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Summary: Over the last decade, a growing body of literature has emerged which is concerned with the question of what form a promising concept of social resilience might take.
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Vol. 67No.
WHAT IS SOCIAL RESILIENCE?
LESSONS LEARNED AND WAYS FORWARD
M arkus keck and Patrick Sakdapolrak
With 1 table
Received 09. November 2012 Accepted 20. March 2013
Summary: Over the last decade, a growing body of literature has emerged which is concerned with the question of what
form a promising concept of social resilience might take. In this article we argue that social resilience has the potential to
be crafted into a coherent analytic framework that can build on scientific knowledge from the established concept of social
vulnerability, and offer a fresh perspective on todays challenges of global change. Based on a critical review of recently
published literature on the issue, we propose to define social resilience as being comprised of three dimensions: 1. Coping
capacities the ability of social actors to cope with and overcome all kinds of adversities; 2. Adaptive capacities their ability to
learn from past experiences and adjust themselves to future challenges in their everyday lives; 3. Transformative capacities their
ability to craft sets of institutions that foster individual welfare and sustainable societal robustness towards future crises.
Viewed in this way, the search for ways to build social resilience especially in the livelihoods of the poor and marginalized
is revealed to be not only a technical, but also a political issue.
Innerhalb der vergangenen Dekade ist eine Vielzahl von Artikeln erschienen, die sich mit der Frage beschftigen, wie ein der Forschung dienliches Konzept von sozialer Resilienz aussehen knnte. Wir argumentieren,
dass ein in sich kohrentes Forschungsprogramm erstellt werden kann, welches nicht nur in der Lage ist, Ergebnisse aus
der Verwundbarkeitsforschung aufzunehmen, sondern gleichsam neue Wege fr die Erforschung aktueller Problemlagen
aufzuzeigen vermag. Vor dem Hintergrund der gegenwrtigen Literaturlage schlagen wir eine Definition sozialer Resilienz
vor, welche drei Dimensionen umfasst: 1. Die Fhigkeit sozialer Akteure zur Bewltigung von Krisen. 2. Das Vermgen,
aus vergangenen Erfahrungen zu lernen und sich an zuknftige Entwicklungen anzupassen. 3. Die Befhigung zur sozialen
und kologischen Transformation, welche das individuelle Wohlergehen frdern und einer nachhaltigen gesellschaftlichen
Strkung im Umgang mit zuknftigen Krisen dienlich sind. In dieser Betrachtungsweise erscheint die Suche nach Resilienz
insbesondere fr die Lebenshaltung der Armen und Ausgegrenzten nicht als technische, sondern primr als politische
Aufgabe.
Keywords: Social resilience, risk, vulnerability, adaptation, transformation, sustainable development
The notion of resilience has become increasingly
prominent in the last decade or so within several
academic disciplines and research fields, from biology and engineering to sustainability studies and research into natural hazards and development issues.
A controversial discussion has gained momentum
regarding the question of whether or not resilience
is a valid concept for the study of society. Today,
a growing body of literature has emerged which is
concerned with defining what form a promising
conceptualization of social resilience might take. These
developments have been subjected to deep criticism
from both natural and social scientists. The ecologists Brand and Jax (2007) have argued for constraining the application of the notion of resilience
DOI: 10.3112/erdkunde.2013.01.02
to ecosystems for reasons of conceptual clarity. As a
boundary object (Star and Griesemer 1989; Star
2010), resilience might facilitate the exchange of
thoughts across disciplinary borders, which is necessary in order to develop a better understanding of
coupled social-ecological systems. However, employing too broad a definition for the sake of a shared
vocabulary might then make the term too vague and
unmanageable, which in turn might even hinder scientific progress (Brand and Jax 2007).
From a social science perspective, the geographers Cannon and Mller-M ahn (2010, 623) have
argued that the concept of resilience is inadequate
and even false when it is being uncritically transferred to social phenomena. Due to its empirical
heritage rooted in ecosystem sciences, the concept
is feared to lead to the re-naturalization of society
http://www.erdkunde.uni-bonn.de
Vol.67No.1
(Lidskog 2001) and to the re-emergence of a simplistic natural determinism (Judkins et al. 2008). By
advocating a positivistic, rationalistic and mechanistic way of thinking, it would disguise the essence
of the issue: power relations (Cannon and MllerM ahn 2010). As such, the concept bears the risk of
depoliticizing social structures and unconsciously
reinforcing the status-quo of society by overlooking
those mechanisms that put people at risk in the first
place (Pelling and M anuel-Navarrete 2011).
While acknowledging these critical voices, in our
view the stated arguments are not sufficient to dismiss the concept as a whole. Instead we argue and
this is the central proposition of this paper that social resilience retains the potential to be crafted into
a coherent analytic framework that, on the one hand,
is able to incorporate scientific knowledge from the
tried and tested concept of vulnerability and, on the
other hand, is forward-looking and opens up a fresh
perspective on todays challenges of global change.
Our proposition rests on a critical review of recently
published literature on social resilience1) which
was found by means of the two research engines,
Google Scholar and Web of Knowledge. All in
all 68 relevant articles were identified that explicitly
refer to the concept of social resilience; 13 were
purely conceptual elaborations, while 55 presented
empirical findings. These results were complemented
with contributions that are, according to our knowledge and assessment, central to the discussion, even
though the term social resilience was not explicitly
mentioned. Giving the vast number of contributions
on resilience, we cannot claim comprehensiveness
regarding all conceptual refinements and empirical
applications. Our aim is rather to provide a systematic overview of the main strands in the development
of the concept of social resilience and to propose a
framework which can guide future research in the
field. In doing so, we want to provide a compass to
help researchers to navigate through the increasingly
complex body of literature, which will enable them
to build on existing knowledge in order to make
further progress in this research field. To this end,
we investigate the roots of the concept of resilience
and outline its genealogy, which leads to the iden1)
This contribution explicitly focuses on literature referring to the concept of social resilience and is not intended to
give an overview of the resilience literature in general. The
literature on different types of resilience has grown rapidly
(e.g. urban resilience, organizational resilience, community resilience, regional resilience) and cannot be adequately covered
and discussed in a single review.
tification of three fundamental principles (section
2). Subsequently, we discuss the varied definitions
of social resilience and provide a short summary of
empirical studies that have applied the concept so
far (section 3). We then identify key mechanisms
for building social resilience (section 4) and discuss
possible ways to advance the study of social actors
navigating of contemporary spaces of risk and resilience (section 5). The article ends with concluding
remarks on the development of the concept of social
2 What is resilience?
The concept of resilience has evolved stepwise
from its initial emphasis on the general persistence of
ecological system functions in a world that is subject
to ongoing change, through an orientation towards
coupled social-ecological systems and questions of
the adaptation of humans in nature, to its most recent
readjustment, in taking up the more critical question
of social transformation in the face of global change.
This particular genealogy we suggest is indicative of the underlying principles that constitute the
resilience concept, i.e. persistability, adaptability, and
transformability.
Resilience as persistability
Crawford Hollings (1973) article on
Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems is
referred to as groundbreaking work in the study of
resilience (e.g. Walker and Salt 2006). By discussing examples such as spruce budworm outbreaks
and their role for boreal forests in Canada (Holling
1973; Holling 1986; Holling 1996), Holling made
the case that ecosystems would reveal nonlinear dynamics. With his paper, he radically called into question former static, equilibrium-based models of ecosystems. Instead he proposed to approach them as
complex, adaptive systems that would retain cyclicity
and exhibit a multitude of possible stable states, or
basins of attraction. With the notion of resilience,
he addressed the persistence of [ecological] systems
and their ability to absorb change and disturbance
and still maintain the same relationships between
populations and state variables (Holling 1973,
14). This (ecological) resilience was measured by the
magnitude of disturbance that a system could tolerate and still persist (Carpenter et al. 2001). Such an
understanding was fundamentally different from
M.Keck and P. Sakdapolrak: What is social resilience?
the meaning implied by the more established term
stability, which described the ability of a system
to return to an equilibrium state after a temporary
disturbance (Holling 1996) and was also related
to the time required for the system to return to
this equilibrium (Pimm 1984). In shifting from the
logic of stability to that of resilience, the emphasis
was placed on those characteristics that enabled the
system to live with disturbance and instability and
which promoted its inherent flexibility and strengths
that would increase its chances of persistence. Due
to its clear-cut focus on ecosystems, at this stage, the
concept of resilience remained widely unnoticed by
social scientists.
Resilience as adaptability
In subsequent years, scholars of the Resilience
Alliance, an international and interdisciplinary research network, further substantiated the idea of resilience by conducting empirical case studies on coupled social-ecological systems (Walker et al. 1981;
Walker 1993; Carpenter et al. 1999; Carpenter et
al. 2001; Walker et al. 2002). Empirical findings and
conceptual considerations merged into the elaboration of the meta-theoretical model of the adaptive
cycle (Holling 2001; Gunderson and Holling
2002; Berkes et al. 2003). The adaptive cycle is a
heuristic model that portrays an endogenously driven four-phase cyclicity of complex systems. The general phases that these systems pass through are periods of 1) accumulation and growth, 2) stagnation,
rigidity and lock-in, 3) sudden collapse, and 4) re-organization and renewal. With the notion of panarchy, cross-scale dynamics and the interplay between
nested adaptive cycles are addressed, in which the
analyzed system is affected by both higher-ranked,
slower cycles and subordinated, faster cycles.
In this second phase of the concepts lifespan,
(social-ecological) resilience was defined as the capacity of a [social-ecological] system to absorb disturbance and re-organize while undergoing change
so as to still retain essentially the same function,
structure, identity and feedbacks (Folke 2006,
259). This definition served the aim of integrating
the two ideas of ecological resilience and that of the
adaptive cycle. As such, social-ecological resilience
was defined as the magnitude of change the system
could undergo and still remain within the same stable state (cf. ecological resilience), and the systems
degree of self-organization (Holling 2001), understood as its capacity to re-organize after perturba-
tions in an emergent and path-dependent manner
(cf. adaptive cycle). In order to make the concept applicable for sustainability studies, the systems capacity for learning and adaptation was also included as
third factor (Berkes et al. 2003). With the notion of
adaptation or adaptability, proponents of resilience
thinking positioned themselves within the climate
change discourse by raising the question of whether
humans in nature might be able to combine their
experience and knowledge to successfully adapt to
global environmental change. Resilience emerged
as a boundary object (Star and Griesemer 1989;
Star 2010) positioned between two communities of
practice i.e. natural and social sciences and represented a means by which to allow for interdisciplinary collaboration and exchange.
Resilience as transformability
One of the fundamental ideas of resilience
thinking was that environmental problems cannot be addressed in isolation of the social context
(OBrien et al. 2009, 5). As such, the concept of
resilience could be seen as an invitation extended
by natural scientists to social scientists to engage in
integrative research under the banner and normative goal of sustainability. As a response to the critique of conservatism implicit in the reading of the
concept of resilience as applied to social systems,
which has been raised by critical social scientists
(Pelling and Navarrete 2011), most recently, resilience proponents have updated their concept by
adding the notion of transformation or transformability. As stated above, a system is seen to possess
multiple potential stable states, or basins of attraction, which together constitute its stability landscape (Gallopn 2006, 298). In being exposed to
a specific shock or stress, or through changes in
internal structures and feedback loops, the system
might move from one basin into another, and thus
exhibit changes in its functionality. The notion of
transformability, then, addresses a systems capacity to transform the stability landscape and to create
new system pathways when ecological, economic or
social structures make the existing system untenable
(Walker et al. 2004; Folke et al. 2010). The word
untenable (Walker et al. 2004, 1) unmistakably
addresses those issues that have so far been at the
heart of the development discourse, i.e. equality,
justice and human rights. This new focus on transformability can be said to have heralded the third
phase of the concepts lifespan.
Against this background, the genealogy of the
concept of resilience can be summarized as having
evolved stepwise from its initial focus on the persistability of ecological system functions, through an emphasis on the adaptability of coupled social-ecological
systems, to its most recent reorientation towards addressing the transformability of society in the face of global change. By taking these three genealogical steps as
highlighting the underlying principles that constitute
the concept, resilience can be defined in its most general sense as a systems capacity to persist in its current state of functioning while facing disturbance and
change, to adapt to future challenges, and to transform
in ways that enhance its functioning. How can this
concept be transferred to the social realm?
3 What is social resilience?
All definitions of social resilience concern social
entities be they individuals, organizations or communities and their abilities or capacities to tolerate,
absorb, cope with and adjust to environmental and social threats of various kinds. As Obrist et al. (2010a,
289) pointed out, the entry point for empirical studies on social resilience is the question: Resilience to
what? What is the threat or risk we examine? Threats
are usually assumed to originate externally with regard
to social units (e.g. impact of rising prices on household
expenditure), but they might also stem from internal
dynamics (e.g. impact of diseases on household income) or from interaction between the two (Gallopn
2006, 295). Turner et al. (2003, 8075) differentiate between stresses, which are characterized by continuous
or slowly increasing threats (e.g. soil degradation) and
perturbations, which refer to rapid-onset hazards (e.g.
hurricane) to which social units are exposed. They
emphasize that social as well as ecological events and
dynamics can be considered as threats, and that social
units are usually exposed to multiple stressors (see also
Leichenko and OBrien 2008).
The reviewed empirical case studies on social
resilience address a wide range of threats. While
some studies remain relatively broad and unspecific
(Cinner et al. 2009), most other studies focus on
specific stressors, which can be broadly grouped into
three categories:
1. The first is centered on natural hazards and disasters
and comprises studies on droughts (Rockstrom 2004;
Pearce et al. 2010), floods (Braun and Aheuer 2011;
Cashman 2011; Haase 2011; Lopez-M arrero and
Tschakert 2011), tropical storms (Tompkins 2005;
Frazier et al. 2010; Howe 2011; McSweeney and
Coomes 2011; Pelling and M anuel-Navarret, 2011),
volcano eruptions (Tobin and Whiteford 2002), tsunamis (Adger et al. 2005; Larsen et al. 2011; Biggs et
al. 2012) and fires (Harte et al. 2009; McGee 2011).
2. A second group of papers addresses more
long-term stress associated with natural resource management, resource scarcity and environmental variability.
Case studies focus on issues such as mangrove forest conversion (Adger 2000), maritime resource
conservation (M arshall et al. 2009), desertification
(Bradley and Grainger 2004), declining water quality (Gooch et al. 2012), water scarcity (Langridge et
al. 2006) and climate variability and climate change
(Endfield 2007; Hayward 2008; R asmussen et al.
2009; M arshall 2010; Garschagen 2011; M arshall
et al. 2011; Deshingkar 2012; Scheffran et al. 2012;
Traerup 2012).
3. A third group of studies deals with various
kinds of social change and development issues and examines
policy and institutional change (Thomas and Twyman
2005; M arshall 2007; M arshall and M arshall 2007;
M arshall et al. 2007), migration (Adger et al. 2002;
Porter et al. 2008; Siegmann 2010), regional economic transformation (Evans 2008), tourism (Adams
2010), infrastructural development (Perz et al. 2010),
urban socio-spatial transformation (Bouzarovski et
al. 2011), economic crisis and uncertainty (Schwarz
et al. 2011; Zingel et al. 2011; K eck et al. 2012), and
health risks (Leipert and R eutter 2005; Hoy et al.
2008; Dongus et al. 2010; Obrist et al. 2010b).
All these studies have in common the fact that
they use social resilience as their guiding concept.
How do different authors define social resilience? The
review shows that the emergence of the concept of social resilience shares certain similarities with the conceptual development of resilience, as described in section 2. It starts with a rather unspecific understanding
of social resilience as the capacitity to respond, which
then evolves as it incorporates notions of learning and
adaptation to form a composite definition, and culminates in the acknowledgement of the importance of
the roles played by power, politics and participation
in the context of increasing uncertainty and surprise.
Drawing on insights of vulnerability analysis
A first definition of social resilience was provided by A dger (2000, 361) who considered it as the
ability of communities to withstand external shocks
to their social infrastructure. Rather like the aforementioned understanding of resilience as the ability
to persist, the focus of this definition was on the ca-
pacities of social entities to protect themselves from
all kinds of hazardous events. With a similar understanding in mind, Turner et al. (2003, 8075) incorporated the notion of resilience into their vulnerability concept and defined it as systems capacities to
[] respond: These responses, they write, whether
autonomous action or planned, public or private, individual or institutional, tactical or strategic, shortor long-term, anticipatory or reactive in kind, and
their outcomes collectively determine the resilience
of the coupled system (ibid. 8077).
Against this background one could argue that
resilience is a combination of those elements that
have been addressed in former concepts with the
terms coping strategies and adaptive capacity.
However, the idea of resilience extends beyond these
two elements. The concept of resilience is intrinsically dynamic and relies on the Heraclitean notion
of everything changes, nothing remains still. As
such, it encompasses uncertainty, change and crisis as normal, rather than exceptional conditions.
Therefore, the analysis of social resilience is geared
toward understanding the mechanisms by which a
system can adapt not only to the challenges that are
directly at hand, but also to those that are unexpected and unknown (K ates and Clark 1996; Streets
and Glantz 2000). Glavovic et al. (2003, 291) have
made this explicit by defining social resilience as
the capacity to absorb [] change the ability to
deal with surprises or cope with disturbances.
Incorporating learning and adaptation into composite definitions
In a second step the definition of social resilience was widened by including further skills and
know-how that were deemed necessary for successfully dealing with uncertainty and change. Pelling
(2003, 48), for instance, holds that social resilience
is a product of the degree of planned preparation
undertaken in the light of a potential hazard, and of
spontaneous or premeditated adjustments made in
response to felt hazard, including relief and rescue.
Cutter et al. (2008) defines social resilience as the
ability of a social system to respond and recover from
disasters and states that it includes those inherent
conditions that allow the system to absorb impacts
and cope with an event, as well as post-event, adaptive processes that facilitate the ability of the social
system to re-organize, change, and learn in response
to a threat. Both Pelling (2003) and Cutter et
al. (2008) underline the anticipatory capacities and
the pre-hazard preparedness of social actors and the
capacity of a social system to learn from hazardous
events how to better deal with it in future.
This positive feedback of learning from past
crises to better deal with uncertainties in the future
has given direction to new composite definitions.
Glavovic et al. (2003, 290f.) have written that social resilience is basically influenced by [] institutions [] and networks that enable people to access
resources, learn from experiences and develop constructive ways of dealing with common problems.
Based on these considerations, Obrist et al. (2010a,
289) define social resilience as the capacity of actors to access capitals in order to not only cope
with and adjust to adverse conditions (that is, reactive capacity) but also search for and create options (that is, proactive capacity) and thus develop
increased competence (that is, positive outcomes) in
dealing with a threat. From this perspective, social
resilience not only addresses social actors or entities capacities to protect themselves from all kinds
of threats: in addition to absorptive capacities in the
face of perturbations and stress, the idea of social
resilience also implies that catastrophes may be perceived as opportunities for doing new things, for
innovation and development (Bohle et al. 2009).
Being fully resilient, then, means coping with future
crises by learning, through undergoing shocks and
distress, about which actions are more or less appropriate in the context of uncertainties. Therefore the
key question of social resilience is, as Obrist et al.
(2010a, 291) have pointed out, what enhances capacities of individuals, groups and organizations to
deal with threats more competently.
Acknowledging power, politics and participation
in transformation
Even though this recent elaboration of the concept of social resilience may sound promising, many
social researchers have deemed it too optimistic, since
social actors specific contexts are neglected. Lorenz
(2010) has rightly pointed out that whether persons
are able to cope with threats, learn from them, and
adjust to future crises is not only decided by the persons themselves, or by their endowments and willingness to invest into mitigating and adaptive measures;
most of all, it is a question involving all those societal
factors that both facilitate and constrain peoples abilities to access assets, to gain capabilities for learning,
and to become part of the decision-making process.
Therefore, at its heart, social resilience has to provide
a suitable answer to the question of the interplay between social structures and the agency of social actors
(Bohle et al. 2009).
Voss (2008, 45) has made clear that the predominant opinion was that the pressure of an objective
problem was enough to initiate solution oriented processes. This was based on a fundamental trust that all
problems today or in the future could be successfully
dealt with through technology and science [] in a
cloud of apoliticalness. However, this opinion has
turned out to be wrong; firstly, because the different
perspectives and expectations of diverse stakeholders
must be taken into account when coming to terms
with todays challenges, and secondly, because there
is no Habermasian ideal speech situation (Lorenz
2010). What types of threats are perceived, how they
are dealt with, and whether the poor and marginalized are heard or not all of these are questions related to actors capacities to participate in governance processes (Voss 2008). If alternative or critical
voices remain unheard for the sake of implementing
standard solutions, the participative capacity of the
system, and the unequal distribution of power and
knowledge, become key issues of social resilience (e.g.
Glavovic et al. 2003; Bohle et al. 2009; OBrien et
al. 2009; Davidson 2010; Lorenz 2010; Obrist et al.
2010a). In reality, there are situations that make shifts
in dealing with risks necessary which exceed established methods of coping and adapting. These shifts
might include technological innovations and policy
reforms, like Germanys nuclear power phase-out
and related policies to foster renewable energies. Such
shifts are, however, strongly influenced by social factors (ethics, knowledge, attitudes to risk and culture)
and social thresholds and start with peoples questioning of their everyday lives and routines, their norms,
values and taken-for-granted assumptions about reality (Adger et al. 2009; OBrien 2011; Christensen
and K rogman 2012). Hence, Bn et al. (2012) have
rightly underscored that there are considerable barriers to societal transformations that are rooted in sys-
tems of power and knowledge, which are often deeply
entrenched in the social structures and protected by
powerful interests.
Three capacities of social resilience
The state of the current debate over how to define
social resilience has reached a point where several authors such as Voss (2008), Lorenz (2010), Obrist et
al. (2010a), Bn et al. (2012) and K eck (2012) have
suggested that three different types of capacities are
necessary for understanding the notion of social resilience in its full meaning. These are labelled coping
capacities, adaptive capacities and transformative capacities.
In the rows in table 1 we list four criteria in order to
make the distinct meanings of these three terms explicit. The first criterion refers to peoples response to
risks, and distinguishes between ex-ante and ex-post
activities. The second criterion, the temporal scope, refers to the time horizon that is addressed. A continuum is spanned between agency based on immediacy
and short-term thinking, and project-related, calculative agency based on a more long-term rationale. The
third criterion refers to the degree of change undergone
by social structures, and the fourth to the outcomes that
are associated with the three capacities.
By means of these four criteria, we can place each
of the above mentioned capacities in a matrix of social
resilience:
1) Coping capacities address re-active (ex-post)
(Obrist 2010a, 289) and absorptive (Bn et al.
2012, 21) measures of how people cope with and
overcome immediate threats by the means of those
resources that are directly available. The rationale
behind coping is the restoration of the present level of
well-being directly after a critical event.
2) Adaptive capacities refer to the pro-active (exante) (Obrist 2010a, 289) or preventive measures
(Bn et al. 2012, 31) that people employ to learn
from past experiences, anticipate future risks and ad-
Tab. 1: Three capacities of social resilience
Coping capacities
Adaptive capacities
Transformative capacities
Response to risk
ex-post
Temporal scope
Degree of change
low, status quo
medium, incremental
high, radical change
restoration of present level
of well-being
security of future wellbeing
enhancement of present and
future well-being
Source: Own draft based on Voss (2008), L orenz (2010), Obrist et al. (2010a), Bn et al. (2012), K eck (2012)
just their livelihoods accordingly. Adaptation is geared
toward incremental change, and serves to secure the
present status of peoples well-being in the face of future risks. The major difference between coping and
adaptation is grounded in the temporal scope of the
activities involved. While coping addresses tactical
agency and short-term rationale, adaptation involves
strategic agency and more long-term planning.
3) Finally, transformative capacities, or participative
capacities in the words of Voss (2008) and Lorenz
(2010), encompass peoples ability to access assets and
assistance from the wider socio-political arena (i.e.
from governmental organizations and so-called civil
society), to participate in decision-making processes,
and to craft institutions that both improve their individual welfare and foster societal robustness toward future crises. The main difference between transformation
and adaptation refers to the degree of change and the
outcome it implies. Transformation is geared towards a
radical shift in which the objective is not to secure, but
to enhance peoples well-being in the face of present
and/or future risks. As such it explicitly incorporates
topics of progressive change and development.
So far, there is no systematic assessment of the
relation between the three dimensions of social resilience, which are often considered as a linear sequence
that is traversed according to the degree of stress social actors are exposed to or the degree of agency involved (Bn et al 2012). However, while positionality
within social systems might influence the endowment
of social actors with different capacities, it would be
misleading to understand these three terms as static
power markers of different societal sections. Empirical
case studies suggest rather that all three dimensions of
agency can be found in principle among all actors at
all scales, albeit to very different extents depending
on the context (K eck and Etzold in this volume). In
accordance with Adger et al. (2011) we thus consider
the following questions to be most pressing from the
perspective of development studies: under what conditions might the three dimensions of social resilience
mutually enforce each other? And in what cases might
one capacity undermine another?
4 Social resilience by what means?
In contrast to the general notion of resilience,
the understanding of social resilience is deeply influenced by insights from the social sciences, and addresses questions of human agency, social practices,
power relations, institutions, and discourses facets
that have been widely ignored in studies of ecological
resilience. After having presented the key capacities
in the section above, in the next step, we will address
the question of key determinants of social resilience,
i.e. social relations and network structures; institutions and
power relations; and knowledge and discourses.
Social relations and network structures
As social resilience is closely related to the
idea of capacity (Cannon 2008), authors such as
M ayunga (2007) and Obrist et al. (2010a) draw on
insights from the social vulnerability and livelihoods
approach and point to the importance of endowment
with different kinds of assets as a crucial determinant of social resilience (see also Cinner et al. 2009).
These studies refer to a broad variety of assets, e.g.
economic capital, physical capital, natural capital, human capital, etc. However, against the background in
which assets are widely acknowledged to be products of social relations (Sakdapolrak 2010, 5760),
social capital is recognized as playing a key role in
building and maintaining social resilience (see e.g.
A dger 2000; A dger et al. 2002; Pelling and High,
2005; Wolf et al. 2010; Scheffran et al. 2012).
Studies that deal with this issue can be subdivided into those that predominantly analyze the structure
of social networks and those that focus on the meaning and content of social relations (K eck et al. 2012).
Studies by Ernstson and colleagues (Ernstson
2008; Ernstson et al. 2010a and 2010b) are examples
of the first group of studies. Authors like Bodin et al.
(2006) have tried to assess the optimal case-specific
ratio of strong and weak ties necessary in order to
build social resilience. And Moore and Westley
(2011) have argued that network theory helps to explain the types of networks needed for social resilience. However, they have admitted that the mere
presence of network structures does not guarantee
that innovation will take place. What is crucially
needed are institutional entrepreneurs that make
innovative processes happen.
Pelling and High (2005), Traerup (2012) and
K eck et al. (2012) represent the second group of
studies, which place emphasis on the content of
social relations and on the critical roles of trust,
reciprocity and mutual support. Pelling and High
(2005) have suggested that informal social interactions are communities best resources for maintaining their capacities to build social resilience and to
change collective direction. K eck et al. (2012) have
made clear that informal networks play a decisive
role in urban food supply in cities of developing
countries. While most authors consider social capital
an enabling resource for resilience-building, Bohle
(2006) has given attention to the dual nature of social networks; sometimes enabling, but sometimes
constraining and exclusionary.
Institutions and power relations
As with assets, questions of access have also
come into the focus of social resilience research. In
attempting to understand peoples access to resources, several authors have stressed the importance of
institutions, understood as those rules and norms
that both structure and are structured by social
practices (Etzold et al. 2012). A dger (2000, 354),
for instance, states that social resilience is institutionally determined, in the sense that institutions
permeate all social systems and institutions fundamentally determine the economic system in terms of
its structure and distribution of assets. In this regard, Hutter (2011), Garschagen (2011) and K eck
(2012) have proved the usefulness of studying social
resilience through the lenses of neo-institutional organization theory. From an empirical point of view,
Varghese et al. (2006) have pointed out the importance of a differentiated view of the role that access
to land plays in community resilience. L angridge et
al. (2006, 12) have illustrated in their case study how
the capacities of Northern Californian communities
to deal with water scarcity are not directly influenced
by the availability of water, but by the historically
contingent mechanism to gain, control and maintain
access to water. In consequence, the authors rightly
plead for an analysis of the full array of structural
and relational access mechanisms.
The issue of access has brought questions on
equity, justice and power into the agenda. In this
regard, Obrist et al. (2010b) have made clear the importance of peoples cultural capital in the form
of gender, kinship or ethnic role models in determining their access to malaria health care. Glavovic
et al. (2003) have argued in their account that resilience at one level of a community does not necessarily improve resilience at another level, and Cannon
(2008, 12f.) has argued that [c]ommunities are
places where normal everyday inequality, exploitation, oppression and maliciousness are woven into
the fabric of relationships. Accordingly, he argues
that communities must be understood as places of
unequally distributed vulnerabilities and unequally
distributed potentials for dealing with them. From
this perspective, the process of building, conserv-
ing and reproducing social resilience appears as a
highly contradictory and even conflictive process.
Additionally, it is important to note that (o)ptimizing for one form of resilience can reduce other forms
of resilience (Walker and Salt 2006, 121). In other
words, resilience is costly, and it is important that it
is achieved under conditions of finite resources and
limited, though available, options for action. Hence,
studies of social resilience must always address the
question of who are the winners and losers of ongoing processes of building social resilience.
Knowledge and discourses
Recent studies of social resilience emphasize
the roles of knowledge and culture. M arshall and
M arshall (2007, 10) have suggested that perception of risk should be included in future conceptual
models of resilience. Their study shows how ranchers in Australia and the USA overestimate their capacity to cope and adapt to climate variability, and
how this misperception makes them vulnerable to
more extreme climate events (see also M arshall
2010). Likewise, Furedi (2007, 485) has argued that
the ways in which people cope in an emergency or
a disaster are shaped by [] a cultural narrative that
creates a set of expectations and sensitises people to
some problems more than others. As such, perceptions of risk, preference, belief, knowledge, and
experience are key factors that determine, at the individual and societal level, whether and how adaptation takes place (Schwarz et al. 2011, 1138).
Voss (2008) has convincingly shown that social
resilience is a matter of peoples power to define
what is perceived as a threat or disaster and what
is not, whereas hegemonic discourses are always
dominating while the subaltern are seldom heard.
L orenz (2010) argues for understanding the resilience of social entities from the point of view of
their symbolic order of meaning. Kuhlicke (2010)
speaks of the myth of resilience, in order to highlight its social construction and related underlying
mechanisms. In his study on flood management in a
German municipality, he has shown that resilience,
as a discursive formation, can become a powerful
vehicle for establishing and consolidating new power relations within the municipality. In her study in
Northern Ghana, Olwig (2012) has pointed to the
multi-sited construction of local resilience as a result of the interaction of powerful global organizations with local populations. As such, resilience is
a product of both local and global imaginaries and
discourses. All these studies emphasize the importance of questioning by whom, for what purpose,
and with what consequences various worldviews are
transported through the notion of resilience. In this
regard, resilience theory [] needs to acknowledge and incorporate much more explicitly [the]
role of stakeholder agency and the process through
which legitimate visions of resilience are generated
(L arsen et al. 2011, 491). As Ernstson (2008, 174)
has argued, what is required is a clear-cut focus on
the longer-term formation and reproduction of (hegemonic) discourses a focus that urges social scientists to think of knowledge and power as dynamic
and interrelated components of the fabric of our
social world.
5 Ways forward in social resilience research
We draw two major findings from our literature
review as presented above: first, social resilience is
best understood as a concept in the making. In fact,
the questions of how social resilience can be properly defined, how it can be operationalized, measured and analyzed, and how it might be fostered (or
hindered) are far from being settled yet. As such,
at present, it is too early to make any final decision
about the validity and usefulness of the concept
for social science-oriented research agendas. At
the same time this is our second finding three
fundamental principles of social resilience can be
identified that make it a concept in the making. The
concept of resilience in general terms was shown to
have evolved stepwise from its initial focus on the
persistence of system functions, through an emphasis on adaptation, to its most recent reorientation
towards addressing the transformation of society
in the face of global change. In loose correspondence with these genealogical steps, the idea of social
resilience was developed from its initial meaning,
referring simply to actors capacity to respond, and
enlarged to encompass actors capacity to learn and
adapt; now the concept also includes their capacity to participate in governance processes and to
transform societal structures themselves. From our
point of view, the concept of social resilience in its
current state removes much of the concerns raised
by Brand and Jax (2007) with regard to conceptual
Despite their loosely coupled genealogies, the
actor-oriented concept of social resilience elaborated by social scientists departs significantly from the
concepts original meaning. Social scientists place
the spotlight on social actors, rather than on systems, and focus on capacities and practices instead
of functionalities. This shift has been necessary, as
it has brought important issues such as power, politics and participation back onto the agenda of the
resilience debate. In our view, this mitigates much
of the concern expressed by Cannon and MllerM ahn (2010) with regard to the potentially depoliticizing effect of applying of the concept of resilience
to social contexts, and its tendency to reinforce the
status quo. At the same time, we are aware that the
current path of development of the concept of social
resilience bears the risk of losing sight of the importance of context, feedbacks and connectedness
that the resilience concept put on the agenda of risk
studies in the first place (Nelson et al. 2007). We
therefore consider the current challenge to be that
of finding ways to balance and reconcile insights
from both perspectives. We argue that this balance
can be achieved by systematically integrating three
aspects into social resilience analysis.
First, a resilience perspective, as Nelson et al.
(2007, 399) highlight, implies the relatedness and
coupling of social and ecological spheres, which
cannot be understood in isolation from one another. As the review has revealed, the interlinked
character of these two spheres has been deemphasized in studies on social resilience, in favor of an
emphasis on the social sphere alone. Ecological
systems are addressed mainly in the form of stress
factors impinging on social units. In our view, the
concept of hazardscapes developed by Mustafa
(2005) and the related concept of riskscapes suggested by Mller-M ahn and Everts (2013) are able
to address the issue of social-ecological coupling,
and minimize the risk that hazards will be treated
simply as natural events originating outside the social sphere altogether. Having been inspired by the
idea of landscape in Geography, Mustafa (2005)
points out that the concept of hazardscapes acknowledges both the constructedness of nature in
human contexts and nature in the realist sense
(Escobar 1999, 2). Landscape is understood as the
materialised result of complex human-environment
relations (FOR 1501 2010, 7). The concept, thus
emphasizes the hybrid character of human-environmental relations and admits that the experience of
hazards is not just a function of the material geographies of vulnerability but also of how those
hazardous geographies are viewed, constructed, and
reproduced (Mustafa 2005, 566). In addition it
also draws attention to the pluralistic character of
hazards, in temporal, spatial and social terms.
Secondly, we argue that a social resilience
analysis that acknowledges context, feedback and
connectedness (Nelson et al. 2007) can be crafted on the basis of a relational understanding of
society as proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. Authors
such as Obrist et al. (2010a) have already drawn
on Bourdieus notions of field, habitus and
capital and argue that actors risk exposure and
social resilience differ depending on their positions in the field (which are determined by their
capital) and their practices (which are determined
by their habitus). Siegmann (2010) and Cannon
(2008) have highlighted that there might be winners and losers in resilience-building processes
even within the same community or household.
With Bourdieus notions it becomes possible to analyze fields of social resilience, to identify the probable winners and losers in these fields and most
importantly to relate them to each other. Such a
view enables us to raise another question of future
interest; that is: resilience in whose interest?
Thirdly, many studies on social resilience have
emphasized the local level, which is deemed to be the
crucial level of analysis. However, as Olwig (2012)
has made clear, social resilience must be understood
as a product of the interaction between global and
local forces. Apart from rare exceptions (e.g. Lyon
2011), at present a systematic discussion of the relation between social resilience, scale and place is still
lacking. We consider the concept of translocality,
as outlined by Greiner and Sakdapolrak (2012;
see also Greiner and Sakdapolrak 2013), to be
suitable for the analysis of social resilience in the
context of cross-scale dynamics. The authors distinguish between places, referring to locations in
the physical environment where face-to-face communication takes shape, and locales, referring to
settings for social interaction that stretch beyond
places, and which become translocales by means
of remote interactions (Greiner and Sakdapolrak
2012). With the concept of translocality, social
resilience can be conceived of as the outcome of
pluri-local embeddedness of social actors, which are
increasingly gaining importance under the present
condition of ongoing globalization.
This paper has focused on the concept of social resilience. This notion shares the key principles
of the general resilience concept, which is rooted
in and dominated by ecological systems thinking,
specifically in its focus on systems persistability,
adaptability, and transformability. However, it departs
from the general resilience discourse by adopting
an actor-oriented perspective. Through the establishment of this approach to social resilience, the
threat of a re-emergence of the social application
of oversimplistic concepts of natural determinism
has been counterbalanced, and politics has been
brought back into the discussion.
Based on our review of the literature, we have
identified three important dimensions of social resilience, which together take into account social
actors capacities to cope with and to overcome
all kinds of immediate adversities (coping capacities),
their capacities to learn from past experiences and
adjust themselves to pressing new challenges in
the future (adaptive capacities), and their capacities
to craft institutions that foster individual welfare
and sustainable societal robustness in the event of
present and future crises (transformative capacities).
As this review illustrates, the concept of social resilience shares several commonalities with
the social vulnerability and livelihoods approach
(for an overview see M anyena (2006) and M iller
et al. (2010). However, there are also important
differences. We argue that the concept of social
resilience contributes new perspectives to the understanding of vulnerable groups under stress.
Firstly, the concept recognizes uncertainty, change
and crisis as normal, rather than exceptional. The
world is conceived of as being in permanent flux.
In consequence, social resilience is perceived as a
dynamic process, rather than as a certain state or
characteristic of a social entity. Secondly, the study
of social resilience emphasizes the embeddedness
of social actors in their particular time- and placespecific ecological, social and institutional environments. As such, it is a relational rather than an
essentialist concept. Thirdly, social learning, participative decision-making, and processes of collective transformation are recognized as central
aspects of social resilience. Social transformations
are never deterministic, but are open to debate, despite the fact that hegemonic discourses and technical innovation may play important roles in defining potential directions for development. To sum
up, then, social resilience is not only a dynamic and
relational concept, but also a deeply political one. As
such, the search for new approaches to resiliencebuilding especially with regard to the livelihoods
of the poor and marginalized is revealed to be
not merely a technical question, but also a contested political one.
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Markus Keck
Patrick Sakdapolrak
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psakdopo@uni-bonn.de
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Psychologische Belastbarkeit
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FAQ2. German. Translated from English into German by a computer. Übersetzung aus dem Englischen. Häufig gestellte Fragen, Teil 2: Auf das Buch mit dem Titel "Biologische Wirkungen von Tensiden [und Waschmittel]" (in original English edition: 'Biological Effects of Surfactants'), Veröffentlicht von CRC Press, U.S.A. http://www.scribd.com/doc/46334046
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text:
Suite donnée au rapport de la Mission d'experts indépendants dans le droit international humanitaire et des droits de l'homme créé conformément à la résolution 13 / 9 - Conseil des droits de l'homme – Projet de résolution de l'OCI et de la LEA (adopté)
Adopted on 29/09/10.
A/HRC/15/L.34
Fifteenth session
Agenda item 7
Human rights situation in Palestine and other
occupied Arab territories
Pakistan (on behalf of the Organization of the Islamic Conference), Palestine*, Syrian Arab Republic*
(on behalf of the Group of Arab States): draft resolution
15/…	Follow-up to the report of the Committee of independent experts
in international humanitarian and human rights law established
pursuant to Council resolution 13/9
The Human Rights Council,
Guided by the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
Recalling its relevant resolutions, including resolutions S-9/1 of 12 January 2009, S-12/1 of 16 October 2009 and 13/9 of 25 March 2010, adopted in follow-up to the human rights situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and the report of the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict,1
Recalling also relevant General Assembly resolutions, including resolutions 64/10 of 5 November 2009 and 64/254 of 26 February 2010, adopted in follow-up to the report of the Fact-Finding Mission,
Recalling further relevant rules and principles of international law, including international humanitarian law and international human rights law, in particular the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, applicable to the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,
Recalling the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child,
Reaffirming the obligation of all parties to respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law,
Reiterating the importance of the safety and well-being of all civilians, and reaffirming the obligation of the international community to ensure the protection of civilians in armed conflicts,
Stressing the need to ensure accountability for all violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in order to prevent impunity, ensure justice, deter further violations and promote peace,
1.	Takes note of the report of the Secretary-General,2 and requests the Secretary-General to follow up on the implementation of the recommendations contained in the report of the United Nations Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Gaza Conflict,1 in accordance with paragraph 3 of section B of Council resolution S-12/1;
2.	Also takes note of the report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,3and requests the High Commissioner to follow up on the implementation of the recommendations contained in the report of the Fact-Finding Mission, in accordance with paragraph 3 of section B of Council resolution S-12/1;
3.	Welcomes the report of the Committee of independent experts in international humanitarian and human rights law to monitor and assess any domestic, legal or other proceedings undertaken by both the Government of Israel and the Palestinian side, in the light of General Assembly resolution 64/254, including the independence, effectiveness, genuineness of these investigations and their conformity with international standards;4
4.	Warmly welcomes the cooperation of the Palestinian National Authority with the Committee of independent experts, and the report submitted to the Secretary-General on the investigations carried out by the Palestinian Independent Investigation Commission established pursuant to the Goldstone report;5''
5.	Urges the Palestinian Independent Investigation Commission to complete its investigations in order to cover the allegations relating to the occupied Gaza Strip, as contained in the report of the Fact-Finding Mission;
6.	Condemns the non-cooperation by Israel, the occupying Power, which hampered the assessment by the Committee of independent experts of Israel's response to the call by the General Assembly and the Council to conduct investigations that are independent, credible and in conformity with international standards;
7.	Urges Israel, the occupying Power, in compliance with its duties to complete investigations in conformity with international standards of independence, thoroughness, effectiveness and promptness into the serious violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law reported by the Fact-Finding Mission;
8.	Decides to renew and resume the mandate of the Committee of independent experts, established pursuant to Council resolution 13/9, and requests the Committee to submit its report to the Council at its sixteenth session, and requests the High Commissioner to continue to provide the members of the Committee with all administrative, technical and logistic assistance required to enable them to fulfil their mandate promptly and efficiently;
9.	Requests the High Commissioner to present a report on the implementation of the present resolution to the Council at its sixteenth session;
10.	Decides to remain seized of this matter.
*	Non-Member State of the Human Rights Council.
1A/HRC/12/48.
5A/64/890, annex II.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Wells Fargo fired whistleblower for complaints…
Wells Fargo fired whistleblower for complaints about incentives to mislead: lawsuit
AP Photo/Matt Rourke/File
Wells Fargo sign (AP Photo/Matt Rourke, File)
By Ethan Baron | ebaron@bayareanewsgroup.com | Bay Area News Group
PUBLISHED: April 12, 2018 at 5:47 p.m. | UPDATED: April 13, 2018 at 4:37 a.m.
The former head of beleaguered San Francisco-based bank Wells Fargo's foreign exchange group claims he was fired weeks before he was to tell federal regulators about incentives that encouraged employees to "make false and misleading representations to customers, to engage in abusive sales practices, and to enrich themselves at the expense of clients."
That's according to the legal firm representing him in a lawsuit filed Thursday in San Francisco County Superior Court.
Wells Fargo declined to comment.
Simon Fowles alleges that he was terminated after years of making complaints to his managers and high-level executives about goings-on in the foreign exchange sales department. He had told bank management he planned to tell the U.S. Office of Controller of the Currency about the incentives, and was sacked "just weeks before" he was scheduled to talk to the regulators, his law firm said.
Fowles claims he had warned management of "significant risks of illegal activity, mail and wire fraud, unlawful profiteering, and regulatory violations he believed would result from the compensation plan used by Wells Fargo to compensate members of the FX (foreign exchange) sales team," according to the San Francisco law firm of attorney Daniel Feder.
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Fowles claims he was unlawfully terminated in retaliation for his complaints.
In October, the Wall Street Journal reported that federal prosecutors were investigating Wells Fargo's foreign exchange trading. The newspaper cited as sources unnamed people said to be familiar with the matter.
The bank, hit with a $185 million fine in 2016 for opening up about 1.5 million accounts and applying for about a half-million credit cards without customers' consent, is also under federal investigation over its wealth-management and auto-lending businesses.
SiliconBeat
Ethan Baron | Business reporter
Ethan Baron is a business reporter at The Mercury News, and a native of Silicon Valley before it was Silicon Valley. Baron has worked as a reporter, columnist, editor and photographer in newspapers and magazines for 25 years, covering business, politics, social issues, crime, the environment, outdoor sports, war and humanitarian crises.
ebaron@bayareanewsgroup.com
Follow Ethan Baron	@ethanbaron
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text:
Al Lawson returning to state Capitol as Gadsden County lobbyist
Former Congressman Al Lawson sought a chair in the last row of the Gadsden County Commission chambers as residents and officials gathered to discuss the upcoming session of the Florida Legislature.
He didn't remain seated for long. Lawson had represented the county for 34 years in the Legislature and US Congress, so a crowd of people stopping in the aisle to exchange remarks formed and created a bottleneck until Rep. Gallop Franklin, D-Tallahassee, broke it up.
Franklin chaired the Gadsden Legislative Delegation meeting and invited Lawson to come sit at the dais with him and Sen. Corey Simon, R-Tallahassee, so he could gavel the meeting to order.
First order of business was the announcement that Lawson would be hired to lobby the Florida Legislature for the hard scrabble county of 43,000 residents.
"Y'all know that I'm a Midway boy. Grew up on those dirt roads of Midway until I came to this metropolis here in Quincy," said Lawson drawing laughs from the crowd.
The next chapter:Al Lawson secured millions for North Florida in his final weeks in Congress. What's next?
In his own words:US Rep. Al Lawson: 'I will always put the people of North Florida ahead of politics'
The 74-year-old Lawson lost a reelection bid in a redrawn congressional district last November after serving six years in Washington. He had previously served in the Florida House and then Florida Senate for 28 years, championing legislation to protect the environment, agricultural, and state worker benefits.
"He has been such a long living, I will say it, legend for the area. So, I appreciate his wisdom. His wise words. His mentorship as we tried to move our community forward," said Franklin, who won the House seat Lawson held 30 years ago.
Gadsden County Commissioner Brenda Holt had first suggested Lawson go to work for Gadsden after the November election loss to Congressman Neil Dunn, R-Panama City.
"He's very good at what he does," said Holt at the time.
He will make $60,000 per year as a contract employee, according to a Gadsden County spokesperson.
Introducing him Thursday night, she called on the audience to give him a round of applause for the $25 million in local infrastructure projects Lawson had secured for the five counties he represented in Washington.
"It makes sense for us to bring him home to work for us," Holt explained, afterwards.
The hiring process has not been finalized yet. Lawson's name does not appear on the state's list of registered lobbyists, but it is clear he is at work for Gadsden.
From the dais, Lawson explained to the county and municipal officials they could help Franklin and Simon, and himself in the legislative effort by prioritizing projects and staying focused.
A failure in one legislative session isn't the end of the game, Lawson noted.
"All it means is that the next time around, if you work together, they (projects) can move up to the top," said Lawson. He explained the $25 million haul for local projects he secured in his final federal budget was the result of four years of work.
James Call is a member of the USA TODAY NETWORK-Florida Capital Bureau. He can be reached at [email protected] Follow him on Twitter: @CallTallahasse
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OH Property Group helped us find our first home and we are delighted with our purchase and with the service of OH Property Group.
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We were advised to let the Auction for our new house pass-in and in the end, we acquired the property for $165,000 below the Vendor's Bid at auction. This savings means the Buyers' Agent fees essentially paid for themselves multiple times over (and at the same time we were spared all the stress and work of the process).
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I recently had the following correspondence with the Superintendent of a small, rural district.
Considering my district and the community we serve, what would you do for the student who is a junior and now has a baby with no day care options, no family support and no job for a baby sitter?
SC Response I could make a snarky comment about the lack of a safety net for unprepared mothers and their children, but that is another post. As is the case for almost every social issue, as school leaders we leave the rhetoric to those who would rather talk about social problems, instead of actually dealing with them.
I know creating a day care at your high school is not feasible, so let's go straight to Plan B.
1. Get the student access to some on-line course work, immediately. A+ or Khan Academy courses would be the first place I would look, though they are not the only options. At this time, this student doesn't need great instruction, this student now needs exposure to content. If the student doesn't have a computer and/or connectivity at home, take care of both issues. Then as the student progresses thru the lessons at home have her come to the school at regular interval to take the content tests that will allow her to earn the credit in the course(s).
2. Get the student back on campus and in class as soon as baby-sitting is available. If quarter or half day attendance is the only option, then exercise it.
3. From an education standpoint, there are now only 3 priorities for this student: A – Earn a required credit. B – Earn a HS diploma. C – Start earning some college credits towards a certificate or a degree as soon as possible.
In our state, it only takes 22 credits to graduate from high school, if they are the right credits. As a junior, the student most likely has 16 credits earned and 4 credits currently in progress. Which means that there is no reason why this student couldn't graduate by July 2015 and be enrolled in a course at the local Junior College in the Fall of 2015.
Going forward, your job is to increase the opportunity set of your student and her child. Each additional credit earned does that, a High School diploma does that, and enrolling in a college course does that.
As you know, the decisions you make in this matter will change lives. Change them for the better.


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