Kanpur.
Day 16: Kanpur – Home.
Can I travel with 6 adults in my vehicle at those roads? We have a plan to remove both side footrest and back door footrest to get better GC.
If you think that we need to change some portion of the tour plan for safety and betterment of us please suggest.
— You can do Sonamarg to Lamayuru or Alchi instead of staying at Kargil.
— You must do Nubra Valley before sleeping at Pangong Tso.
Thank you for your valuable tips. Can we do the day 12 trip through Polokung La? Is there any stay option at Lamayuru or Alchi? Can you provide me the Hotel numbers over there? And the most important thing – is it possible to get your cell no? You can sms me at my no also 09851020200. So that, in case of any problem we can contact with you for your suggestion because you know the enter region like your palm.
Yes, you can do that route. Yes, there are stay options at both Lamayuru and Alchi. Just land there and find to your budget and liking. Not many people stopover, so you will find on that spot.
Sorry to disturb you again. We have a confusion, We are 6 adults and my vehicle is 1500 cc with a output of 100 bhp. Can we complete the whole trip including Leh to Manali on that vehicle ? Your suggestion is strongly needed.
Saurav, I believe you should be able to do it and the only issue I see if fitting so many people with luggage and all for such a long days of road trip journey. It will surely cause discomfort.
I will strongly recommend that you skip the part of driving down to Srinagar and do Leh at ease. You should be doing 2 days of rest and acclimatization after flying to Leh. Then you should do two day trips each to Nubra Valley and Pangong Tso else it is going to be hectic but in case you want to go with it at least have one more rest day in Leh because 36 hrs of acclimatization is at least required to travel to high altitude places.
Shall we first visit Nubhra valley or Pangong lake taking acclimatization in mind.
10th may = tso kar to tso moriri. stay in tso moriri.
— It is a desolated route and one must have company with him/her on these routes. If you have couple of more bikers to tag along that way at Agham village or couple of cars that can come handy in need of the hour, then only go for it.
10th may = Hanle to tso moriri.
You will need inner line permits to travel to these places and also make sure that you are carrying enough fuel to cover this circuit.
What all Inner line permits are required to visit Leh. (Khardungla, Nubra and Pangong).
How to get them and how much it costs us?
It is quite hectic and you will need permits for this trip to travel from Pangong Tso to Tso Moriri. Better skip Tso Moriri this time.
Is it better to skip pangong or tsomoriri considering the crowd & scenic beauty. And how long would it take tsomoriri from Leh.
But do both pangong & tsomoriri are equally beautiful? Which one do you suggest to visit?
Yes more or less. I prefer Tso Moriri, it still has charm and not lost in crowd.
Looks fine to me. Public transport will be available but frequency to these places is not good. You may check shared taxis though in Leh in case the dates matches for you.
You can include Hanle in your plan which can be covered with Tso Moriri trip. Also, there is Dah Hanu Villages which is also couple of days trip from Leh.
I'm coming in june month with my group, kindly suggest me where and how i have to take and apply for inner line permisissions.
Hitesh, what is the route you are planning? You do not need permits as Indians anymore for conventional routes to Pangong Tso, Tso Moriri, Nubra.
We are planning ladakh trip in July 2nd week for 7days which includes nubra and pangong. How much would the taxi cost for the entire 7 days trip. Is it possible to book in advance? Any contacts available,?
For the leh – ladakh taxi union rate list 2016 – 17 including the contacts of some reliable taxi drivers within Leh – Ladakh, check the link here. You can get about 12-15% of discount by directly getting in touch with drivers and of course, talking in person rather on phone always help in bargaining more. You can call the local drivers directly to connect with them and check the comprehensive List of Taxi Drivers for Ladakh – Srinagar – Leh – Manali with recommendations/reviews for DoW community members.
1) when Srinagar to Leh road will be opened in 2017?
2) when Manali-rohatang pass to Leh road will be opened in 2017?
My question is this route is fine na? And which route will be fine Wari La or Shyok while Traveling from Nubra Valley to Pangong Tso? We don't have any backupvan.
Please guide & Thanks in Advance.
Abhijit, the route you are planning to take looks fine to me and your plan too. Go with Shyok route as you will have multiple bikes which can come for rescue in case there is any need of it.
Thanks a lot Dhiraj Bhai for ur very much valuable information. Will take Shyok route.
Best wishes for your trip to Ladakh, feel free to post any further questions you may have for your trip.
Hello dheeraj sir, we r a group of 6 boys wish to leh in October 17. Following is the itinerary I have made . Plz correct me if I m wrong.
Day 2 : magnetic hill n pather sahib n acclimatization.
We don't have much experience of riding bikes in mountains . Is this good to go nubra n pangong on bikes for us.
Do a day trip on Day 2 on bike ride and then decide. You will surely feel challenges on these roads especially near the passes, so depending upon how comfortable you are with cold conditions and riding bike, please decide. A small injury can lead to fatal results in such remote places, so keep that in mind always. Also, in case you are riding first time, avoid Agham-Shyok route.
I have done khardoongla in 2014 n didn't face any problem what so ever. Yes my friends r visiting leh for the first time.
Is my itinerary fine ?
Your plan looks OK, make sure you have company in case you are taking Agham – Shyok route. It is a desolated route as mentioned in the article above.
2) Suggestion for visiting Tso Moriri. Since this is our first ime in the Ladakh region, is it worth visiting both the lakes or any one of them? and if there is a way to do so without back and forth from Leh.
Would like your advise on Nubra Valley – Pangong Tso route options.
Is it advisable to do it without getting back to Leh.
Sharad, as suggested int he article, the routes are desolated. Please confirm from locals before going into these routes about the present conditions and also, make sure you have company along the route just in case something goes wrong, there is some help.
Your plan looks fine except Pahalgam which might be too much. So, please drop it. Rest you will be having taxi so fuel he will be managing and then for direct route to Hanle from Pangong tso, you will need inner line permits from DC office in Leh.
Also, we have planned to not pre book hotel or cab. So I just want to know will those be available at that time? What can be the expected expenditure?
Dipmala, you plan looks good and balanced to me. It would be much better if you come back to Leh from Nubra Valley or spend that local sightseeing day in Turtuk in Nubra Valley. Yeah, if you are OK to search few hotels here and there, it should be fine to get the hotel on the spot.
Thank You Dheeraj for such a quick response. Let me check how I can reshuffle those days to manage the sightseeing at Turtuk.
Going for a 12 days trip without a pre-booked cab is a wise decision? Or I need to rethink on it?
I think if you have a pre-booked cab and do not have too much preferences to stay at specific places and aren't tooo choosy on places to stay, it should be perfectly fine and cabbie will help you always in finding a decent, clean place to stay.
i'm susy from indonesia with a group of 5person, planning to visit leh direct from kathmandu.
i need your suggestion from our itinerary as we only have limited time.
Thank you very much for your reply….
1. Is it worthy to skip nubra n adding moriri as new destination ?
2. Is it possible to do?
Which one that you think it's better to skip?
I saw all the pictures and all beautifull, then i started confused to decided which one i should choose in my first trip to leh.
already decided some place to visit as your suggestion, but also combine with the driver(guide) advice.
i will write again after got the perfect plan with the guide.
Need you advise for below Itinerary.
Day2. -Srinagar – Sonmarg – Kargil.
Day4.Leh – Nubra Via Khardungla Pass.stay overnight at the camp at Nubra.
Day6.Pangong – Tsomoriri,Chumathang hot springs, Mahe and Puga Sumdo.
Please suggest if i need to shorten the trip which i need to drop, Pangong/Tsomoriri?
The date is from 29thApril to 9th May.
Your plan is too hectic without any buffer days or rest days. You do not even have a mandatory acclimatization day in Leh. I will not suggest going through this plan. Better add couple of more days to ease out journey.
Jun 11 : Pangong to Tso-Moriri. Night halt at Tso-Moriri (Here my question is whether visiting Tso-Moriri is worth visiting after staying a night at Pangong-Tso. Wont the 2 vistas be similar. Also would we be acclimatised enough for spending the night at Tso-Moriri and Pangong).
You started with a easy pace but then you picked up too much for families. The road is pretty much doable now from Nubra to Pangong Tso via Agham. However, the problem will be desolation and with families, it scare even more. If you can find some vehicles to accompany you can attempt that route to reach Pangong Tso. Once Pangong Tso, come back to Leh on June 11. Now on June 12, start for Tso Moriri after filling up the tanks. June 13, make Tso Moriri to Jispa by starting early in the day else in worst circumstances you can stay at Sarchu. Spending a day in Jispa shall be fine.
Thanks a lot for the reply. I think we would drop Tso-Moriri as one of the families has a senior person with high BP (though he is well-controlled with medicines). He was concerned about spending a night at such high altitude. Would spending a night at Pangong with the easy schedule of acclimatisation that we have selected cause any problems. If so, can we return to Leh on the same day. I was very keen to spend a night at Pangong.
Mayoor, there is little difference between Pangong Tso and Tso Moriri. So, if you are able to spend night at Pangong Tso, you should be good with Tso Moriri too but if you want to avoid that is fine. In case you feel something at Pangong Tso, you guys can get down to stay at Tangtse which is 34 KMs from Pangong Tso towards Leh. That shall help as well.
It is a very tiring and bumpy journey as well. Yes, you can take the route from Pangong tso to Chusul and back to Tangtse for night stay but you cannot reach Leh the same day.
And yes the inner line permits will be required for it.
Yes Mayoor, better that you spend an extra day and visit Turtuk Village, it is a nice village offering good views and culture. And it makes sense to return to Pangong Tso and then spend an extra day in Jispa, a quaint & offbeat village.
May be try to go towards Shingo La pass from Darcha. You need to go back to Darcha and then travel towards Shingo La which is just now open last year by BRO and when connected fully, it will connect Padum in Zanskar Valley to Darcha on Manali – Leh Highway. Darcha to Shingo La pass is about 40 KMs. Jispa to Darcha is around 7-8 KMs. But keep in mind that road will be bumpy.
Yes, that will be the best option. Talk to the guys at the checkpost at Darcha when you make an entry in the police register there. They should be able to give you some knowhow else check with hotel guys at Ibex or Padma Guest house.
Jun 18: Manali to Chandigarh. Catch plane in evening for Mumbai.
A situation has developed wherein our return flight from Chandigarh which was due at 6.00 PM in evening has been preponed to 12.25 PM. All evening flights have been rescheduled on that day due to Airport maintenance work. Now it is not possible to leave from Manali and reach Chandigarh before 12.25 PM.
We have 2 options now.
2. Instead of Jispa to Manali on Jun17, leave early from Jispa & reach Mandi for night halt. Next day morning leave early from Mandi at about 5 Am to reach Chandigarh by about 10. 00 to 10.30 AM to catch afternoon flight.
Is option 2 feasible as this would entail no extra charge for change in flight tickets or would it be very hectic & touch-and-go. Since we are not very sure about Manali-Chandigarh road conditions, should we take a chance by going for option 2 or just skip extra day at Jispa.
Pl advice and Thanks in advance.
Mayoor, plan 1 is ofcourse a better less stressful bet but in case you opt for plan 2, it is much better to go over and sleep at Sissu or Khoksar as close to Rohtang Pass as possible. Next morning leave from there and try to reach Chandigarh the same day or at least reach Bilaspur/Swarghat that day to ease out into the flight. Many things can go wrong in the mountains, so always plan for contingencies.
Hope ur doing good! Firstly thank you so much for all your suggestions and guidance your giving to fellow travellers .
planning to visit leh-ladakh this september 14th 2016 with my husband..we are also planning to travel from leh-Hunder by bike..So please tell me first ..is it safe for a couple to travel by bike from leh-Hunder(so long ..i believe distance is approximately 140KM)..so suggest us on this plzzz.i'm extremely nervous to travel ,as its just two of us ….
Yes, it is fine and alot of people do it every year. If you guys are OK and comfortable riding bikes for about 6-7 Hrs then you can make the trip. Also, make your you have good experience of riding bike and then only take a chance to ride up there.
Did the shyok route on 13th Aug 2016 on RE 500 bullet There wasn't much water on road (if you choose to call it that) but there were 2 nasty stream crossings. Not to mention lose rocks, round stones, sand, mud on the road. Sand was the most treacherous part for me.
But the route is doable if you have a convoy of around 5-6 bikes at least. Otherwise it's just insane.
BRO has started asphalting the road again but it's a matter of time that it gets washed away again.
We reach Leh from Manali by bus and we take a flight to Srinagar on Day 7.
We did not have Kargil in mind,but learnt about the direct route from nubra to pangong from a local taxi driver who also helped sketch out this itinerary and agreed to this plan for a decent price.
Would be happy to get some suggestions from you and also about the feasibility of plan.
hi ..we are even planning to go in septemebr .please let us know the dates..so even we can join .Thanks .
Check the DoW Travel Calendar and post your entry as well. Also connect with others planning the route.
Hi, I am also planning to go in mid sept.
What are your days for travelling? If our dates collide we can go together from Nubra to Pangong.
Hi prasanth….we as couple are even planning to visit in mid-septemebr[14th to 22nd] .please let us know the dates.. we can join you guys if our dates are matching ..please let me know .Thanks .
Yes, the roads to Turtuk and Pangong Tso are open and you can travel it.
We are planning to travel from nubra valley to pangong, so which would be suitable route to travel on bike.
Mayur, if you have couple of bikes or supporting vehicle/accompany cars/taxis with you then better try to take Agham – Shyok route but confirm from the locals about it current condition. If open, use that else try Wari La pass. Please note that, it is desolated and so as Agham – Shayok route.
Best is to go from Nubra to Leh and then Leh to Pangong Tso. Rest pros and cons of other direct routes are mentioned in the article.
I have planned my trip in mid sept. and planning to go from Nubra to pangong directly. We can accompany you guys on that route. We will also get the company on that difficult route.
Hi Reshma ..we are even planning to this month (sep 14th to 22 nd september) .please let us know the dates..we can join you guys if the dates are matching .Thanks .
Please review and advise which one is better considering this is our first trip.


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