text:
New Mission Theater dusts off marquee, opens with 'Star Wars'
Arts & Entertainment // Movies
Sam Whiting Dec. 11, 2015 Updated: Dec. 11, 2015 5:13 p.m.
People pass the exterior marquee of the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Sunday December 6, 2015. The theater is slated to open on December 17th with two premiers of the new Star Wars installment.
Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
The red marquee is polished, the green neon is flickering and the New Mission Theater will finally open Thursday after four years and $10 million to make this 100-year-old movie palace into a 21st century multiplex.
The premiere of "Star Wars: The Force Awakens" is billed as a "midnight screening" but it actually shows at 7 p.m. and 9 p.m. because those are the cocktail and dinner hours; and cocktails and dinner are what the new New Mission is all about.
Before the lights go down, theater No. 1 will operate as a 320-seat restaurant and bar with a full menu, table service and ordering by open outcry. After the lights go down, it will get more interesting because dinner and drinks will continue right on through the show, with a silent ordering service. Instead of barking down a waiter, you order by taking a pen and card from your table, reading a menu by a small light, filling out a card and placing it in a stand, like a flag.
More by Sam Whiting
By Sam Whiting
Grace Cathedral's neighbors beam as rose window lights up
The new wedding singer: emcee, front man, after-hours DJ
The late Carol Doda gets a North Beach send-off
Moments later, a crouching waiter will tiptoe up to grab it and return with your fig and prosciutto pizza, or side of bourbon-glazed ribs to be washed down by a boozy shake. That's the concept of "dinner and a movie" or "lunch and a movie," or even "breakfast and a movie," with fried egg and bacon jam on brioche, with a cup of the New Mission house blend of coffee.
You can hear the complaints about mixed-up orders already, over the clank of dropped silverware and the crash of colliding waiters.
"It's not a perfect science," admits New Mission operator Tim League. But it's also not like eating on an airline. Nobody has to return their tray to an upright position. The tables are fixed in place, the leatherette seats are wide and there is enough legroom between rows that a 6-footer can stretch out without tripping a waiter coming by in the dark with a tray of drinks.
The New Mission is the latest link in an Austin, Texas-based chain, founded by League, with theaters in 20 locations nationwide. This is its first foray into California, and League promised to open in early 2014, then early 2015 at the latest, and finally this fall. He beat that deadline by three days, though at first only the big screen will be in operation. But as soon as the staff of 75 has its choreography down, four smaller screens will open, in space that has been carved out of the balcony and mezzanine.
New Mission Theater dusts off marquee, opens with 'Star...
1of11Juan A. Rodriguez (left) and Fausto Rosas (center) and Gabrielle Van Dyne (right) put the finishing touches on the lobby of the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
2of11A detail of the molding in the main theater at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
3of11Joseph Gonzalez looks for dust on the walls of a small screening room at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
4of11Red seats with tray tables for food can be seen in the main theater of the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
5of11Ally Opstedal (center, left) and bar manager Isaac Shumway go over the bar menu together at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
6of11Scot Crain, of Dimensional Innovations, walks through the main lobby of the nearly finished Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
7of11A detail of the intricate design work on the ceiling of Theater 5 at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Sunday December 6, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
9of11Managers gather for a meeting while Bill Swigart (not pictured) balances the stage lighting, in the main theater at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Sunday December 6, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
10of11Warren Wegleitner installs wet plaster as part of the final renovations to the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
11of11Bill Swigart comes down a ladder after balancing the stage lighting at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Sunday, December 6, 2015.Photo: Gabrielle Lurie, Special to The Chronicle
The five screens total 550 seats, and to fill them, League, 45, has hired creative manager Mike Keegan, 32, a longtime programmer at the Roxie who has also booked movies for the SF Indiefest and Noise Pop. Keegan will offer up a mix of new releases, classics, film festival programming, documentaries and weekly theme nights.
There will be music movies on Monday nights, horror on Tuesdays, exploitation on Wednesdays, and a monthly night dedicated to "chick flicks." But the true test of the New Mission's "dinner and a movie" concept will be nights where dinner is exactly what is being eaten in the movie.
The watery eel and mash from "Quadrophenia," comes to mind. Or tripe souffle from "Life is Sweet." But executive chef Ronnie New has higher ambitions. He will serve timballo, the complicated Italian pasta dish that has to set like a cake, and took all day to make in "Big Night."
You'll want to save a seat for that, and reservations are an option at the New Mission. Tickets, whether online reserved or cash at the box office, are $13.25 for adults, which is 75 cents more than the Embarcadero Center Cinema charges, and there you can reserve a recliner guaranteed to put you to sleep, plus free parking if you do your sleeping there at night.
Downtown, the AMC Metreon charges $13.59 plus the uncounted charge of being shipped from the third floor screening rooms back to the ground floor to search out the box office if you pay cash. After that, the Century Theatres are a cash bargain at $13 because it is all on one floor, the fifth, at the Westfield mall. Neither place has reserved seating.
The closest comp to the New Mission is the Sundance Kabuki, which charges $12.50 but adds $2 or $2.50 in non-negotiable charges for amenities like reserved seating and no TV commercials.
The Sundance Kabuki also validates $2 off parking in the Japantown Garage. The New Mission has no parking in a neighborhood that is second only to Telegraph Hill in impossibility to find a spot on the street.
League is marketing the New Mission as "a neighborhood movie theater." There will be valet parking for bicycles, and the people who arrive by car are presumably being dropped off by Uber. No cash changes hands, which is also how the New Mission is set up. Tickets can be bought through a free app.
League acknowledges there will be distractions when customers are fumbling for the credit card or cash to clear their bill, but that is the only distraction Alamo Drafthouse tolerates. Talk or text during a movie, and you are warned. Do it again and you are out, with no refund.
Tim League, CEO of Alamo Drafthouse and Mike Keegan, creative manager, pose for a portrait in the main theater at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.
"Even if you use your cell phone at all, even if you are not talking on it, they will kick you out of the movie. So they are definitely trying to preserve the experience," says Jeremy Moore, 32, who has been to the Alamo Drafthouse in Austin. He's typical of the New Mission demographic in that he is a software engineer who gets around by bicycle.
Moore is sensitive to the gentrification in the Mission, and $13.25 for a movie ticket won't help the image. But it is not like the New Mission has displaced a mom-and-pop business. The place was abandoned to the rodents years ago.
Century of history
"People won't feel that it caters equally to the full demographic of the neighborhood," says Moore. "But bringing this movie theater back is in line with the culture because it was a movie theater."
The New Mission opened in 1911 as the Idle Hour, a narrow theater on the west side of Mission between 21st and 22nd streets. In 1916, the original theater became an entrance lobby to the New Mission, a 2,000-seat theater that sits on Bartlett alley, behind the Mission Street storefronts. In the 1920s the outer lobby, marquee and distinctive 70-foot blade were updone in the Art Deco style by architect Timothy Pflueger.
The lobby, the marquee, the balustrade and the decor in the auditorium are all city landmarks and have been restored to their original luster. That took some doing because the place has been trashed by one use after another since the last movie ran in 1993.
Six years after that, Foreign Cinema opened next door, offering films outdoors as a restaurant gimmick. But the only real movie theater in the Mission is the 234-seat Roxie, which opened at 16th and Valencia in 1909 and retains much of its primitive charm. The Roxie is a nonprofit and stays afloat from fundraiser to fundraiser, but a new executive director, Dave Cowen, was hired from the tech world two months ago to energize the old place.
Steve Banaszek, a quality manager at Sony, calibrates the film screen at the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015. The theater is slated to open December 17th.
Working with Roxie
"It's been a little lonely here on this side of town, and we are excited to have the New Mission spur interest in moviegoing in the Mission," says Cowen, 41, who is extending a welcome to his new neighbor by offering a series of science fiction films set in San Francisco, starting Friday night.
"Star Trek IV" is the opener, a downscale version of "Star Wars," in a downscale theater. The Roxie has a 49-seat second screen and Cowen is eager to offer mutual aid in driving attendance.
"We've already talked to the New Mission about sharing our calendars so we don't step on each other's toes," he says.
It won't be a problem at the start because the Roxie is living off a nice run of the rockumentary "Janis: Little Girl Blue," while the New Mission will open with a full lineup of Hollywood blockbusters and Christmas fare. "Star Wars," will be augmented by "The Hateful Eight," Quentin Tarantino's new mixture of red blood and white snow, and Michael Moore's documentary "Where to Invade Next."
But come January, the Roxie might feel the pressure when New Mission programmer Keegan installs a repertory schedule that might come too close for comfort to what the Roxie does.
"I'm excited to present a complete spectrum of film here, in a perfect movie palace," says Keegan, an art-house geek who has been working in theaters since he was 16. "We have this giant room where 300 people can experience a movie together, which is wonderful. Then we have these smaller rooms where we have the freedom to showcase all sorts of movies and host film festivals."
Keegan has a lot of titles to work with because his boss, League, has partnered with Annapurna Pictures to buy the archive of Le Video, the comprehensive store on Irving that was made obsolete by On Demand and Netflix. Le Video put up a longer fight than most but has finally folded after 35 years.
Old posters for various films can be seen throughout the Alamo Drafthouse at the New Mission Theater in San Francisco, California on Friday, December 4, 2015.
100,000-film collection
"It is one of the largest collections of movies in North America, with probably 100,000 films," says League, "and I don't want to see those scattered to the wind."
In January, League will join with nearby Lost Weekend Video to rent films from the lobby of the New Mission. Selections will also make the big screen, which raises the question as to where the Roxie will find its niche and its audience.
The ticket price is right, $10, but the chairs are tolerable at best and the amenities are not the same, though you can bring in a lamb shawarma from Truly Mediterranean. To enhance that lap-dining experience, Cowens has just secured a beer license and the Roxie is offering Anchor Steam and Olympia in the can.
A $3 can of Oly is a long way from an $8 glass of Fort Point Treble Hook Rye at the New Mission. Operated by mixologist Isaac Shumway, the full-service bar is called Bear vs. Bull in reference to the street brawls between live animals that once served as entertainment on Mission Street.
Bear vs. Bull stands alone and is entered through the grand lobby of the New Mission. You can walk in, admire the vintage movie posters and pictures of the theater from its glory in the 1940s to its nadir selling bunk beds and futons in the 1990s, and go back out without spending a dime.
Powerful projection
Or you can be enticed by pictures of the vacant and vandalized theater on demolition day and buy a ticket to see what it looks like now. The screen itself is 55 feet wide, the sound is Dolby Surround 7.1 and the picture is blasted by Sony 515DS, "the brightest, most powerful digital projector on the West Coast," League says. "It is actually two projectors stacked up and will have the most outstanding 3-D presentation in America."
The New Mission also has the capability of switching to film projection in the main room, both 35mm and 70mm. Seventy is the highest possible resolution, in which "The Hateful Eight" is being released, to bring the blood right to your seat.
League is expansion-minded, and an Alamo Drafthouse is now under construction in downtown Los Angeles. If the New Mission works out, he might look for other buildings that still have theater marquees, like tombstones.
It is too late for the Coronet, and both the Northpoint and Alexandria sold this year after sitting vacant for years. But maybe League can displace one of the fitness clubs that occupy the Alhambra and the Metro. That would bring a measure of revenge for the picture show.
"This is a neighborhood theater," he says, "but if it is successful we'll look in other neighborhoods."
Sam Whiting is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. E-mail: swhiting@sfchronicle.com Twitter:@samwhitingsf
New Mission Theater
"Star Wars: the Force Awakens" opens Dec. 17 at 2550 Mission St. Opening weekend is sold out. (415) 549-5959. www.drafthouse.com/sf
Video: Take a seat at the New Mission with programmer Mike Keegan at: http://sfchron.cl/theater
Sam Whiting
Follow Sam on:
https://www.facebook.com/SFChronicle/samwhitingsf
Sam Whiting has been a feature writer at The San Francisco Chronicle for 30 years. He started in the People section, which was anchored by Herb Caen's column, and has written about people ever since. For five years he had a weekly Sunday magazine column called Neighborhoods. He currently covers art, culture and entertainment for the Datebook section. He walks a minimum of three miles a day in San Francisco, searching out public art and street art for posting on Instagram @sfchronicle_art.
David Ireland House in further disarray as last curator quits
Cinematographer stops action by shooting toy action figures on the side
Jerry Seltzer, co-founder of BASS tickets and promoter of Roller Derby, dies at 87
How to 'eat' makeup: An ASMR artist reveals her tricks
Harjo first Native American to be named U.S. Poet Laureate
Having located the Exit sign, I am proceeding to the exit
And (almost finally), some of the things I hate


text:
package com.baomidou.mybatisplus.core.injector.methods;

import com.baomidou.mybatisplus.core.enums.SqlMethod;
import com.baomidou.mybatisplus.core.injector.AbstractMethod;
import com.baomidou.mybatisplus.core.metadata.TableInfo;
import org.apache.ibatis.mapping.MappedStatement;
import org.apache.ibatis.mapping.SqlSource;
import org.apache.ibatis.scripting.defaults.RawSqlSource;

/**
 * 根据ID 查询一条数据
 *
 * @author hubin
 * @since 2018-04-06
 */
public class SelectById extends AbstractMethod {

    public SelectById() {
        this(SqlMethod.SELECT_BY_ID.getMethod());
    }

    /**
     * @param name 方法名
     * @since 3.5.0
     */
    public SelectById(String name) {
        super(name);
    }

    @Override
    public MappedStatement injectMappedStatement(Class<?> mapperClass, Class<?> modelClass, TableInfo tableInfo) {
        SqlMethod sqlMethod = SqlMethod.SELECT_BY_ID;
        SqlSource sqlSource = new RawSqlSource(configuration, String.format(sqlMethod.getSql(),
                sqlSelectColumns(tableInfo, false),
                tableInfo.getTableName(), tableInfo.getKeyColumn(), tableInfo.getKeyProperty(),
                tableInfo.getLogicDeleteSql(true, true)), Object.class);
        return this.addSelectMappedStatementForTable(mapperClass, methodName, sqlSource, tableInfo);
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


As a professional realtor with over 12 years of experience, I will bring trust, value, and integrity to your next real estate adventure. When you are making the important decision to buy or sell a home, I am committed to going the extra mile to ensure that all of your needs are successfully met. My expertise as your Coquitlam realtor has allowed me to help my clients buy and sell in the Tri-Cities and the surrounding areas. Having built many houses for myself over 20+ years, my passion and insight into houses and real estate is above and beyond the rest. For Service and Commitment, let me help guide you with your next purchase or sale!


text:
Turkey's Great Transformation: An Influence-Multiplier for the Future of Europe and Beyond
Ömer Çelik
Volume 1, Issue 2 (Turkey in Global Governance: Searching for Alternatives Between the West and the Rest), Dec. 2016, pp. 35-53
In the 21st century along with the BRICS countries including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Turkey has acquired a stronger global position as a rising power. In terms of its economic capabilities, unique geographic position and political significance, Turkey has become one of the most dominant actors in its periphery and beyond. Turkey's power is on the rise and there are a number of reasons for that. There are two main components behind Turkey's rise: activism in foreign policy and strong economy. These components together with Turkey's domestic political transformation have also reflections on Turkey's relations with the European Union (EU). This article aims to analyze the roots of Turkey's rising power and reflection of Turkey's rising power on Turkey-EU relations. In this context first activism in foreign policy and strong economy will be discussed to understand Turkey's increasing role in global politics. Then changing dynamics of Turkey-EU relations will be assessed.
Turkey as a Rising Power , Turkey in Global Governance , Turkey-EU Relations , Turkish Foreign Policy Activism
"The world is bigger than five", as President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan addressed several times at the United Nations (UN) General Assembly to remark five permanent members of the Security Council's decision-making system. This clear and unambiguous statement simply underlines the fact that the global order is changing and international system should adopt itself to present-day realities which are different than 70 years ago.
The global order is being reshaped in the 21st century by the erosion of principles of sovereignty, territoriality, non-intervention, the increasing importance of democracy and human rights and more than ever the new actors such as non-governmental organizations, transnational companies, civil society organizations are shaping international politics (Parlar Dal & Oğuz Gök 2014, p. 3). Already, multiple and competing sources of power emerged around the world. The bipolar and unipolar structure of world affairs has altered by a much more complex tapestry of forces, alliances and issues (Stanley Foundation 2009).
Moreover, dynamics of globalization and end of the Cold War era have brought the systemic changes shifting the centers of power. Western world is gradually losing its attractiveness to be replaced by a new international system. As Hurrell puts it, power is shifting in global politics from the old G7 countries to new emerging powers (Hurrell 2013, p. 224). Moreover, this power shift has brought not only a change in the characteristic of economic and political power relations, but more importantly challenging the existing order of global justice on behalf of the "rest" of the world. Indeed, newly emerging actors position themselves as active players demanding the global transformation of center-periphery relations in order to create a more democratic and fair international system (Kalın 2011, p. 5).
In the 21st century along with the BRICS countries including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Turkey has acquired a stronger global position as a rising power (Müftüler-Baç 2014). In terms of its economic capabilities, unique geographic position and political significance, Turkey has become one of the most dominant actors in its periphery and beyond.
Turkey's power is on the rise and there are a number of reasons for that. There are two main components behind Turkey's rise: activism in foreign policy and strong economy. These components together with Turkey's domestic political transformation have also reflections on Turkey's relations with the European Union (EU).
Once on the periphery of the West, Turkey has gradually emerged as the center of its own world, which also encompasses the Middle East, the Caucasus and the Balkans and even areas further afield such as the Gulf and North Africa. After the Cold War period, in the absence of a bipolar world confrontation, Turkey has showed a great determination to work towards the emergence of a new international order thanks to Turkey's re-awakening of its assets rooted in its history, culture and geography (Yeşiltaş 2014).
The Justice and Development Party's (AK Party) fourteen years in power have played a big part in Turkey's rising power. Turkey has experienced a spectacular transformation process through further democratization, improvements in freedoms, an economic restoration in tune with the global economy and an active foreign policy since 2002. AK Party brought path-breaking changes in Turkish domestic politics, such as the normalization of civil-military relations and democratization in the political sphere, as well as Turkey's foreign policy and national security doctrine (Kanat 2013, p. 1). Within governing institutions, political parties, civil society and the private sector, Turkey mobilized a powerful coalition of actors from different walks of life who united in propelling the country towards a distinctly higher level of democracy and economic development (Independent Commission 2014, p. 6).
The great political, social and economic transformation affected the process and prospect of EU membership. In fact, as argued by many observers, the decision by the AK Party to make accession to the EU one of its major objectives, the increasing global and regional role of Turkey and the increasing importance of civil society are together making Turkish modernity more societal, liberal, plural and multi-cultural (Derviş, Emerson, Gros & Ülgen 2004, p. 16). This transformation has put an end to former asymmetric relations between Turkey and the EU and placed the relations on a more equal footing.
This article aims to analyze the roots of Turkey's rising power and reflection of Turkey's rising power on Turkey-EU relations. In this context first activism in foreign policy and strong economy will be discussed to understand Turkey's increasing role in global politics. Then changing dynamics of Turkey-EU relations will be assessed.
Activism in Foreign Policy: Hard and Soft Power Clout
Leaving behind the single-dimensional and reductionist perspectives of the Cold War era, Turkey has reconsidered its strategic priorities and overcome the binary oppositions of the Cold War era. In fact, new multi-dimensional and active foreign policy doctrine is the most important asset of Turkey as a rising power. Today in every parts of the world, Turkey is fully determined to contribute to a new international order, which would be more representative of the current distribution of power capabilities across the globe (Oğuzlu 2013, p. 774). Turkey would like to put an end to global injustice, economic and social inequality, undemocratic representation and decision-making in major international institutions, and the geopolitical, geo-economic and geo-cultural marginalization of the Muslim world (Parlar Dal & Oğuz Gök 2014, p. 5).
Turkey's foreign policy agenda is shaped in a more confident and autonomous policy stance that has upgraded Turkey's regional economic and geopolitical position (Serbos 2013, p. 144). Turkey has been investing in its geopolitical and geocultural positions by taking a leading role in the establishment of regional organizations, making attempts to economically integrate the region, opening consulates in many countries, trying to become a hub for energy pipelines, culturally presenting itself as a role model in the region, making attempts to promote democracy in the Arab world and improving ties with the rest of the world (Yuvacı & Doğan 2012, p. 10).
Indeed, Turkey has always pursued effective multilateral cooperation, as exemplified by its membership to various international and regional organizations (Parlar Dal 2016). Turkey has been a founding member of the United Nations (UN), Council of Europe (CoE), Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as well as Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) in 1945, 1949, 1960, 1969 and 1975 respectively. In addition, Turkey has been contributing to global peace and security as a NATO member since 1952. But particularly for the last fifteen years Turkey's global activism has increased tremendously thanks to its growing economy and multidimensional foreign policy based on Turkey's hard power but also especially on its rising soft power. As Falk (2013, p. 353) emphasized, "More than any country in this century, Turkey has raised its profile as a regional and global political actor".
The UN is a significant platform where Turkey's global activism can be clearly observed (Sever & Oğuz Gök 2016). Previously, Turkey had served as non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 1951-52, 1954-55 and 1961. After 48 years, Turkey once again became non-permanent member of the Security Council for 2009-2011 term. It is no coincidence that this membership came at a time when Turkey was following a more active foreign policy than ever. What is more, though not elected, Turkey ran as candidate for non-permanent membership for 2015-2016 term. This is a clear proof of the fact that avoiding responsibilities is not a preference for Turkey. On the contrary, Turkey is ready and quite self-confident to take on responsibilities in order to contribute to global order, peace and security. In this framework, Turkey became one of the co-founders of Alliance of Civilizations initiative under the UN, aiming to break down prejudices between West and Muslim societies. Recently, on 3 November 2016, the election of a Turkish academic as a member of the UN International Law Commission after more than 20 years by obtaining 75 % of the votes cast is another indicator of Turkey's increasing visibility under the UN umbrella.
Turkey, with the help of its multidimensional foreign policy drawing on its hard and soft power, has been making remarkable contributions to global peace and security especially through various operations under NATO framework. Turkey has the second largest army of NATO. In addition, according to Global Firepower Index (2016), Turkey has the 8th largest army among the 126 countries included. Turkey ranks 9th both in terms of total aircraft strength and tank strength. Among the EU candidate countries, Turkey is the only country that is also an active member of NATO. Indeed, Turkey is also actively engaged in the EU's Security and Defense Policy through its participation in the EU's civil and military missions held in Bosnia Herzegovina, Macedonia,
Congo, Kosovo and Palestinian Territories.
It is obvious that military might alone is not sufficient for an effective multidimensional foreign policy that would make an impact on global governance. It should be complemented with "soft power", which was firstly defined by Joseph Nye (2004) as "the ability to shape the preferences of others." Thanks to its geographical position, historical linkages, growing economy and proactive and multidimensional foreign policy, Turkey has been enjoying a considerable degree of soft power in its region comprising of the Balkans, Central Asia, Caucasus and Middle East. Turkey highlights the concept of "regional responsibility" in her efforts to contribute to the peace and stability of its region.
The Balkans bears a special significance for Turkey. Still being the most fragile part of Europe, it is the test case for lasting peace and stability. Turkey is a founding member of the Southeast European Cooperation Process (SEECP), which aims to deepen regional cooperation and integrate into the European and Euro-Atlantic structures. Turkey is also contributing to regional peace via trilateral consultation mechanisms, including Turkey-Bosnia Herzegovina-Serbia and Turkey-Bosnia Herzegovina-Croatia.
On the other hand, Central Asia is a significant region for Turkey as common ethnic, cultural, historical and linguistic ties are shared. These commonalities played a role in the establishment of the Cooperation Council of Turkic Speaking States (the Turkic Council) in 2009 by Turkey, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Being aware of the fact that a secure, democratic and market-economy oriented Central Asia will better serve the interests of the region and the world (Koru 2013), Turkey also intensifies cooperation with the countries in the region through a number of tools including, but not limited to, high-level strategic council mechanisms, joint economic commissions and cooperation councils.
Turkey has deep-rooted historical and cultural ties with the Caucasus region as well. Turkey is actively cooperating with the countries in the region through major energy and transport projects, such as TANAP, Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Crude Oil Pipeline, Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum Natural Gas Pipeline and Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway. Trilateral meetings are held regularly between Turkey, Azerbaijan and Georgia to promote regional cooperation.
For the Middle Eastern countries, Turkey is a source of inspiration owing to its unique position as a democratic and secular state with a predominantly Muslim population (Parlar Dal & Erşen 2014, p. 262). It should be remembered that the launch of Turkey's accession negotiations in 2005 had been celebrated in the Arab countries as if they would join the EU. Turkey is also playing an active role within the Organization of Islamıc Cooperation (OIC). The fact that a Turkish academic was elected Secretary General of OIC in 2004 through an election for the first time unlike his predecessors bears a symbolic importance, underlying Turkey's rising self-confidence as a projector of democratic practices onto the Islamic world (Warning and Kardaş, 2011). Just as Spain became a bridge between EU and Latin America and Denmark became a bridge between EU and Scandinavia, Turkey's EU accession could connect bridges between Europe and the Middle East by breaking down the prejudices and increasing mutual understanding. The stability of Mediterranean is dependent on the stability of the Middle East. In this sense, Turkey's EU membership might help to decrease the lure of fundamentalism in the region (Müftüler-Baç, 2008).
Turkey's soft power is well extended beyond its region. The dynamic and multi-faceted foreign policy of Turkey makes it seek to create positive synergies on a much wider scale than her immediate neighborhood. In this framework, various trilateral cooperation mechanisms established by Turkey mainly with the countries in the Balkans and the Caucasus extended to South Asia as in the case of Turkey-Afghanistan-Pakistan Trilateral Summits. Turkey's opening-up strategies to Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean and the Asia-Pacific geographies and the existence of 235 Turkish diplomatic missions worldwide is the most visible outcome of Turkey's multi-regional activism. The number of Turkish embassies in Africa increased from 12 in 2005 to 34 in 2013 as a result of Turkey's opening to Africa which gained a momentum since 2005 (Kubicek et al., 2015). Turkey was granted observer status within the African Union in 2005. Turkey also intensifies cooperation with Asian partners. The fact that Turkey became dialogue partner with Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in 2013 and recently, Turkey's chairing of the 2017 SCO's Energy Club as the first non-SCO country to do is illustrative of this fact.
Turkey rightfully takes pride in its policies that prioritize humanitarian concerns. In recent years, Turkey has become a leading actor in the field of humanitarian diplomacy. Ranking the second largest donor country in 2015 after the US, Turkey is also the world's "most generous" humanitarian actor, in terms of the ratio of its GDP allocated for humanitarian aid (Global Humanitarian Assistance Report 2016). Turkey's contributions in the field of humanitarian assistance worldwide have gained international recognition as well. The first ever World Humanitarian Summit was hosted in İstanbul last May. The Summit provided a unique platform for the international community to discuss current challenges in the humanitarian system and initiate a set of concrete actions in order to enable countries and communities to better prepare for and respond to the needs of people who are affected by disasters and conflicts around the World.
Another good reason of Turkey's rising power would be economics. Economic strength was always crucial but has become even more important in an age of globalization (Arda 2015). Turkey has a large and growing domestic market, dynamic private sector, liberal and secure investment environment, high quality and cost-effective labor force, as well as developed infrastructure and an institutionalized economy. Thus economic cooperation and integration has been in tandem with Turkey's policy of generating and sharing wealth.
Turkish economy has evolved through a transformation process to restore the macroeconomic stability and tackle with structural problems following the turbulent decade of 1990s. Post-2000 period has witnessed a social and economic transformation of Turkey with the vision to converge to economies of the developed world. In effect, the GDP growth not only resumed at a high level, comparable only to the growth rates of BRICS countries, but it was also accompanied by relatively low inflation rates, fiscal austerity and unforeseen levels of privatization and foreign direct investment. Bank and Karadağ (2012) refer to this new model of transformation as "Ankara Moment" since Turkey has promoted a model with elements of pluralism and democracy, growing economy, religious and cultural authenticity, and an independent foreign policy. Boosted by the inclusion of "Anatolian tigers", Turkey had sizeable increases in production, exports and employment spreading all around the country.
Turkey's geopolitical position that combines the trade channels amongst the Mediterranean, the Middle East, the Asia, the Black Sea and the Caucasus regions remains the same. However, Turkey's role as a rising economic power and a major trade actor has grown in recent years owing mostly to the structural adjustment and stability. Being the 6th largest economy in Europe and the 18th largest economy in the world, Turkey is no longer referred as a big unstable economy in the economic failures of the Middle East, but is rather positioned at the heart of the global economic powerhouse (Figure I).
Figure 1: Turkey: an emerging power?
Source: Author's calculations, based on the data from the World Bank, World Economic Outlook Database
The growth rate in Turkey has outperformed emerging economies in recent years (Figure II) and Turkey became the Europe's fastest-growing sizeable economy. Turkey's GDP has increased from 230 billion USD in 2002 to 721 billion USD in 2015, with an average rate of 4.8 % per annum. The economic success is particularly striking at a time when EU members are muddling through financial crises.
Figure 2: Growth Rates in Turkey and Emerging Economies
(% Change, Annual)
Source: CBRT (Based on data from Bloomberg, Consensus Forecasts, CBRT)
However, macroeconomic stability and size are necessary but not sufficient conditions for an economic power with persistent prosperity. To this end, development strategies for the improvement of the physical infrastructure and research and development are being launched to boost the productivity. These strategies refer also to the priorities like environment, energy, transport, innovation, education, health and SMEs. As an economy neither endowed with rich natural resources like oil, nor having aggressive export-led strategies like the Asian tigers, the development story of Turkey may well be attributed to the "EU Convergence machine" (Gill et al., 2012). Thus, Turkey moves towards middle income to high income by applying the European economic model. Trade and direct investments being the mainstay, this economic model had paved the way for Turkey to foster innovation, productivity growth and job creation and reform finance and trade. Therefore, the restructuring goes hand in hand with the EU accession process.
With the Turkey-EU Customs Union, Turkey's trade boomed both in quantity and quality. It is visible from the product composition of exports that the EU has made Turkish trade more sophisticated. Atiyas and Bakis (2013) and Taymaz et al. (2011) show that Turkey's export sophistication and competitiveness have increased significantly over the last 20 years. Moreover, large and growing domestic market, mature and dynamic private sector, leading role in the region, liberal and secure investment environment, labor force, developed infrastructure, institutionalized economy and competitive tax system have become the main advantages of Turkey in attracting foreign investors. It is clear that to sustain growth, Turkey needs to deepen integration since via integration Turkey imports technology, knowledge and attracts more direct investments from the European Core.
On the other hand, one of the major strengths of Turkey lies in its young, dynamic, well-educated and multi-cultural population. There are over 25 million young, well-educated and motivated professionals in Turkey. Turkey's future prospects are wide open in terms of demographics but better use of this asset could only be made through increasing the skilled work force, i.e. quality of human capital.
Despite the recent economic crisis in Europe, a deteriorating geopolitical environment in its neighborhood and the influx of Syrian refugees, Turkish economy seems to have proven its persistence. On the domestic front, Turkey managed to weather the storm over the challenges caused by the failed coup attempt in July 2016, making it clear that Turkey's position as a rising power is becoming robust in the Eurasia and Middle East region (Öniş & Kutlay 2013).
As a member of G-20, Turkey possesses some differences with respect to the economies in its region. Functioning market economy rules and institutions operate reasonably well in Turkey. The most developed private sector in the region is in Turkey. Turkey is the biggest exporter in its region compared to some of the new members to the EU (like Czech Republic, Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania). Within three hours of flight, Turkey may reach a market of 1.5 billion consumers. Turkey's close and deep economic ties with the EU and other important actors of the region provide opportunities for all.
Prospects are far from blurry. According to OECD (2012), Turkey will be the second-largest economy in Europe by 2060.
Figure 3: A comparison of 2011 GDP with OECD Forecasts for 2060
Source: OECD (2012)
Turkey-EU Relations: Changing Dynamics
Turkey is a very different country today from what it was when it signed the Association Treaty with the European Community in 1963. Considering the fact that the world has changed, Europe has changed and Turkey has changed since 2002, the dynamics of Turkey-EU relations have also transformed. Before going through the changing dynamics in Turkey-EU relations, historical background should be overviewed.
Turkey-EU relations have deep roots emanating from a common history. European history is intertwined with the history of the Ottoman Empire, predecessor of the Republic of Turkey, through war, diplomacy, commerce or art (Tocci 2014). Sultan Mehmet II the Conqueror had Gentile Bellini, famous Italian Renaissance painter, made his portrait in 1480. A Franco-Ottoman alliance had been established in 1536 under the rule of Suleiman I the Magnificent. An alliance treaty had been signed between Ottoman Empire and Prussia in 1790. The first Ottoman Order of Crescent had been awarded to a British admiral in 1799, to Horatio Nelson, owing to his victories in the naval wars against Napoleon. It was in the Treaty of Paris in 1856 that the Europeanness of the Ottoman Empire had been confirmed.
Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, Turkey chose Western Europe as the model for its new secular structure. It was indeed a continuation of a trend which gained a momentum in the 19th century's Ottoman Empire, where modernization and westernization movements had accelerated as a response to the decline of the state. In line with this policy, Turkey became member of various Western organizations. Thus Turkey's EU membership quest is an integral part of its historical efforts for further modernization and transformation.
In 1963, Turkey signed an association agreement (Ankara Agreement) with the European Economic Community (EEC). In 1970, an additional protocol to the Ankara Agreement was signed which established the framework and conditions of the transitional stage of the association. In April 1987, Turkey submitted its formal application for full membership in the EU. With the completion of the Customs Union, the association between Turkey and the EU, in accordance with the Ankara Agreement, entered its final stage and at the European Council held in Helsinki in December 1999, Turkey was granted candidate status.
When AK Party Governments came to power in 2002, Turkey's EU accession process has been addressed within a systematic framework for the first time and become integral to Turkey's political vision. As Öniş puts it rightly, AK Party pursued the EU related reform agenda with a far greater degree of consistency and commitment than previous coalition government (Öniş 2006, p. 9).
The EU membership objective has been a significant motivation in accelerating the political reforms, which served to further improve the living standards of the citizens and deepened the rule of law as well as democratization. Constitutional arrangements, judicial reforms and legal amendments introduced to align with the EU acquis have helped to strengthen the Turkish democracy. The Turkish Grand National Assembly adopted eight EU Harmonization Packages between 2002 and 2004. Significant steps taken in the areas of human rights, democratization, freedom of expression and civilian oversight of the military ensured the opening of negotiations for EU membership on 3 October 2005. Since then, in Turkey's EU accession negotiations, 16 chapters are opened whereas one chapter is temporarily closed.
Political, economic and social reforms carried out in the framework of the EU accession process have transformed Turkey, ensuring it to be a stronger actor in its region as well as in the global system. Socioeconomic transformation has gone hand in hand with democratization resulted with a growing, vibrant civil society in Turkey. People with different issues openly claim their rights as a consequence of this enormous socioeconomic change. In this sense, failed coup attempt of 15 July 2016 was a clear demonstration of the resilience of Turkish democracy.
As a result of Turkey's grand economic and political transformation, today, the EU is facing a more and more self-confident Turkey which gives Turkey greater maneuvering room vis-a-vis Europe (Szigetvári 2014, p. 39). As Duran (2014) puts it rightly, "Turkey's relations with the EU reflect the notion of critical integration that represents a third way between complete rejection and unquestioning obedience". Turkey regards EU accession as a process of dialogue between equals not as parental control.
Major turning points of recent times have proved time and again the strategic importance of Turkey-EU relationship. Economic, political, security and identity related matters attest to the fact that Turkey is a key country for the EU in terms of stability and prosperity in the neighborhood. In recent years, Europe has experienced multiple and inter-related crises: The Euro crisis, the migration crisis, threat of terrorism and the Brexit. These are intimately linked to the three fundamental goals of the EU: peace, prosperity and security. Moreover, they together produced a crisis of confidence, undermining the trust of markets, citizens and global partners in the future of the EU. The scale of the challenges and the pace of events demonstrated that Turkey and the EU have to work together, to address the issues in true partnership for our common future.
Especially, the refugee crisis once more demonstrated the vitality of Turkey for the EU. The refugee crisis has severely tested the EU to its limits. In periods of crisis, most of the member states showed a tendency to go back to the basics of nationalism and protectionism and could not take a common European stance since member states were deeply divided. While EU's response to the refugee crisis is divided and ineffective, the only point that both member states and the EU institutions agreed on is the critical role of Turkey in managing this crisis.
In this regard, following the President Erdoğan's meetings with Donald Tusk, President of the European Council; Martin Schulz, President of the European Parliament and Jean-Claude Juncker, President of the European Commission in Brussels in October 2015; Turkey and the EU agreed to further strengthen existing ties and solidarity and adopt result-oriented action to prepare their common future. In this regard, the Turkey-EU Summit of 29 November marked a new beginning in Turkey-EU relations yielding concrete conclusions such as re-energizing accession process, fight against terrorism, accelerating of visa liberalization dialogue, burden sharing in migration management, updating customs union and high level dialogue in the areas of common interest such as economy, energy as well as international issues.
First and foremost, Turkey and the EU re-energized the accession process which constitutes the backbone of Turkey-EU relations. In this context, Chapter 17- Economic and Monetary Policy and Chapter 33- Financial and Budgetary Provisions were opened to accession negotiations. Besides, the preparatory work for the opening of the Chapters namely Chapter 15- Energy, Chapter 23- Judiciary and Fundamental Rights, Chapter 24- Justice, Freedom and Security, Chapter 26- Education and Culture and Chapter 31- Foreign, Security and Defense Policy started and has almost completed.
As another important development, Turkey and the EU decided to accelerate the visa liberalization process to lift the Schengen visa requirement for Turkish citizens. Once the visas for Turkish citizens are lifted, through increasing contacts between societies, there would be an immense positive effect in the public opinion towards Turkey's EU membership.
Turkey has made considerable progress in a short time especially in terms of legislative alignments and operational measures stated in the Visa Liberalization Roadmap. Now the ball is at the EU's yard to complete the process. Turkey rightfully expects the process to be completed as soon as possible and considers it as "litmus test" for the EU's credibility.
Besides, Turkey and the EU stepped up cooperation for support of Syrians under temporary protection and for migration management to address the crisis created by the situation in Syria. Turkey's game changer proposal of "one for one scheme" has been "a silver bullet" for managing the crisis which was agreed on Turkey-EU Summit of 18 March 2016.
According to the scheme, all new irregular migrants crossing from Turkey into Greek islands will be returned to Turkey and for every Syrian being returned to Turkey from Greek islands, another Syrian will be resettled from Turkey to the EU. This scheme is designed to break the business model of the smugglers and to end irregular migration. The scheme took effect on 20 March 2016 and the implementation has started on 4 April 2016. The figure dropped from 7000 in October 2015 to 104 in September 2016. The numbers demonstrate the success of the "one for one scheme".
Moreover, Turkey and the EU improved their dialogue channels both in terms of quality and quantity. In a short period of time, three Turkey-EU Summits were held, where all Member States took place. Besides, High Level Political Dialogue, High Level Economic Dialogue, High Level Energy Dialogue and Turkey-EU Counter Terrorism Dialogue meetings were held to explore the vast potential of Turkey-EU relations in the fields of common interest.
Last year's momentum in the relations is welcomed by Turkey but EU should not wait for crises to erupt in order to accelerate Turkey's accession process. Crises bring new opportunities with themselves that should be exploited but giving momentum to the accession process only in times of crises is indeed damaging the existing effective cooperation and diminishes mutual trust.
Turkey's European friends should understand that the futures of Turkey and the EU cannot be separated from each other. Referring to anachronistic clichés with respect to Turkey should not be an option. Instead, the EU should accommodate itself with the new reality that Turkey is a rising power of the 21st century and that it is not anymore what it was fifteen years ago.
Sharing a common future, with the same interests and the same desire for peace, democracy, stability and adherence to common values, full membership of Turkey in the EU is a win-win case. As Demiralp (2003, p. 7) argues, "Turkey's position at the hub of vital political, economic and infrastructural networks for the EU and its uniqueness as a country embodying the values of western and eastern civilizations not only by passively bridging but belonging to two worlds, would be in full harmony with the mission that the EU should define for itself for the next decades, that is, becoming a global actor and a center of attraction via openness and reconciliation".
The global landscape has changed tremendously in the recent years with the emergence of new powers, including Turkey. Turkey's geostrategic position at a critical juncture, considerable military might, growing economic power, increasing aid flows to developing countries as well as rising commercial links coupled with a determined government resulted in a more active and respected Turkey in the multilateral fora. Therefore, Turkey's visibility increased to a considerable extent. With the accession of Turkey to the EU, the Union's hard power and soft power will also be strengthened, which will consequently contribute to the Union's standing on the global arena.
Nevertheless, Turkey's accession process is delayed due to "outdated Turkey" perceptions, which does not reflect the realities of today. Turkey is no more a poor country knocking the door of the EU. Unlike its isolationist stance in the past, Turkey now strives to reach everywhere with its assets providing the necessary credentials, including its growing economy, robust democracy as well as geographical or historical linkages (Oğuzlu & Parlar Dal 2013).
Thanks to the fact that Turkey does not have a colonial past, it receives a warm welcome in Africa. Thanks to its unique structure blending secular democracy with a Muslim tradition, Turkey is a source of inspiration in the Middle East. Thanks to its historical affinities and responsible policies, Turkey's visibility has increased in the Balkans, Caucasus and Central Asia in a number of areas ranging from energy to culture. Turkey's robust relations with other emerging powers including its strategic relationship with Russia are other indications of Turkey's quest for a bigger say in an increasingly multipolar world.
Turkey's global activism attests to the fact that Turkey has emerged as a new actor in the international politics. It does not mean that Turkey is drifting away from West as some commentators argue. Turkey has always been a part of the European family, drawing from a common history with Europe. There is a comprehensive level of cooperation ongoing between Turkey and the EU in many areas ranging from counter terrorism to energy, from commercial relations to tourism.
Indeed, today, the potential benefits of Turkish accession have become large and significant more than ever. Since the very early days of the Syrian crisis and more obviously from March 2016, Turkey has been the "life-saver" of the EU when stability, security and prosperity of the EU have been shaken by the migrant crisis. Thus it is only Turkey and the EU together that have the weight to influence the big picture. Contributions that Turkey and the EU could make to one another on a wide scale ranging from economics to politics, from culture to foreign policy are significant not only for the two, but also for regional and global peace, stability and prosperity.
Europe's founding fathers were convinced that their countries had first to define their common interests and shared perspectives if they were to overcome their culture of conflicts and mistrust. They made no reference in those days to religious beliefs or cultural notions, not least because the European project's motto, and its genuine ideal, was to make "unity in diversity" a reality. Today, it is looking more like a challenge. The first step towards meeting that challenge is arguably that the EU should reassess its handling of the accession talks with Turkey and adopt a firm but fair approach that demonstrates the Union is still capable of constructing a wider vision for Europe and for the world.
Arda, M. E. (2015), "Turkey – the evolving interface of international relations and domestic politics", South African Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 203-226
Atiyas, İ. and Bakis, O. (2013), Structural Change and Industrial Policy in Turkey, REF Working Paper No 2013-3.
Bakır, C. and Öniş, Z. (2010), The Regulatory State and Turkish Banking Reforms in the Age of Post-Washington Consensus, Development and Change, 41(1): 77–106.
Bank, A. and Karadag, R. (2012), The Political Economy of Regional Power: Turkey under the AKP, GIGA Working Papers WP 204/2012.
Demiralp, O. (2003), The Added Value of Turkish Membership to European Foreign Policy, Turkish Policy Quarterly, Vol. 2 No. 4, pp. 1-7.
Derviş K., Emerson M., Gros D. and Ülgen S. (2004), The European Transformation of Modern Turkey, Centre for European Policy Studies.
Duran, B. (2014), Critical Integration into the EU, SETA, http://setav.org/en/critical-integration-into-the-eu/opinion/18014, Last Visited: 2 November 2016.
Falk, R. (2013), Turkey's New Multilateralism: A Positive Diplomacy for the Twenty-First Century, Global Governance, Vol. 19, pp. 353-376.
Gill, I. et al (2012), Golden growth: Restoring the lustre of European economic model, World Bank.
Global Firepower (2014), Tank Strength by Country, http://www.globalfirepower.com/armor-tanks-total.asp.
Global Firepower (2015), Total Aircraft Inventory Strength by Country, http://www.globalfirepower.com/aircraft-total.asp.
Global Firepower (2016), Countries Ranked by Military Strength, http://www.globalfirepower.com/countries-listing.asp.
Global Humanitarian Assistance Report (2016), http://www.globalhumanitarianassistance.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/GHA-report-2016-full-report.pdf.
Hurrell, A. (2013), Power Transitions, Emerging Powers, and the Shifting Terrain of the Middle Ground ,in Ethical Reasoning in International Affairs edited by Cornelia Navari, Palgrave Macmillan, pp 222-245.
Independent Commission (2014), Turkey in Europe the Imperative for Change.
Kalın, İ. (2011) Soft Power and Public Diplomacy in Turkey, Perceptions, Autumn 2011 pp.5-23
Kanat, K. (2013), Drivers of Foreign Policy Change in the AK Party Decade, SETAV Perspective, May 2013, pp. 1-5.
Koru, N. (2013), A General Look at Asia and Turkey's Priorities, Türkmeneli İşbirliği ve Kültür Vakfı Avrasya İncelemeleri Merkezi.
Kubicek, P., Dal, E. P. And Oğuzlu, H. T. (eds) (2015), Turkey's Rise as an Emerging Power, Routledge.
Müftüler-Baç, M. (2008), The European Union's Accession Negotiations with Turkey from a Foreign Policy Perspective, Journal Of European Integration Vol. 30, Iss. 1.
Müftüler-Baç, M. (2014), Turkey as an Emerging Power: An analysis of its Role in Global and Regional Security Governance Constellations, EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2014/52.
Nye, J. (1990), Soft Power, Foreign Policy, No. 80.
OECD (2012), Looking to 2060: Long-term global growth prospect, The OECD Economic Policy Paper Series, No. 3.
Oğuzlu, T. (2013), "Making Sense of Turkey's Rising Power Status: What Does Turkey's Approach Within NATO Tell Us?", Turkish Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 774–796.
Oğuzlu, T. and Parlar Dal, E. (2013), "Decoding Turkey's Rise: An Introduction", Turkish Studies, Vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 617-636
Öniş, Z. (2006), Globalization and Party Transformation: Turkey's Justice and Development Party in Perspective, in P.Burnell (ed.) Globalising Democracy: Party Politics in emerging Democracies , Warwick Studies on Globalization.
Öniş, Z. and F. Şenses (2009), Chapter 1: The New Phase of Neo-liberal Restructuring in Turkey: an Overview, and Chapter 15: Towards a Synthesis and the Challenges Ahead in Öniş and Şenses (eds.), Turkey and the Global Economy.
Öniş Z, and İ. E. Bayram (2008), Temporary Star or Emerging Tiger? The Recent Economic Performance of Turkey in a Global Setting, in New Perspectives on Turkey, No. 39 (Fall 2008), p. 47-84.
Öniş, Z. and Kutlay, M., (2013), "Rising Powers in a Changing Global Order: the political economy of Turkey in the age of BRICS", Third World Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 8, pp. 1409-1426
Parlar Dal, E. and Oğuz Gök, G., (2014), Locating Turkey as a 'Rising Power' in the Changing International Order: An Introduction, Perceptions Journal of International Affairs, Winter 2014, Vol. 109, No. 4, pp. 1-19.
Parlar Dal, E., (2016), "Conceptualising and testing the 'emerging regional power' of Turkey in the shifting international order", Third World Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 8, pp. 1425-1453
Parlar Dal, E. and Erşen, E. (2014), "Reassessing the "Turkish Model" in the Post-Cold War Era: A Role Theory Perspective", Turkish Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 258-282
Serbos, S. (2013), A More "Virtual" Turkey? Globalization, Europe, and The Quest For a Multi-Track Foreign Policy, Turkish Policy Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 137-147.
Sever, A. and Oğuz Gök, G. (2016), "The UN factor in the "regional power role" and the Turkish case in the 2000s", Cambridge Review of International Affairs, [online], pp. 1-36
Stanley Foundation, Rising Powers, (2009), http://risingpowers.stanleyfoundation.org/crosscuttingthemes.cfm?crosscuttingthemeid=5.
Szigetvári, T. (2014), EU-Turkey Relations: Changing Approaches, Romanian Journal of European Affairs, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 34-48.
Taymaz, E., Voyvoda, E. and Yılmaz, K. (2011), Uluslararası Üretim Zincirlerinde Dönüşüm ve Türkiye'nin Konumu, Ekonomik Araştırma Forumu Çalışma Raporları Serisi Yayın No: EAF-RP/11–01.
Tocci, N. (2014), Turkey and the European Union: A Journey in the Unknown, Center on the United States and Europe at Brookings, Policy Paper No. 5.
Warning, M. and Kardaş, T. (2011), The Impact of Changing Islamic Identity on Turkey's New Foreign Policy, Alternatives Turkish Journal of International Relations, Vol. 10, No. 2-3.
Yeşiltaş, M. (2014), "Turkey's Quest for a "New International Order": The Discourse of Civilization and the Politics of Restoration", Perceptions, Vol. 19, No. 4, pp. 43-76
Yuvacı, A. And Doğan, S. (2012), Geopolitics, Geo-culture and Turkish Foreign Policy, Geopolitics in the 21st Century, December 2012, pp. 9-23.
@omerrcelik
Ömer Çelik graduated from Gazi University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, the Department of Public Administration and got his master's degree from the same university, in the Department of Political Science. He is a political scientist and strategist. Mr. Çelik has been elected as the Deputy of Adana in the Turkish Parliament in 22nd, 23rd and 24th legislative periods. During these periods, he has assumed the roles respectively as the member of NATO Assembly of Parliamentarians Turkish Group, Turkish Grand National Assembly Commission of Foreign Relations and Commission of Environment. As well as his membership to AK Party Central Decision Making and Administrative Committee (CDAC), Çelik was AK Party's Vice Chairman in charge of Foreign Affairs between the years March 2010 and January 2013. Mr. Çelik was also the Chairman of Turkey-USA Inter-Parliamentary Friendship Group. On January 25, 2013 he was appointed as the Minister of Culture and Tourism of the 61st Government of the Republic of Turkey. He also assumed the role of the Vice Chairman of the AK Party responsible for Promotion and Media as well as the Party Spokesperson. He's been appointed as the Minister for EU Affairs of the 65th Government of the Republic of Turkey.
Issue 2 – Turkey in Global Governance: Searching for Alternatives Between the West and the Rest
Rising Powers, Global Governance, and the United Nations
Thomas G. Weiss
Navigating in Strong Winds: Turkey Challenged
Richard Falk
Turkey's State-Based Foreign Aid: Narrating "Turkey's Story"
Senem B. Çevik
The New Kid on the Block: Turkey's Shifting Approaches to Peacebuilding
Gizem Sucuoğlu
Onur Sazak
Becoming Global Actor: The Turkish Agenda for the Global South
Federico Donelli
Ariel Gonzalez Levaggi
Transforming Habitus of the Foreign Policy: A Bourdieusian Analysis of Turkey as an Emerging Middle Power
Hakan Övünç Ongur
Hüseyin Zengin
Mass Migration and Images of State Power: Turkey's Claim to the Status of a Responsible Rising Power
Juliette Tolay
Democracies' Discontents: Where Do We Go From Here?
Ted Piccone

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
package org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.security.authorization.composite;

import java.security.Principal;
import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.LinkedHashSet;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Set;
import javax.jcr.security.AccessControlManager;

import com.google.common.collect.Lists;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.api.Root;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.namepath.NamePathMapper;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.CompositeConfiguration;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.SecurityProvider;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.AuthorizationConfiguration;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.permission.AggregatedPermissionProvider;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.permission.AggregationFilter;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.permission.EmptyPermissionProvider;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.permission.PermissionProvider;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.restriction.CompositeRestrictionProvider;
import org.apache.jackrabbit.oak.spi.security.authorization.restriction.RestrictionProvider;
import org.jetbrains.annotations.NotNull;
import org.jetbrains.annotations.Nullable;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;

/**
 * {@link CompositeAuthorizationConfiguration} that combines different
 * authorization models. This implementation has the following characteristics:
 *
 *
AccessControlManager

 *

 *
This method will return an aggregation of {@code AccessControlManager}s in case
 *     multiple {@code AuthorizationConfiguration}s are present (see {@code CompositeAccessControlManager}).

 *
If the composite only contains a single entry the {@code AccessControlManager}
 *     of this implementation is return without extra wrapping.

 *
If the list of configurations is empty an {@code IllegalStateException} is thrown.

 *

 *
 *
PermissionProvider

 *

 *
This method will return an aggregation of {@code PermissionProvider}s in case
 *     multiple {@code AuthorizationConfiguration}s exposing an {@link AggregatedPermissionProvider}
 *     are present (see {@link CompositePermissionProvider}. Note however, that
 *     providers not implementing the {@code AggregatedPermissionProvider} extension
 *     will be ignored.

 *
If the composite only contains a single entry the {@code PermissionProvider}
 *     of this implementation is return without extra wrapping.

 *
If the list of configurations is empty an {@code IllegalStateException} is thrown.

 *

 *
 *
RestrictionProvider

  *

  *
This method will return an aggregation of {@code RestrictionProvider}s in case
  *     multiple {@code AuthorizationConfiguration}s are present (see {@code CompositeRestrictionProvider}).

  *
If the composite only contains a single entry the {@code RestrictionProvider}
  *     of this implementation is return without extra wrapping.

  *
If the list of configurations is empty {@link RestrictionProvider#EMPTY } is returned.

  *

 *
 */
public class CompositeAuthorizationConfiguration extends CompositeConfiguration<AuthorizationConfiguration> implements AuthorizationConfiguration {

    private static final Logger log = LoggerFactory.getLogger(CompositeAuthorizationConfiguration.class);

    public enum CompositionType {

        /**
         * Break as soon as any one of the aggregated permission providers
         * denies a privilege (default setup)
         */
        AND,

        /**
         * Check all aggregated permission providers for one that could provide
         * a privilege (multiplexing setup)
         */
        OR;

        /**
         * Returns the corresponding composition type.
         * @param type
         *            String representation of the composition type, or
         *            {@code null}
         * @return corresponding composition type, or {@code AND} if the
         *         provided type is {@code null}
         */
        static CompositionType fromString(@Nullable String type) {
            String or = OR.name();
            if (or.equals(type) || or.toLowerCase().equals(type)) {
                return OR;
            } else {
                return AND;
            }
        }
    }

    private CompositionType compositionType = CompositionType.AND;

    private AggregationFilter aggregationFilter = AggregationFilter.DEFAULT;

    public CompositeAuthorizationConfiguration() {
        super(AuthorizationConfiguration.NAME);
    }

    public CompositeAuthorizationConfiguration(@NotNull SecurityProvider securityProvider) {
        super(AuthorizationConfiguration.NAME, securityProvider);
    }

    public void withCompositionType(@Nullable String ct) {
        this.compositionType = CompositionType.fromString(ct);
    }

    public void withAggregationFilter(@NotNull AggregationFilter aggregationFilter) {
        this.aggregationFilter = aggregationFilter;
    }

    @NotNull
    @Override
    public AccessControlManager getAccessControlManager(@NotNull final Root root,
                                                        @NotNull final NamePathMapper namePathMapper) {
        List<AuthorizationConfiguration> configurations = getConfigurations();
        switch (configurations.size()) {
            case 0: throw new IllegalStateException();
            case 1: return configurations.get(0).getAccessControlManager(root, namePathMapper);
            default:
                List<AccessControlManager> mgrs = Lists.transform(configurations, authorizationConfiguration -> authorizationConfiguration.getAccessControlManager(root, namePathMapper));
                return new CompositeAccessControlManager(root, namePathMapper, getSecurityProvider(), mgrs, aggregationFilter);
        }
    }

    @NotNull
    @Override
    public RestrictionProvider getRestrictionProvider() {
        List<AuthorizationConfiguration> configurations = getConfigurations();
        switch (configurations.size()) {
            case 0: return RestrictionProvider.EMPTY;
            case 1: return configurations.get(0).getRestrictionProvider();
            default:
                Set<RestrictionProvider> rps = new LinkedHashSet<>(configurations.size());
                for (AuthorizationConfiguration c : configurations) {
                    RestrictionProvider rp = c.getRestrictionProvider();
                    if (RestrictionProvider.EMPTY != rp) {
                        rps.add(rp);
                    }
                }
                return CompositeRestrictionProvider.newInstance(rps);
        }
    }

    @NotNull
    @Override
    public PermissionProvider getPermissionProvider(@NotNull final Root root,
                                                    @NotNull final String workspaceName,
                                                    @NotNull final Set<Principal> principals) {
        List<AuthorizationConfiguration> configurations = getConfigurations();
        switch (configurations.size()) {
            case 0: throw new IllegalStateException();
            case 1: return configurations.get(0).getPermissionProvider(root, workspaceName, principals);
            default:
                List<AggregatedPermissionProvider> aggrPermissionProviders = new ArrayList<>(configurations.size());
                for (AuthorizationConfiguration conf : configurations) {
                    PermissionProvider pProvider = conf.getPermissionProvider(root, workspaceName, principals);
                    if (pProvider instanceof AggregatedPermissionProvider) {
                        AggregatedPermissionProvider aggrProvider = (AggregatedPermissionProvider) pProvider;
                        aggrPermissionProviders.add(aggrProvider);
                        if (aggregationFilter.stop(aggrProvider, principals)) {
                            break;
                        }
                    } else {
                        log.debug("Ignoring permission provider of '{}': Not an AggregatedPermissionProvider", conf.getClass().getName());
                    }
                }
                PermissionProvider pp;
                switch (aggrPermissionProviders.size()) {
                    case 0 :
                        pp = EmptyPermissionProvider.getInstance();
                        break;
                    case 1 :
                        pp = aggrPermissionProviders.get(0);
                        break;
                    default :
                        pp = CompositePermissionProvider.create(root, aggrPermissionProviders, getContext(), compositionType, getRootProvider(), getTreeProvider());
                }
                return pp;
        }
    }
}


text:
Uganda Embassy Form
Passport Interview Record Form
Mission Charter
The Embassy's mandate is specified in the Mission Charter as follows:
a) Engage the United States to be supportive of various peace-building initiatives/ processes of interest to Uganda and the Great Lakes Region
b) Lobby United States' understanding and appreciation of Uganda's position on various issues including; social, political, cultural etc.
c) Lobby World Bank and IMF for at least US$500 million of development assistance per year.
d) Lobby annual inward transfer of at least US$500 million worth of investment from United States.
e) Promote at least US$50 million worth of Uganda exports to the United States.
The Vision of the Embassy is: "A Secure Uganda and a Prosperous People".
The Mission of the Embassy is: "To Promote and Protect Uganda's National Interests in the U.S.A and the other Countries of Accreditation". The Strategic Plan will serve to focus the Embassy to its vision and mission.
General Mandate
Uganda Embassy in Washington D.C is mandated to promote and protect Uganda's national interests in the United States of America and other countries of accreditation, namely; Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Trinidad & Tobago, Uruguay and Venezuela.
In addition, the Embassy coordinates programs for the development of Uganda with the global financial institutions headquartered in Washington DC, namely; the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank.
The Embassy also has the responsibility to manage its human and other resources, including the following three properties: The official residence located at 5009 Loughboro Road NW and two office blocks for the Chancery located at 5911 and 5909, 16th Street NW, Washington D.C.
Powered by: CREWSING Technologies


text:
THH: My Country, Tis of Thee
By AlaNova ELITE, Naperville, Illinois
More by this author Follow AlaNova
AlaNova ELITE, Naperville, Illinois
257 articles 0 photos 328 comments
Dalai Lama said, "There are only two days in the year that nothing can be done. One is called YESTERDAY and the other is called TOMORROW, so today is the right day to love, believe, do, and mostly live..."
I borrowed the movie Moonlight because it won for Best Picture, and also because it looked so mysterious, so artsy. It was the account of a boy, in three stages, growing up poor, black, and gay in Miami. I was going to watch it that weekend, but mom got to it first.
I'm going to have to watch it on the computer, she said, taking the DVD, because of, well, you know who.
I asked who, and she gestured to my grandfather's study, saying he wouldn't be too keen on seeing black people on our TV. Yes, he's racist, she said, and then laughed.
It hit me then how lucky I was to grow up in the U.S. My grandfather was born in the heart of China, at the beginning of WWII, before the Communist Party took over and Japanese were attacking the mainland. He grew, lived, and would have died in the People's Republic of China, if my grandmother hadn't died a few years ago, and he came to live with us.
As for myself, as long as I can remember, I always saw different colored heads in the classroom. There were the very blonde, the less blonde, various shades of brown, darkish brown, and the completely black haired, with different skin colors to match. My classmates were all different, and that was that. The politics of race didn't hit me until my Chinese relatives found it more and more unacceptable I couldn't speak Chinese, and I realized the firework-filled nights at my mom's booth at Ethnic Expo came with a cost.
I don't think my grandfather is a hateful person, if ironborn and strict, but his distrust of blacks made me deeply uncomfortable. I like to think of myself as a tolerant person, educated or at least attempting to be, but suddenly wondered if I would end up the same way growing up somewhere else. I worried what would happen if it was never normal, exciting, to see all kinds of different colors in one room. Even now, I doubt I am completely without racism, existing as another subscriber to the media.
Last year, I found myself talking about my country a lot, as everything the U.S. stands for has come into question. With recent events, supposedly old prejudices have returned to the air like an ancient disease. Our times have been compared to the '60s. And to the extent I discuss with my peers about our nation's future, you would think we had lost our taste for patriotism, or pride.
But the opposite is true. I still admire the country where I live, if not more than before. It is able to change, and willing to discuss. That free speech is a staple in our national society still amazes me. I do love its noble history, dramatic spirit, and willingness to do right. I can't imagine my mom being able to divorce my dad in China, where domestic issues are still seen as private, not public, problems. That the American people are unrelaxed, that different groups clash, still points to a painful truth: the fact that we can hear each other's suffering and allow it to affect us makes it possible to change.
In my opinion, there are still things we should change. Race is not the only issue. I'm lucky to grow up in a city ruled by riches, rewards, and loudly enforced political correctness, but not everybody does. I'm not as close to my heritage as many of my Chinese-American classmates. I'm scared for women in this country. And both my parents are still outraged by Muslims and gays, disproving all minorities are somehow friendly with each other.
But if there is any lasting feeling I have, it is, in the words of our last president, hope. We live in extraordinary times. But we also live in an extraordinary country.
© Jessica E., Pelham, AL
What does "THH" stand for? Good question! It's THE HOLY HITCHHIKE... The name is Ala Nova, and you have entered the domain of my discussion, thought, and paraphernalia. Enjoy, and let loose your commentary and suggestions below. A new column every Friday!
By Alex9193 GOLD
Shoemakersville, Pennsylvania
Alex9193 GOLD, Shoemakersville, Pennsylvania
10 articles 1 photo 1 comment
"Live you life for it goes by fast" me
Chatrooms - A Bad Connection
By Mackenzie Ford
Expressing Our View
By Shane Albrecht
Acceptance is Vital to the Real World
By Julianne Olson
It's Not Worth It
Adults Shrink The Power Of The Youth To The Size Of A Mustard Seed
By i_love_chocolate101 BRONZE
i_love_chocolate101 BRONZE, Augusta, Georgia


text:
De Goliathberg is de meest noordelijk gelegen heuvel (358 m) in het zuidwestelijk deel van het Surinaamse district Para binnen het ressort Bigi Poika. Op de zuidelijke helling van de Goliathberg vind goudwinning plaats.

De Goliathkreek, een bovenloop van de Coesewijne, ontspringt op de geïsoleerd liggende Goliathberg en stroomt via een duiker onder de weg naar de Avanaverovallen door. De kreek loopt door een belangrijk bosbouwproject van bosverjonging en pinusaanplant.

Para
Berg in Suriname

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Disney Cruise Line Transitioning to Optional Indoor Masking for Domestic Departures Beginning March 11th
Posted on March 3, 2022 by Scott Sanders — 22 Comments ↓
Today, Disney Cruise Line announced a change to their onboard mask requirements for sailing departing from the United States. Following recently updated guidance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Disney Cruise Line updated their face covering requirements beginning March 11.
Face coverings on Disney Cruise Line ships will become optional in most indoor locations throughout our ships – the Walt Disney Theatre being the primary location where they will be required.
Disney is sending out emails to guest booked on the following date ranges for each ship:
Disney Wonder – March 11 to April 17, 2022
Disney Magic – March 11 to May 8, 2022
Disney Fantasy – March 11 to May 28, 2022
Disney Dream – March 11 to May 30, 2022
Here is a sample of the email
Reservation #:
All of us at Disney Cruise Line hope you and your family are staying well. Considering recently updated guidance from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, we have updated our face covering requirements for sailings originating from a U.S. port of departure, including your upcoming sailing:
For sailings beginning March 11, 2022, face coverings on Disney Cruise Line will become optional in most indoor locations throughout our ships. Guests ages 2 and up, including those who are fully vaccinated against COVID-19, will still be required to wear face coverings in the Walt Disney Theatre.
Guests under 5 years of age who are currently ineligible to be vaccinated will be required to wear face coverings in Youth Activities spaces and in the Bibbidi Bobbidi Boutique; and, while not required, we continue to strongly recommend these Guests wear a face covering in all other indoor locations.
As previously shared, face coverings are not required in outdoor locations while onboard our ships.
Face coverings may be required in ports of call based on local government requirements, including in some areas at Disney Castaway Cay. Masks should also be worn in the cruise terminal during the boarding and screening process, as well as during disembarkation. Please be sure to review the information available on the Know Before You Go section of our website for answers to many frequently asked questions.
We appreciate you sailing with us and look forward to welcoming you aboard.
The Cast and Crew
This entry was posted in News by Scott Sanders. Bookmark the permalink.
22 Replies to "Disney Cruise Line Transitioning to Optional Indoor Masking for Domestic Departures Beginning March 11th"
Arthur Houston March 3, 2022 at 1:26 pm
Sorry DCL this does not hack it. End all the mandates we all know now did nothing to stop anything. We will not cruise until you end all mandates. And restore all activities. Not paying full price for half the experience.
Marc March 3, 2022 at 2:06 pm
@Arthur – Agree 100%! This game is over. We all know how it was played. DCL can fill all their ships next week if they wanted to do so. We cancelled two trips in 2020 and one in 2021. I still have the refunded money available. Do you want it back, DCL? Make the all-clear call and we'll book!
Dawn Sharpe March 3, 2022 at 7:04 pm
I completely agree. We will cruise when all mandates end.
Jo March 4, 2022 at 2:58 pm
I agree Dawn. We have two cruises booked, but will cancel unless all mandates end. We have already cancelled more than twice that number. The good thing is we have discovered a lot of other vacation options for a lot less money and have been discovering new places and having more money to play 🙂
Amy Corvin March 4, 2022 at 10:16 am
Not good enough. 5 cruises with DCL and at least $50,000. Cancelled 2 due to restrictions. Get rid of all mandates and we'll be back. Not a minute sooner!
P Keen March 6, 2022 at 7:20 pm
This is just updated information. No one cares if you cruise or not.
Peggy March 7, 2022 at 12:04 pm
Just because you have been vaccinated and boosted doesn't mean anything lol. You're still the carrier for this virus. And let's be real for a second here, what they aren't telling you is that the vaccine itself tampers with your immune system and starts to take away your white blood cells. Each booster after that starts stripping your white blood cells away basically leaving you with a very weak immune system or no immune system at all. Look at the children who have been vaccinated but now have Myocarditis! Pfizer is now putting warning labels on their vaccines. The big wigs who are the CEO's behind these companies who created the vaccines have cashed out and stepped down from their positions. I wonder why 🤣. So before you tell someone "who cares if you cruise or not!" You better think about doing whatever you can to keep your immune system intact lol.
Omg please. Don't cruise. Don't vaccinate. Don't booster. I don't care. No one cares- DCL doesn't care. I'm tired of people thinking everything is all about them. Make your decision- get on with it. This whole world and cruising is not going to revolve around one or a small group. They are going to make financial and health decisions based on their bottom line. All these statements that DCL will miss out on yada yada yada – total nonsense. I made no comment on the vaccine by the way… good luck to all! I just got off the Wonder and it was fantastic!!! Loved every minute.
CATHY March 3, 2022 at 1:40 pm
Wonderful.. so happy to read this. They have updated their site. Face masks optional after March 11th and no booster shots required. Very happy about this as I have 6 cruises coming up.
Scott Weinfeld March 3, 2022 at 1:40 pm
Thank you Disney
Jessica March 3, 2022 at 2:37 pm
Woo hoo!!!!
Johnson Dean March 3, 2022 at 5:58 pm
Very happy that our cruise leaving this Saturday will still require masks. I understand people's desire to get back to pre-Covid conditions, but we are not quite there yet. Numbers are indeed heading down at the hospitals where I work, but we've lost too many patients, too many friends and family members, and we are still seeing more cases than we should. Quality face masks worn appropriately do decrease the spread of infection (which is unfortunately still possible even when individuals have tested negative).
@johnson Dean, good that your cruise still is what you want. When I got this message I booked another cruise for April.
Walt March 3, 2022 at 9:16 pm
@johnson Dean, You are right. Covid is not over with in a matter of weeks. It a virus that is mutating.People are refusing to test because they just don't want to know. Misery loves company. How many of those infected will talk, share a table or laugh in your face without a mask knowing that they are infected. They will be the very one to laugh behind your back knowing that they shared their virus with you and your family with no remorse. The world we live in today is very selfish. Everything is about themselves and no one else. Keep thinking the way you are thinking and you might be able to save more of people like me and my family that are trying to do the right things for the interest of my fellow man. Thank you for your service and may God bless you and your family. Stay safe and enjoy your cruise.
@walt.. everyone who cruises is tested before they are allowed to board so I highly doubt anyone knowingly will spread this at your dinner table.
Jason March 3, 2022 at 10:51 pm
Sailing March 21st…Hearing the news today felt like winning the lottery! First at WDW and now DCL. It is about time!!!!
James March 4, 2022 at 7:34 am
We sailed the Thanksgiving cruise on the Fantasy. TBH, the masking requirements weren't an issue and this was the first cruise were not a single person in our group left the ship with even a sniffle. I hope DCL keeps majority of the protocols in place. Changing Cabanas over to cafeteria style is a lot more sanitary.
Sam March 4, 2022 at 10:16 am
I would guess the number of Noro cases is also very low due to masks.
Kate March 4, 2022 at 9:26 am
Personally, I am thrilled with the removal of the mask mandates on the cruise line. We are vaccinated and boosted, and past ready to trust in that. We also fully support anyone who chooses to mask in doing so.
Carys March 4, 2022 at 1:13 pm
Guests ages 2 and up, including those who are fully vaccinated against COVID-19, will still be required to wear face coverings in the Walt Disney Theatre.
Guests under 5 years of age who are currently ineligible to be vaccinated will be required to wear face coverings in Youth Activities spaces and in the Bibbidi Bobbidi Boutique
Does mean face coverings( face mask) guests e.g. adult of any age, kids 7 and 12 year old and teenagers will still have to wear face coverings(face mask) at Walt Disney Theatre and the youth activities and bibbidi bibbidi boutique.
wendy March 30, 2022 at 5:53 am
yes, everyone has to wear a mask in the theatre. regardless of age or status.
I have a cruise booked for November 2022 and I hope by then my 4yo doesn't have to wear a mask and be segregated from her own Sibling in the kids club.
Why are they doing this? They are sleeping in the same room and eating at the same table, but can't play together in a kids club?
C'mon this makes zero sense.
I just hope by November some common sense prevails and we can sail like normal.


text:
Top 10 A2-restrictable motorcycles
The best brand-new models for power-restricted riders
By Visordown
EUROPE'S mind-boggling licence laws are creating subdivisions of motorcycle ranges as manufacturers strive to satisfy both fully-fledged riders and the ever-growing numbers forced to endure power restrictions for extended periods of time.
As a quick recap, riders on an A2 licence are restricted to 35kW (47hp). They can use power restrictors, but only on machines that didn't make more than 70kW (94hp) in standard form. Oh, and there's a power-to-weight limit of 0.2kW per kg, too, so a bike with the full 35kW can't weigh less than 175kg while lighter machines each have to have their maximum restricted power worked out depending on their weight (it's still unclear as to whether that weight includes fuel, and different manufacturers interpret it in their own ways). Because it just wouldn't be a proper European regulation if it was simple and easy to work out, would it?
So among the headline-grabbing new models like Kawasaki's H2 and Yamaha's R1M (we don't need a calculator to confirm that no, you won't be able to ride them on an A2 licence) there's been a spate of new-for-2015 bikes that can be restricted to fit the A2 class.
10. Triumph Bonneville T214
Ok, so it's a bit of a fudge to put the Bonnie on there, since there really aren't any changes for 2015 other than the addition of a couple of special edition models like the T214. But if you're an A2 rider lured to the attraction of two wheels via a rose-tinted view of the past, the Bonnie is still perhaps the ultimate retro bike on sale today.
9. Harley Road Glide
You'd have to be insane to opt for a £20,000, 385kg Harley Road Glide as a beginners' bike. And madder still to restrict the engine to sub-35kW to comply with A2 licence laws. But by the letter of the law, the stock H-D's power output is less than twice the 35kW limit so it's legal to restrict it to A2 levels. At least the power-to-weight restriction isn't going to be an issue… Who knows? There just might be some A2 riders out there who are rich enough and want nothing other than that particular slice of the Harley dream. I think they're called bankers, or something that rhymes with that.
8. Benelli BN600R/BN600GT
You might have thought these Benellis were launched a year or so ago, but the R has been tweaked for 2015 – with a new swingarm – and the GT, although it was shown back in 2013, isn't due to reach production until mid-2015. Both have the same four-cylinder, 600cc engine making 84hp, which means they're low-powered enough in full-power form to be legally restricted to 47hp for an A2 licence holder to ride. And there aren't many 600cc fours that fit that category.
7. Kawasaki Vulcan S
It might be stupid to opt for a massive Harley as an A2 bike, but Kawasaki's new Vulcan 650 is perhaps the ideal machine for A2 riders with cruiser aspirations. Based on the ER-6 platform, its transformation into a cruiser is far more appealing than you'd expect – with a hint of Ducati Diavel in the stance. Meanwhile, being based on one of the all-time-great new riders' bikes, it should prove easy to handle and simple to restrict to A2 levels.
6. KTM Adventure 1050
When we first heard KTM was making an Adventure 1050, we wondered if there was really room for a 1050, an 1190 and a 1290 in the firm's range. The truth emerged when the bike was launched at EICMA in Milan, when the bike was launched with 70kW (94hp) – spot on the limit for A2 restriction to 35kW/47bhp. That's light years from the 1190's 148hp or the 1290's 160hp, but in a bike that has the same practicality and style.
5. BMW F800R
The F800R could be a great choice for restricting to A2 form. As standard it's making 90hp, so it's just under the top limit, power wise, to be restricted. The tweaks for 2015 are mainly cosmetic, but the switch to a conventional headlight instead of the lopsided original means it's a much prettier machine.
4. Yamaha MT-07 Moto Cage
The Moto Cage might be simply an MT-07 in a party frock, but it's quite a looker thanks to its stunt-inspired design and red highlights. Again, it's low powered enough at 74hp to be legally restricted for an A2 licence – something that can't be said of the bigger MT-09.
3. Yamaha MT-07
But while the Moto Cage is the newer machine, the basic MT-07 – despite being launched a few months ago – is still officially a new-for-2015 model. So it's got be included on this list, and thanks to a bargain price and brilliant ability, it's got to take a podium place.
2. Ducati Scrambler
There aren't many Ducatis that A2 licence holders can opt for, and while the Monster will always be a favourite the new Scrambler is sure to attract plenty of riders. The marketing campaign might have been over the top, but the bike itself – available in several versions (Icon, Urban Enduro, Classic or Full Throttle) each with their own niche to fill – is an attractive little thing. And with 75hp in full-power form, it's ideal for restriction (and derestriction, of course, once you've gained your full licence.)
1. Triumph Tiger 800
We've just ridden the Tiger 800 in its latest form and we're impressed, particularly by the road-oriented XR version. The updated model gets loads more electrickery than its forebear – traction control, multiple modes – and revised styling, and Triumph has always been good at offering affordable A2 restrictor kits for its bikes.
Top 10: 2015 A2 licence friendly bikes
Top 10: oddball 500cc GP and MotoGP bikes
Top 10: land speed record bikes
Top 10: Eicma oddities
bikes ride on a2 licence
top 10 motorcycles for beginners
a2 bikes
restriction kits
a2 restrictors
a2 legal motorcycles
top 10 motorcycles for new riders
Unmarked police bike rear-ended by SUV
The best (worst) motorcycle advert ever?


Ladies' luncheon on the 2nd Tuesday of each month at Janet Peed's house. Come anytime between 11:30-1:30. Food will be ready. Call Janet at 912-531-2577 for information.
Wednesday Ladies' Prayer group meets weekly at 11:45am at Peaches Barnes' house.
Ladies Friday Morning Prayer Group meets every Friday at 9am in the church toddler nursery. No childcare.


September 13, 2018 at 7:45–9 a.m.
TimeSeptember 13, 2018 at 7:45–9 a.m.
Last month our biggest audience yet heard from Gustavus President Rebecca Bergman. At the September 13, 2018 meeting, we are honored that Rev. Grady St. Dennis ('92, GAC Chaplain and Director of Church Relations) will be speaking to the group about strategies for finding purpose in life, both personally and professionally.
For questions, contact Blake Nelson bnelson@hjlawfirm.com or Jennifer Byrnes jennifer@connectandachieve.com.
Pleaserespond by Tuesday, September 11, 2018.