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Gov. Hochul: Proposed $216B NY budget is responsible, prudent, will pay dividends for future
Who is responsible for sidewalk snow removal in Rochester?
Meadows sues as Jan. 6 panel proceeds with contempt case
by: MARY CLARE JALONICK and ERIC TUCKER, Associated Press
FILE – White House chief of staff Mark Meadows speaks with reporters outside the White House, Oct. 26, 2020, in Washington. The House panel investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection says it has "no choice" but to move forward with contempt charges against former Trump White House chief of staff Mark Meadows. (AP Photo/Patrick Semansky, File)
WASHINGTON (AP) — Former Trump White House chief of staff Mark Meadows on Wednesday sued the House committee investigating the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection as the chairman of the panel pledged to move forward with contempt charges against him for defying a subpoena.
The dueling actions laid bare simmering tensions between the committee and Meadows, seen by lawmakers on the panel as a pivotal player in their investigation, and reflected a remarkable turnabout from last week, when Meadows' lawyer had declared his intention of cooperating with the committee on certain areas of their inquiry.
Meadows' lawsuit, filed in federal court in Washington, asks a judge to invalidate two subpoenas that he says are "overly broad and unduly burdensome." It accuses the committee of overreaching by issuing a subpoena to Verizon for his cell phone records.
"Allowing an entirely partisan select committee of Congress to subpoena the personal cell phone data of executive officials would work a massive chilling of current and future Executive Branch officials' associational and free speech rights," the lawsuit states.
The complaint was filed hours after Democratic Rep. Bennie Thompson, the committee chairman, declared he had "no choice" but to proceed with contempt charges against Meadows, who was subpoenaed more than two months ago and did not show up Wednesday for a scheduled deposition. Meadows' lawyer, George Terwilliger, told the committee on Tuesday that his client was ending his cooperation.
In a letter responding to Terwilliger, Thompson noted that Meadows has already provided documents to the committee, including personal emails and texts about President Donald Trump's efforts to overturn his 2020 election defeat, and has also published a book,released this week, that discusses the Jan. 6 attack.
"That he would sell his telling of the facts of that day while denying a congressional committee the opportunity to ask him about the attack on our Capitol marks an historic and aggressive defiance of Congress," Thompson wrote.
The move to hold Meadows in contempt comes as the committee has struggled to gain compliance from a few of the former president's closest and most high-profile allies. Still, the panel has already conducted more than 250 interviews with witnesses as they attempt to compile the most comprehensive record yet of the brutal siege.
In a statement late Wednesday, Thompson and the committee's Republican vice chairwoman, Wyoming Rep. Liz Cheney, said the panel will meet next week to vote on advancing criminal contempt charges against Meadows.
"Mr. Meadows's flawed lawsuit won't succeed at slowing down the Select Committee's investigation or stopping us from getting the information we're seeking," the two lawmakers said.
Committee leaders have said they intend to punish anyone who will not comply with the probe, and the House has already voted to hold longtime Trump ally Steve Bannon in contempt after he defied their subpoena. The Justice Department later indicted Bannon on two counts.
In his letter to Terwilliger, Thompson summarized a handful of the thousands of documents that Meadows has already provided, including communications that involve White House efforts to overturn Joe Biden's election victory. Meadows provided the committee last month with personal emails and backed-up data from his personal cellphone, including text messages, Thompson said.
He said the documents Meadows turned over included an email dated Nov. 7, 2020 — the day Biden was declared the White House winner — that Thompson described as "discussing the appointment of alternate slates of electors as part of a 'direct and collateral attack' after the election." Thompson did not say who sent the email or give further details.
Thompson also described an email that referenced a 38-page PowerPoint presentation titled "Election Fraud, Foreign Interference & Options for 6 JAN" that Thompson said was intended to be shared on Capitol Hill. Thompson did not further elaborate on the email but said it was dated Jan. 5, 2021, the day before hundreds of Trump's supporters violently breached the Capitol and interrupted the certification of Biden's victory.
A separate Nov. 6, 2020, text exchange between Meadows and an unidentified member of Congress, Thompson wrote, was "apparently about appointing alternate electors in certain states as part of a plan that the member acknowledged would be 'highly controversial,' and to which Mr. Meadows apparently said, 'I love it.'"
Also included in the documents, according to Thompson: a Jan. 5, 2021, email about having the National Guard on standby the next day; an "early 2021 text message exchange" between Meadows and an organizer of the rally held the morning of Jan. 6, when Trump told his supporters to "fight like hell"; and "text messages about the need for the former president to issue a public statement that could have stopped the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol."
Terwilliger did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the letter or confirm the contents of the documents.
Meadows' decision to stop complying with the committee was a reversal after he had initially agreed to the deposition and after Terwilliger said the committee was open to allowing him to decline some questions based on Trump's executive privilege claims.
Terwilliger then told the committee in a letter this week that a deposition had become "untenable" because the committee "has no intention of respecting boundaries" around questions that Trump claims are off-limits.
Trump has attempted to hinder much of the committee's work, including in an ongoing court case,by arguing that Congress cannot obtain information about his private White House conversations.
Terwilliger also told the committee that he learned over the weekend that they had issued a subpoena to a third-party communications provider that he said would include "intensely personal" information about Meadows.
"As a result of careful and deliberate consideration of these factors, we now must decline the opportunity to appear voluntarily for a deposition," Terwilliger wrote in the Tuesday letter.
In his response, Thompson confirmed the subpoenas to a third party but said it "does not impact Mr. Meadows's production of documents and text messages, which are the areas we seek to develop during his deposition."
The committee in August issued a sweeping demand that telecommunications and social media companies preserve the personal communications of hundreds of people who may have been connected to the attack. But the panel did not ask the companies to turn over the records at that time.
As the investigation has progressed, the committee has "sought data that will help answer important questions" but does not include the content of the communications, according to a committee aide who was not authorized to publicly discuss the investigation and spoke on condition of anonymity. The metadata requested includes dates and times of the communications, which could include both emails and texts.
Associated Press writer Jill Colvin contributed to this report.
by Matt Driffill, Panagiotis Argitis / Jan 18, 2022
Editor's note: This full press conference video is rendering now and will be attached shortly. The budget director's briefing will be live streamed on this page at 12 p.m. EST.
ALBANY, N.Y. (WROC) — Gov. Kathy Hochul presented New York's Fiscal Year 2023 Executive Budget Tuesday, a state budget proposal that she says is "socially responsible and physically prudent."
by Panagiotis Argitis, Matt Driffill, Alex Love / Jan 18, 2022
ROCHESTER, N.Y. (WROC) — As local roadways slowly clear up following one of the largest snowstorms in recent history, a number of sidewalk paths in Rochester remain blocked off with mounting snow piles.
According to the City of Rochester's website, clearing sidewalks of snow is a city-resident partnership. Current guidelines say removing snow from sidewalks is the responsibility of the owner whose property is adjacent with that walkway, but If the snow rises above four inches, city services will plow the area. CIty officials say it's ultimately it is up to owner to clear off any extra snow or ice.
Rochester man charged in triple shooting involving 3-year-old
Weather / 1 hour ago


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Home » Articles » Planning approval for University of Stirling Sports Centre by FaulknerBrowns Over 46127 entries
Tuesday, 7th August 2018
Planning approval for University of Stirling Sports Centre by FaulknerBrowns
Stirling Council has approved plans drawn up by FaulknerBrowns Architects, for a £20 million transformation of the University of Stirling's sports facilities.
The redevelopment of the University's Sports Centre, will create an iconic new sports building that integrates with the existing world-class facilities on the site, including the national tennis and swimming academies.
The new building will provide an animated entrance gateway to the sports centre and includes purpose-built studios, an innovative fitness suite, three-court sports hall, indoor cycling studio, strength and conditioning area, as well as a new state-of-the-art high performance suite. Users of the new building will also benefit from enhanced changing facilities and communal spaces.
The site is set within a rich landscape located around Airthrey Loch, overlooked by the National Wallace Monument and with views to Stirling Castle, Airthrey Castle, the Ochil Hills, Ben Lomond and the Trossachs. A considered approach to the design process has ensured the redevelopment improves the character and appearance of the sports campus in a way that is sensitive to the quality of its setting.
The main building responds to the site at three levels – the lower story creating a robust base with linkages to the existing swimming academy and sports hall, and the two upper levels establishing a relationship with the street and surroundings.
The double height volume housing the café and social spaces affords the building a civic quality which supports its ambition for transparency and inclusivity.
The building's glazed frontage exposes a central cylindrical drum that acts as a welcoming focal point. Vertical timber fins—spaced to create a concertina effect—present the illusion of motion. The fitness suite contained within the drum, animates views from the main approach routes.
Michael Hall, Partner at FaulknerBrowns Architects, said:
"It is fantastic to be working with University of Stirling to create a new dynamic heart for their existing sporting infrastructure."
Sherief El-Salamani, Project Leader at FaulknerBrowns, said:
"This scheme will enhance the
student experience by providing new and more visually accessible sporting facilities as well as a new gateway building, which will open up the performance, wellbeing and social aspects of the centre to the wider student body and local community."
FaulknerBrowns Architects

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Furniture — This furniture, is one of the 12 designs published under the gallery: 10 Beautiful Small Table Lamps With Rectangular Shades Gallery. In the next page, we have the enchanting table lamps with rectangular shades unique design with canvas and wood from the trees [ ... ]. While in	the previous page, we have the inspiring table lamps with rectangular shades steel table legs and a black canvas material [ ... ].


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Минусинск () град је у Русији у Краснојарском крају. Према попису становништва из 2010. у граду је живео 71.171 становник.

Становништво
Према прелиминарним подацима са пописа, у граду је 2010. живео 71.171 становник, 1.390 (1,92%) мање него 2002.

Види још
 Списак градова у Русији

Градови побратими
  Нориљск

Референце

Спољашње везе

Градови у Краснојарском крају
Википројект географија/Насеља у Русији

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Phoenix hits 110º for first time in 2022; contest winner to be announced
The contest ended on June 8.(Arizona's Family)
By David Baker
Published: Jun. 8, 2022 at 4:25 PM MST
PHOENIX (3TV/CBS 5) — Arizona's first major heat wave of 2022 has also led to Phoenix's first 110-degree day of the year. The Valley of the Sun hit the milestone on Wednesday afternoon. Arizona's Family meteorologists say Phoenix hit 110 at 4:01 p.m. The record for June 8 is 115 degrees, which was recorded in 1985. The average time Phoenix hits 110 degrees is June 11, so we're a little bit early.
The first 110-degree day at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport also means our 110-degree Day Contest sponsored by Parker & Sons is over. We'll be contacting the winner within the next few days. The winner of the contest will receive $5,000 from Parker & Sons.
Wednesday is just the start of an excessive heat warning for central and western Arizona. It'll linger through the weekend. Temperatures are expected to peak in the Valley at around 114 degrees on Saturday. The latest forecast can be found here.
City of Phoenix asking hikers' input on new proposal for trail closures
Animals enjoying the snow at Bearizona in Williams!
Northern Arizona Snow - Jan. 2, 2022
Arizona Winter Weather - Wednesday, Dec. 28, 2022
Viewers capture December Snowfall Around Arizona


There are many types of short boards. The thruster is a surfboard with three fins and is what most short boarders surf as it is the norm. The thruster has a fin in the center in back and fins on each side up the rails. The retro fish would be a twin fin surfboard with dimensions wider and shorter than a short board for the same surfer. Fish are really good in smaller conditions.
The quad would be a 4 fin surfboard with 2 fins on each side of the board. The step-up is a surfboard that is usually surfed in bigger conditions when the waves have more power and the mini gun is for even bigger surf conditions. The step-up and mini guns are thruster style surfboards as well but are larger in length for better float and paddle power.
The most important piece of equipment when learning how to surf is the surfboard. Thanks to modern technology, the different types of surfboards available today are endless. Even though there are so many surfboards to choose from, the 3 main shapes of surfboards are short boards, long boards, and fun shape boards. The size and shape of a surfboard will make a significant difference in the maneuverability and performance of that particular board. We'll cover each shape in detail, but not to overwhelm you, and suggest which one we feel is best for the beginner.


There are many pay per head (PPH) companies online today. Sometimes, it can be hard to find the right one when it comes to basketball betting. Besides looking at the software involved you have to look at things that pertain to basketball betting.
The PPH sites can offer many bets, but make sure they offer all the football ones that you want to use. They will all offer the typical spread and totals but also look for other bet types such as futures, parlays, proposition bets, and season total bets.
Look at all of the NBA and NCAA BK wagers that the PPH service offers so you can get the most bang for your buck.
When you look into choosing a PPH website you are looking to make the most money as possible. This is why it is key to pinpoint the pricing of the site and then look to see if that price per head works for you.
This is the case for basketball betting or any other type of sports betting. Many of the sites pay only for active players which is another thing to keep in mind depending on how many players will be wagering.
The more they wager the more you will make so the more options that a PPH service offers the better it is for your customers and that means the better it is for you in the money that you can make.
This is especially key when it comes to football, as you can get more customers considering basketball betting is so popular, especially in the United States.
It was mentioned before that you need to look at the array of football bets offered when choosing a PPH site to use. Also, look for if they offer live-betting, in-game betting, and mobile betting.
Live betting is betting on an event while it happens, with odds changing depending on how the game is going. Live betting is very popular for football, as the game is not constant and there is a lot of time between plays for people to make wagers.
Also, you want a PPH site that has 24/7 customer service to ensure that any questions you or your customers have are answered in a prompt manner. Make sure that the customer service is available, and available quickly, during the football season and the weekends when the majority of college and pro games take place.


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Chronos - fast rotation format proposal
Absotively June 4, 2016, 2:37pm #3
Not quite that minimal: one core, all the deluxe expansions, and Mumbad. I'll edit my post to make it clear that the deluxes are included.
ahzrab June 4, 2016, 2:47pm #4
I'm curious how the Meta would look like if:
-All big boxes were legal
-the last 12 datapacks were legal
I thought about doing the last x data packs, but the problem is that then some decks become illegal every time a data pack is released, so you can never take last month's deck to your local Netrunner night without checking if it's still legal. Rotating an entire cycle at a time means that five times out of six, if you're too busy to update your decks as soon as a data pack is released, you can still play them.
Humanoids June 4, 2016, 5:53pm #6
I think it'd be totally fine if the last 2 cycles were legal, along with Deluxes and a single Core. Furthermore, I think it would be interesting to entertain the idea of all IDs being legal at all times. If a card comes out that Quetzal could use (whatever that would be), she could use it (but for ~2 cycles).
ovamod7 June 4, 2016, 6:45pm #7
Any particular reason why you chose the third pack to trigger rotation? As you say, volatility is kind of the point, but it seems like the meta could shift in particularly weird ways if you're rotating in the middle of a cycle. I mean, look no further than Mumbad…retiring Drive By (and all of SanSan) as soon as Democracy and Dogma hit would not have been pleasant. (edit: even though IG would be long gone, of course)
Might it be better if it was the last pack instead? 6-11 is a little more than 3-8, but I don't think unreasonably so.
StephenE June 4, 2016, 6:58pm #8
I like the idea of faster rotation, but I think it should just be 'the most recent two cycles' to make it simpler. So if we're halfway through a cycle, we have 1.5 available, if we're just beginning a cycle, you have 1 cycle + 1 pack available, etc.
As a Desperado player, I hate the idea of restricting to 1 core too, though it would certainly achieve the goal of making Crim players user other consoles better than the MWL did!
For the third pack thing, I was mostly just trying to make the card pool as small as reasonably possible. But it sounds like most people would prefer the last two cycles or so, so let's go with that. That's still a fairly small card pool. I'll edit the first post so it has the last two cycles as the main proposal.
Absotively June 4, 2016, 8:14pm #10
Humanoids:
[…]I think it would be interesting to entertain the idea of all IDs being legal at all times. If a card comes out that Quetzal could use (whatever that would be), she could use it (but for ~2 cycles).
Hmm, maybe. On the one hand, allowing any older cards seems counter to the goal of keeping the cost of entry low. On the other hand, IDs are the one place where fan-alts are most widely accepted, so people probably wouldn't actually have to buy them. And most players could probably borrow a less-new player's spare copies if they did need an official copy of an ID for some reason.
On the other other hand, at the current moment in time, a format that bans Whizzard and IG might appeal to more people.
Kesterer June 4, 2016, 9:00pm #11
I think the biggest problem with single core is that it introduces more variance based on whether you draw one-of power cards like Desperado or SanSan. Restricting cards to single copies like that may be beneficial for the overall meta, but it makes individual games more luck-based.
RTsa June 4, 2016, 9:49pm #12
I like a format like this much better than the other alternative formats people have proposed. The main problem I see with it is that some factions got shafted with their Deluxe, so those might be underrepresented. HB, Weyland (though without D4 the Space Ice are probably pretty ok) and Crims (Sec testing without Desperado isn't so hot, not much more in theirs). The single core restriction also hinders some tactics more than others (Astrobiotics, Scorches, Noiseshop and as menitoned Crims in general)
ovamod7 June 4, 2016, 10:40pm #13
Isn't that about right, though? If there was anybody in core who needed a lackluster Deluxe, it's ETF and Crim. Shaper and Jinteki on the other hand got a well-deserved boost, and yeah Weyland may have gotten shafted, but the limited meat damage protection in this format (and, as you say, D4v1d) should make a big difference.
I appreciate the concern about core set singletons being overly swingy, but what if, as a compromise, the one-ofs were two-of? That way you can have your two SanSans and two Desperados, but you're still limited to two Astros, two Account Siphons, two Scorches… It loses both some simplicity and ease of entry, but it's not too hard to add to the end of the explanation "aaand you're allowed one proxy of each of these eleven cards (of which you only want like three anyways)"
RTsa June 4, 2016, 11:12pm #14
Could be that the ones with bad deluxes are the ones above the power curve otherwise/in core. Pretty sure that's the case for ETF because the ability is always so good. You might be right about meat damage, but there's IHW for Anarchs and it still messes up the double Scorch play.
I think some tactics might be OP in this format because the cycles aren't designed to be played this way. Off the top of my head Apocalypse focused decks might be way too good because there's no Crisium or Caprice to stop the runs and Eater gets through all ice as there's no Wraparound or Turing or Swordsman and no Hostile Infrastructure as a last line of defense. Put it in MaxX and you've got a deck that's pretty good even now, but kept in check by the ubiquity of all 6 of the above counters. Remove the counters and it could get out of hand easily. Could be there's still ways to play vs this type of deck (there's no Keyhole, so the punishment after Apoc isn't necessarily that great), but that's just the first thing to come to mind - there's bound to be others.
presheaf June 5, 2016, 8:04am #15
RTsa:
there's no Keyhole, so the punishment after Apoc isn't necessarily that great
There's still Medium, though. I think there are several decks you describe which would be super strong, but are kept in check by particular cards (see the recent Gang Sign deck which just took over BB45 due to no Jackson) which will be a problem for any rotation format. A way to deal with this might be to designate certain cards (Crisium Grid, Plascrete) as "evergreen", meaning that they were always legal despite their age, and (to keep barrier to entry low) always ok to proxy.
Saan June 5, 2016, 8:11am #16
But in all seriousness, I think it sounds kinda fun, although very, very card light. I have a feeling most decks would look very, very similar as a result, since there would only be a small number of "good" cards to be played. Different formats can be kinda fun in non-serious environments.
voltorocks June 5, 2016, 4:10pm #17
Saan:
I have a feeling most decks would look very, very similar as a result, since there would only be a small number of "good" cards to be played.
just deleted a very long response because it basically boils down to this. In particular, I think the "good" deluxes and even the core set will suck the air out of the room and mean that the cycle cards will have very little impact on the meta of such a format.
It'd be fun to play, but doesn't feel like it'll be something I come back to. BB45 might require maintainance but I do think it's been making for a great alternative to unrestricted play that our group keeps coming back to; having somebody who's really tuned into the nuts and bolts of the game making calculated changes at least makes for a very fresh but still "designed" experience.
Absotively June 12, 2016, 2:36am #18
Ok, so I can think of four ways to deal with the core and deluxes being too strong in this format:
@presheaf's suggestion: Allow some silver bullet cards to stay legal forever.
Some sort of restricted or ban list.
A rule that flat out forces people to use cards from data packs, such as "any deck with cards from more than one deluxe expansion must contain at least eight cards from data packs."
Do some experimenting to see how much this is actually a problem, then choose how to deal with it based on the results.
I think (1) and (2) might be ok in terms of maintenance level, because it seems like the main concern is with core and deluxe cards, so hopefully few or no updates to the list of cards affected would be needed in the long term.
(3) is a bit of a blunt instrument, but it's fairly simple, it shouldn't need maintenance, and it avoids any arguments about which cards to target. The exception for decks that don't use multiple deluxes is for cost-of-entry reasons; so far no one has suggested a likely problem deck that only uses one deluxe.
(4) would probably be my first choice. I'm not denying that this might be a problem, but I'd like to see more concrete data before we decide what to do about it.
5N00P1 June 12, 2016, 6:46pm #19
Would consider it when it's easy otherwise what is the benefit of this idea?
My question is, what do you aim for and how do reach this and are all those adoption useful to achieve this goal?
Absotively June 12, 2016, 7:48pm #20
The overall goal would be to have a format that would appeal to people who have issues with the current format.
More specifically, as I described in the first post, the main goals would be a different, more dynamic meta, a lower power level, and a lower cost of entry. This is because the complaints I've seen the most of about standard Netrunner are that the meta sometimes doesn't change very quickly, that some players find very powerful decks unfun to play or to play against, and that there are a lot of cards to buy.
The goals of having the format be low-maintenance and simple are there for practical reasons, to make it easy for people to pick up and to avoid depending on anyone to maintain it. As you said, it should be easy.
I think most of the proposals above relate to the goals pretty clearly. Is there anything in particular you'd like me to clarify?
MightyToenail June 12, 2016, 11:19pm #21
So this is what, format 5?
No MWL
This one.
4 formats this year. Yeah, this should show the naysayers that there is a problem.
Absotively June 13, 2016, 12:14am #22
You forgot one. Though I guess that one's not finished.
I'm personally not convinced that standard Netrunner is broken, though I admit that I mostly play casually and my perspective might be off. But I do think it's maybe reached a point where it's harder to have one format that makes everyone (reasonably) happy, which is why I'm suggesting an alternate format rather than theorizing about what cards FFG should ban.


I am sitting on my bed looking up at the Alhambra. (No, I am not joking.) It is almost 1am, and I am in Granada. I was doing almost this exact same thing at almost this exact same time last night.
In a moment I'll get to this week's letra along with a great raw video of Junco singing and playing guitar for the camera.
I began writing this note to you in my little book yesterday evening at the Mirador de San Nicolás while listening to two guys playing rumbas with (once again) the Alhambra as my back drop.


Organizations are increasingly willing to invest in training and development for managers. According to a recent survey by The Conference Board and Right Management, more businesses are expected to increase spending on leadership development programs in the next 12 months.
The survey found that spending on leadership programs is likely to rise in 36 percent of companies in North America and Europe. In Asia, this investment is estimated to increase in 46 percent of companies, while only 10 percent of respondents worldwide said spending on these programs would decrease.
The survey also found that almost half of businesses would be investing in executive coaching or mentoring in the next 12 months. Another 41 percent intends to invest in action learning initiatives and 33 percent on focused skill development. Other areas of spending include executive assessments (31 percent), international assignments (28 percent) and executive education (28 percent).
The findings come from a 2012 survey titled "Strategic Leadership Development: Global Trends and Approaches," which included 654 respondents.
We want to hear from you! Does your company invest in leadership development programs? Share your thoughts on Twitter or in the comments!
Why Should Employers Care About Employee Engagement?


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Puppy love personalised cotton tea towel embroidered with a name or little message or mongrammed initials to make a truly special gift. Unique and useful gift idea for men or women ideal for a wedding anniversary! Choose your own Text.
Our example reads Happy 2nd Wedding Anniversary however you can have any names or little message you want in place of this! This motif is great for Anniversaries, A Wedding Gift, and holidays like Valentines!


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Too Much Democracy Is Bad for Democracy
The major American parties have ceded unprecedented power to primary voters. It's a radical experiment—and it's failing.
Ilya Milstein
Story by Jonathan Rauch and Ray La Raja
Americans who tuned in to the first Democratic presidential debates this summer beheld a spectacle that would have struck earlier generations as ludicrous. A self-help guru and a tech executive, both of them unqualified and implausible as national candidates, shared the platform with governors, senators, and a former vice president. Excluded from the proceedings, meanwhile, were the popular Democratic governor of a reliably Republican state and a congressman who is also a decorated former marine.
To hear more feature stories, see our full list or get the Audm iPhone app.
If the range of participants seemed odd, it was because the party had decided to let small donors and opinion polls determine who deserved the precious national exposure of the debate stage. Those were peculiar metrics by which to make such an important decision, especially given recent history. Had the Democrats seen something they liked in the 2016 Republican primary? The GOP's nominating process was a 17-candidate circus in which the party stood by helplessly as it was hijacked by an unstable reality-TV star who was not, by any meaningful standard, a Republican. The Democrats in 2016 faced their own insurgency, by a candidate who was not, by any meaningful standard, a Democrat. And yet, after the election, the Democrats changed their rules to reduce the power of the party establishment by limiting the role of superdelegates, who had been free to support the candidate of their choosing at the party convention, and whose ranks had been filled by elected officials and party leaders. Then, as the 2020 race began, the party deferred to measures of popular sentiment to determine who should make the cut for the debates, all but ensuring runs by publicity-hungry outsiders.
Americans rarely pause to consider just how bizarre the presidential nominating process has become. No other major democracy routinely uses primaries to choose its political candidates, nor did the Founders of this country intend for primaries to play a role in the republican system they devised. Abraham Lincoln did not win his party's nomination because he ran a good ground game in New Hampshire; rather, Republican elders saw in him a candidate who could unite rival factions within the party and defeat the Democratic nominee in the general election. Today's system amounts to a radical experiment in direct democracy, one without precedent even in America's own political history.
The two major parties made primaries decisive as recently as the early 1970s. Until then, primaries had been more like political beauty contests, which the parties' grandees could choose to ignore. But after Hubert Humphrey became the Democrats' 1968 nominee without entering a single primary, outrage in the ranks led the party to put primary voters in charge. Republicans soon followed suit.
The new system—consisting of primaries, plus a handful of caucuses—seemed to work: Most nominees were experienced politicians with impressive résumés and strong ties to their party. Starting in 1976, Democratic nominees included two vice presidents, three successful governors, and three prominent senators (albeit one with little national experience). Republican nominees included a vice president, three successful governors, and two prominent senators. All were acceptable to their party establishment and to their party's base.
What often went unnoticed, however, was why the nominees were so impressive: Professional gatekeeping had survived informally, in the parallel vetting process known as the invisible primary. Even after the rule changes of the 1970s, candidates still needed to prove their viability to the party's elected officials and insiders, which meant showing that they could win influential endorsements, command media attention, appeal to multiple constituencies, attract top campaign talent, and raise money. To be competitive, they had to run a gantlet of party bigwigs, factional leaders, and money brokers. As recently as 2008, four leading political scientists argued that, as the title of their book put it, the party decides.
Then came 2016. Neither Donald Trump nor Bernie Sanders changed the system all by himself. Rather, both saw and exploited the invisible primary's fragility. The electorate had come to view the establishment's seal of approval with skepticism or outright hostility, allowing outsider candidates to tout their lack of endorsements as a mark of authenticity. Candidates have learned to bypass traditional moneymen by reaping donations online, tapping deep-pocketed tycoons, or just financing themselves. And the media landscape has evolved to provide oxygen to rogue candidates.
Restoring the old era of smoke-filled rooms is neither possible nor desirable. Primaries bring important information to the nominating process. They test candidates' ability to excite voters and campaign effectively; they provide points of entry for up-and-comers and neglected constituencies; they force candidates to refine their messages and prove their stamina. But as 2016 made clear, primaries are only half of a functional nominating system. The other half is input from political insiders and professionals who can vet candidates, steer them to appropriate races, and, as a last resort, block them if they are unacceptable to the party or unfit to govern.
The Democrats' 2020 race may well avoid a descent into chaos. The desire to unseat Trump may encourage primary voters to coalesce around a candidate with a traditional résumé and broad appeal. The field appears to be narrowing to such candidates. While party elders can hope for a rational outcome, however, nothing in the process guarantees one. In 2016, mandarins in the Republican Party assumed, until it was too late, that its primary electorate would eventually reject Donald Trump. Both parties' presidential-nominating contests have reached a point where they cannot promise to choose nominees who are competent to govern or who represent a majority of the party's voters.
Political professionals—insiders such as county and state party chairs, elected officials such as governors and legislative leaders—are uniquely positioned to evaluate whether contenders have the skills, connections, and sense of responsibility to govern capably. Only they can do the brokering and bridge-building to form majorities and shape coalitions, and to ensure that the nominee is acceptable to a broad cross section of party factions. Only they can reduce the element of sheer randomness that plagues today's primaries, where a stroke of bad luck in a single state can sink a candidacy. The voters need their help.
This may seem like an argument for elitism over democracy, but the current system is democratic only in form, not in substance. Without professional input, the nominating process is vulnerable to manipulation by plutocrats, celebrities, media figures, and activists. As entertainment, America's current primary system works pretty well; as a way to vet candidates for the world's most important and difficult job, it is at best unreliable—and at worst destabilizing, even dangerous.
At the most fundamental level—the level of electoral math and cognitive bandwidth—primaries are an inherently flawed mechanism for registering voter preferences. Voters' views are often ambivalent and conflicted, their attention finite. When offered several options, individuals tend to lack sufficient information to make a choice that reflects their actual preferences. In fact, many presidential-primary voters mistakenly back candidates who do not reflect their views. One important study of the 2008 presidential primaries found that voters do barely better than chance at picking the candidate whose views most closely match their own. Summarizing abundant research, the political scientist Bruce Cain concludes, "The original sin of citizenship is our cognitive fallibility; namely, limitations in knowledge and motivation." In other words, the nomination process makes unrealistic demands on voters, not because they are lazy or stupid—they're not—but because they are human.
Even if all voters were cognitive virtuosos and informed to the hilt, distilling millions of individual preferences into a single candidate choice is much more difficult than most people assume. As long ago as the 1780s, the French mathematician and philosopher Nicolas de Condorcet showed that in any field offering multiple candidates, majorities may prefer Smith over Jones and Jones over Brown, yet Brown may nonetheless beat Smith. In the 1950s, the Nobel Prize–winning economist Kenneth Arrow took the argument further, proving mathematically that, no matter what system of voting is used or how rationally voters behave, the electorate can fail to arrive at any consistent majority choice, even when choosing from as few as three candidates.
Theorists have thus long understood that there is no one right way to aggregate group preferences, nor is there any one representative majority. Candidates can emerge from the pack or be eliminated because of a random event or a fluke of election timing. Worse, there is a nontrivial likelihood that the plurality winner will turn out to be positively unwanted by a majority, as was the case in 2016, when Trump secured the Republican nomination without managing to garner 50 percent support within the party. When the number of candidates reaches double digits, elections can enter a world that we think of as Arrow's nightmare: The process, while observing the formalities of voting, is not particularly representative of anything.
The U.S. primary system compounds the problem by adding its own elements of randomness. For example, the front-loading of primaries in the 2020 race allows a candidate to wrap up the nomination based on a small share of the electorate voting in a handful of states. Moreover, because the ballot registers only each voter's first choice, it provides no additional information about the intensity of preferences for other candidates. If the electorate splits its vote among several candidates competing in the same political lane—say, two or three pragmatists facing an extreme partisan—the extremist can win even if she is the last choice of the majority. Under the old convention system, by contrast, party leaders would move to a more broadly representative second-choice candidate if the plurality candidate was unacceptable to the larger coalition. Party leaders did so on several occasions, the most famous being Lincoln's selection over front-runner William Seward, in 1860.
Even in near-optimal conditions, the process's vagaries afford dangerously good odds to fringe candidates. In a large field, enduring the early battles requires mobilizing a loyal faction rather than pulling together a coalition. The goal is not to win a majority but to survive and hope that luck pits you against a clutch of candidates who compete with one another in a different lane. Insurgents, extremists, and demagogues are good at pursuing factions, because they are not tethered to the realities of governing, which demand compromise and coalition-building.
The media might be expected to expose the flaws and limitations of such candidates. In reality, the media can be a powerful accomplice to fringe candidates who play their cards right. Extremism, outrage, and conflict are catnip for journalists. The Trump campaign spent a little over half as much money as Hillary Clinton's campaign did in the 2016 election, but according to the tracking firm mediaQuant, Trump got 50 percent more coverage than Clinton—coverage that was worth $5.6 billion, vastly more than the $195 million his campaign spent on paid media.
The current media landscape also encourages the kind of large fields that bedevil our primary system. With cable news eager to book prime-time town halls even for marginal candidates, and the parties willing to create double-bill debates, fringe figures have every incentive to throw their hat in the ring. Even if they can't win, joining the fray will drive social-media followers, book sales, and TV appearances. Paradoxically, the more candidates who enter, the greater the incentive for additional entrants, because each one reduces the number of votes needed to win.
Americans thus have good reason to dislike the current nominating system—and indeed they do dislike it. In a March 2016 Pew Research Center poll, just 35 percent of voters said primaries are a good way of selecting the best-qualified nominees. Not surprisingly, a majority of all candidates' supporters, except Trump's, viewed the primaries negatively. Studies also show that large proportions of Americans favor reforming the presidential-nominating process, particularly in states that hold their contests in the later stages. Voters in both large and small states think Iowa and New Hampshire have unfair advantages and influence—which, of course, is true.
From July/August 2016: Jonathan Rauch on how American politics went insane
The primary became a fixture of the American political landscape during the Progressive era. Reformers believed direct elections were more fair, honest, and democratic. By 1917, all but four states had adopted the primary for many statewide nominations.
One dissenter warned of unforeseen consequences. "The idea which commends the direct primary to the masses," wrote a Princeton University politics professor named Henry Jones Ford, in a 1909 issue of The North American Review, "is that it is a means of giving power to the people." The reality, he argued, would be quite different. Direct primaries would "take advantage and opportunity from one set of politicians and confer them upon another set." Some people, not the people, would gain. The party-boss system had its flaws, Ford argued, but it elevated candidates who could govern successfully, whereas primaries favored candidates who had the wherewithal to promote themselves. "When power is conditioned upon ability to finance costly electioneering campaigns, plutocratic rule is established." Ford's assessment was withering: Direct primaries would make politics "still more confused, irresponsible, and costly."
Ford could not have known, in 1909, that the direct primary would devolve into today's mess, but he was astute in challenging the assumption that democratization would remove elites' thumbs from the scales. As he noted, changing the rules may simply hand influence to a different kind of elite—the real-world result of democratization can be to reduce representativeness.
In 2012, the political scientists Dennis C. Spies and André Kaiser looked at data for 53 parties in nine Western European countries from 1970 to 1990. They examined parties that empowered different groups—party elites, activists, or rank-and-file voters—in the nomination process. The goal was to see which method picks candidates who are closest to the preferences of the average voter in a party. Their finding: "Parties in which party elites decide the nomination of candidates show slightly higher degrees of representation than parties with more inclusive selectorates." Other research shows that more inclusive methods tend to dampen the representation of women and may favor extremist candidates who fare poorly in general elections.
Primaries shift power from political insiders to another set of elites: ideologues and interest groups with their own agendas.
New research by the political scientists Byron Shafer and Regina Wagner considers the effects of traditional state-party organizations, with their focus on transactional politics, being displaced by a "volunteer" model. Volunteerism might sound like an unqualified good; the problem is that not everyone is equally likely to volunteer. Turnout in primaries is notoriously paltry, and those who do show up are more partisan, more ideological, and more polarized than general-election voters or the general population. They are also wealthier, better educated, and older.
When party insiders evaluate candidates, they think about appealing to overworked laborers, harried parents, struggling students, less politicized moderates, and others who do not show up on primary day—but whose support the party will need to win the general election and then to govern. Reducing the influence of party professionals has, as Shafer and Wagner observe, amplified the voices of ideological activists at the expense of rank-and-file voters. Political theorists sometimes refer to the gap between primary voters and the larger electorate as the problem of "unrepresentative participation." Whatever you call it, it has a perverse consequence: As Henry Jones Ford predicted, rather than disenfranchising political elites, primaries shift power from one set of elites (insiders who serve the party organizations) to another set (ideologues and interest groups with their own agendas).
No wonder these new elites favor ever more democratization, and less influence for party insiders. By contrast, the public is quite comfortable with insiders taking a role. In a survey, one of us (La Raja) asked voters to allocate 100 points to four different groups based on who they think should have influence in primary nominations. On average, "party voters" were allocated a 42 percent influence share, and "independent voters" were allocated 22 percent of the influence. But 19 percent of the influence was allocated to "party officials," and another 17 percent to "nonpartisan experts." In other words, survey respondents wanted to give professionals (party officials and experts) more than a third of the influence in picking the nominee. To judge by the survey results, Americans view a mixed system as a good idea. They want the electorate to do about two-thirds of the deciding and parties and professionals to do about one-third, proportions that strike us as quite reasonable.
The public is right. Reinstating a prominent role for political professionals—what the Brookings Institution's Elaine Kamarck refers to as peer review—would make the system more democratic and representative, not less so.
Despite their flaws, smoke-filled rooms did a good job of identifying candidates who could win a general election.
Two filters are better than one. Electoral and professional perspectives check and improve each other. Each provides the other with vital information that otherwise would be missed. Among the reasons:
Professional vetting emphasizes competence in governing. Candidates now worry more about mobilizing die-hard activists and producing story lines for journalists than demonstrating their aptitude for governing. Voters, for their part, have a distorted sense of the powers of the president, subscribing to what the political scientist Brendan Nyhan calls the Green Lantern theory of the office: the belief that the president's sheer willpower can overcome obstacles to governance. In reality, political influence in our system comes primarily from the soft power of relationships and political debts. Professionals judge the strength of those relationships. What's more, they boost candidates' capacity to govern after the election by encouraging aspirants to meet with party leaders and elected officials throughout the country, forcing candidates to cultivate connections and build political capital.
Despite their flaws, smoke-filled rooms did a good job of identifying qualified people who could unify their party and also exert broad appeal in a general election. Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Harry Truman all emerged in large part from the haze of those rooms.
Of course, the party elders did not always get it right. Warren Harding and Richard Nixon were both promising prospects who turned out to be poor choices. Again, the point is not that either filter is infallible but that both are necessary.
Professional vetting deters renegades. The professional filter also helps exclude candidates who are downright dangerous. The Harvard government professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, in their recent book, How Democracies Die, make this point forcefully. In a democracy, they argue, party organizations' most crucial function is to act as gatekeepers against demagogues and charlatans who, once in power, undermine democratic institutions from within, as Donald Trump has done.
Parties have blocked antidemocratic candidates in the past. In 1924 Henry Ford, the legendary carmaker, contemplated a run for president. He promised to rid the nation of its corrupt and ineffective politics, electrifying voters with his claim to be someone "who could do things and do them quick." He also spouted anti-Semitic and racist rhetoric. In both respects, he was an antecedent to Trump. In Ford's day, however, the primaries controlled too few delegates to secure the nomination, and the grandees of both parties saw Ford as dangerous. Lacking a pathway around the hostile party establishment, Ford declined to enter the race and contented himself with offering to serve if the nation summoned him. "What Ford was saying, in effect," write Levitsky and Ziblatt, "was that he would only consider running if the gatekeeping system blocking his path were somehow removed. So, in reality, he never stood a chance."
Or consider a more recent example, recounted by Jon Ward in his book, Camelot's End. In 1976, Democrats in Florida were desperate to prevent Alabama Governor George Wallace from winning the state's presidential primary. A populist who had built his career on racism, Wallace was toxic to the party's base outside of the South and likely unacceptable to the general electorate. To stop him, party operatives leaned on other Democratic candidates to clear the field for Jimmy Carter, the only other southerner in contention. With the field narrowed, Carter defeated Wallace in Florida and ended Wallace's candidacy (and went on to the White House—which the Democratic operatives had not expected). Still more recently, in 1996, Democratic National Committee Chair Don Fowler was able to exclude the conspiracy-mongering Lyndon LaRouche from the Democratic Party's nominating process. LaRouche stood no chance of unseating the incumbent, Bill Clinton, but the refusal to allow him to compete signaled to other would-be disrupters that the party could and would stand in their way.
Professional vetting checks the power of donors and the media. Thanks to court decisions such as SpeechNow.org v. Federal Election Commission, political fundraising and spending by independent groups effectively have no limit. Formerly compelled to seek funds from many establishment donors, candidates can now be bankrolled by quirky billionaires with pet agendas. In the 2012 Republican nominating cycle, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich's campaign was kept alive with millions of dollars spent by the casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, even though Gingrich's support was weak among both the primary electorate and the party establishment. Billionaires can also bankroll themselves, buying their way around accountability to any party or constituency.
Among progressive candidates, it has become popular to abstain from raising money from deep-pocketed individuals and corporations, and instead to rely on small donations from grassroots supporters. Like many other observers, we value the participatory enthusiasm of small donors, yet there's a troubling downside. Academic research suggests that small donors are not representative of the electorate. They are as extreme and polarized as large donors, perhaps more so. They are also skewed demographically compared with the rest of America: They are wealthier, whiter, and older.
Extremist candidates tend to do better at raising small-donor money, because they get the media's attention by staking out bold (if unrealistic) positions and making attention-grabbing statements, many of which violate political norms. It is no coincidence that in the 2016 election, Trump shattered records, bringing in more money from small donors than Barack Obama did in his 2012 campaign and accumulating slightly more than both Clinton and Sanders combined.
Our point is not that small donations are necessarily bad or good. It is that small donations are more constructive in a system that provides professional vetting than in a free-for-all. Then there are the media, who have completely different incentives than political professionals when they evaluate candidates. The media prefer the novel, the colorful, and the combative, qualities that drive compelling narratives, not ones that make for effective governing. Restoring insider influence in the nominating process will not vitiate the role of the media in covering campaigns, nor should it. But it will help ensure that candidates are vetted for competence.
Most of today's political reformers are focused on proposals to tinker with voting protocols (ranked-choice voting, proportional voting, multimember districts), or to increase participation (voting by mail, weekend voting, automatic registration), or to improve fairness (redistricting commissions, small-donor matches, donor transparency). But whatever their merits and demerits, all such process reforms fix the wrong filter. They ignore the more urgent and essential problem.
No mechanical changes in the electoral system can substitute for professional judgment. With so many candidates, so much strategic uncertainty, and so much confusing information, primary voters could not evaluate and organize the field by themselves even if they were inclined to try. Mixed systems ensure that the full spectrum of democratic values gets attention.
If the parties decide to give their professionals more clout, there are all kinds of ways to do it. For example, the role of superdelegates in the Democratic nomination process could be strengthened instead of weakened. Another route, suggested by Elaine Kamarck, is a pre-primary vote of confidence by party leaders. Members of Congress, governors, and party officials could meet with candidates before the first caucus or primary and issue a vote of confidence (or no confidence) on each, or they might rate candidates on measures such as political experience, ability to work with others, ethics, and so on. While not dispositive, insiders' judgments would encourage the news media and the public to focus on characteristics that matter for governing.
Amateurs in the Oval Office
What If the Parties Didn't Run Primaries?
A more formal kind of early vetting might require candidates to obtain petition signatures from state and county party chairs and elected officials—not a radical idea, as candidates already need to obtain petition signatures from voters. And parties can and should consider candidates' track record and party service in allocating debate slots. This year, the Democrats opted for a participation test based on candidates' ability to attract small donors and garner poll ratings. Glaringly excluded was any reflection of candidates' experience in office or support among party leaders. Why not consider length of time in office, number and prominence of offices held, major endorsements, and efforts on behalf of other politicians in their party?
These ideas are merely examples. The ways in which party professionals could tighten the reins are many. Indeed, when the invisible primary worked best, it exerted influence through many channels, formal and informal.
Because professional vetting was the norm in American politics for all but the past decade or so of our political history, no one can say it is a radical, alien, or untried scheme. The challenge, then, is not altering the procedures; it's altering the politics. As peer review has lost public support and legitimacy, the parties have grown reluctant to provide it. They fear the kind of excoriation that Bernie Sanders's supporters unleashed against superdelegates. They worry about being blamed for unpopular and unsuccessful choices. Far easier to pass the buck to the voters.
The most important reform is thus conceptual, not mechanical: changing the mind-set that reflexively regards popular elections as the only legitimate way to choose nominees. Paradoxically, democratic fundamentalism—the insistence that the remedy for whatever ails democracy must always be more democracy—is dangerously undemocratic. Likewise, political consumerism—the idea that more choices are always better—is a recipe for confusion and chaos.
From October 2018: James Madison's mob-rule fears have been realized
A healthier approach prizes institutional actors. They understand the party not simply as a vehicle for one candidate's ambitions, but as a national political association with a past, present, and future. Their empowerment does not banish populism—as if that were possible—but balances it, by restoring the Madisonian pillars of pluralism, checks on power, and deliberative institutions.
In December 2015, former Florida Governor Jeb Bush, then a leading candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, famously said of Trump, "He's a chaos candidate, and he'd be a chaos president." Without professional input, America's nominating system will be a chaos process, giving birth to chaos candidates and chaos presidents for years to come.
Jonathan Rauch is a contributing writer at The Atlantic and National Journal and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.
Ray La Raja is a political-science professor at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst.
's Politics & Policy Daily, a roundup of ideas and events in American politics.
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text:
using System;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.Linq;
using System.Text;
using System.Threading.Tasks;

namespace EliteDangerousCore.UIEvents
{
    public class UIGUIFocus : UIEvent
    {
        public enum Focus
        {
            NoFocus = 0,
            SystemPanel = 1,
            TargetPanel = 2,
            CommsPanel = 3, // top
            RolePanel = 4,  // bottom
            StationServices = 5,
            GalaxyMap = 6,
            SystemMap = 7
        }

        public UIGUIFocus(int focus, DateTime time) : base(UITypeEnum.GUIFocus,time)
        {
            GUIFocus = (Focus)focus;
        }

        public Focus GUIFocus { get; private set; }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
For other uses, see Allier (disambiguation).
Department of France
Department in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, France
Alèir (Occitan)
Prefecture building of the Allier department, in Moulins
Location of Allier in France
Coordinates: 46°20′N 3°10′E / 46.333°N 3.167°E / 46.333; 3.167Coordinates: 46°20′N 3°10′E / 46.333°N 3.167°E / 46.333; 3.167
Subprefectures
• President of the Departmental Council
Claude Riboulet (UDI)[1][2]
7,340 km2 (2,830 sq mi)
Department number
^1 French Land Register data, which excludes estuaries, and lakes, ponds, and glaciers larger than 1 km2
Allier (UK: /ˈælieɪ/ AL-ee-ay,[3] US: /ælˈjeɪ, ɑːlˈjeɪ/ a(h)l-YAY,[4][5] French: [alje] ( listen); Occitan: Alèir) is a French department located in the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region of central France named after the river Allier. Moulins is the prefecture and the INSEE and Post Code is 03.
The inhabitants of the department are officially known as Bourbonnais since October 2018.[6][7][8]
1.1 Relief
1.2 Hydrography
2.1 Heraldry
3 Demography
4 Politics and administration
4.1 Prefecture
4.2 Two senators
5 Representatives in the National Assembly
5.1 Current Representatives
5.2 Departmental Assembly
5.3 Three major cities
5.4 History of the left in Allier
8 Gastronomy and viticulture
8.1 Second homes
9.1 Twinning
9.2 Regional languages
Château de Billy
Allier department is composed of almost all of the former Duchy of Bourbonnais. It is part of the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region and borders the departments of Cher, Nièvre, Saône-et-Loire, Loire, Puy-de-Dome, and Creuse.
Major towns
Moulins (préfecture)
Saint-Pourçain-sur-Sioule
Cusset
Saint-Yorre
The department also includes three spa towns:
Bourbon l'Archambault
Neris-les-Bains
Neris-les-Bains is the only town in the department with more than 10% of second homes: 504 out of 1,800 homes in 1999.
Relief[edit]
Bourbonnais bocage covers most of the western and central parts of the department (including the Forest of Tronçais), followed by the Bourbonnais Sologne in the east north-east, the Bourbonnais Mountain (near Vichy) which is the highest point of Bourbonnais together with Montoncel (peaking at 1,287 metres), and finally in the south of the department, the Bourbonnais Limagne, which extends from Varennes to Gannat, and is the breadbasket of the department.
The Bourbonnais Bocage
To the north and just over 500 metres above sea level, the Bourbonnais Bocage occupies one-third of the department, with two parts: the centre and the west (for the part between the Val de Cher and western boundaries of the territory). The bocage is especially remarkable for its rich forests and woodlands including the famous Forest of Tronçais but also the forests of Moladier Bagnolet, Civrais, Soulongis, Grosbois, Dreuille, Lespinasse and Suave.
Almost all of the southern area consists of Combrailles which is sometimes called High Bourbonnais, in an area that goes beyond the departmental boundaries of Creuse and Puy-de-Dôme. This area of the department rises to 778 metres at Bosse. The rivers Sioule, Bouble, and Cher have carved the most picturesque gorges in Allier.
The Bourbonnais Sologne
To the east, between the Val d'Allier and the borders of Nièvre and Saône-et-Loire, the Bourbonnais Sologne has a nice balance between pastures, crops, woods and ponds: the balance between agriculture and semi-wilderness constituting a very favorable setting for fauna and flora.
The Bourbonnais Mountains
In its southern extension, the Bourbonnais Mountain rises from the Puy Saint-Ambroise (442 metres) near Saint-Léon and then extends to the massif of Assise and the Black Woods at the edge of Puy-de-Dome and Loire which is marked by the Puy de Montoncel (1,287 metres) – the highest point in Allier.
The Bourbonnais Limagne
Commonly grouped under the name of Val d'Allier, the Limagne and Forterre extend on both sides of the river between Vichy and Saint-Pourçain-sur-Sioule with an essential quality of fertility. Limogne, together with Sioule and Allier, is part of the Gannat / Escurolles / Saint-Pourçain triangle while Forterre covers the Canton of Varennes-sur-Allier ending near Jaligny.
Hydrography[edit]
to the west: the Cher
in the centre: the Allier and its tributary the Sioule
to the east the Loire and its tributary the Besbre
A transition zone in the middle of the country, Allier is actually a free zone between north and south. The department is wide open to Atlantic influences and enjoys a mild and humid climate dominated by westerly winds which helps a little to differentiate it from other parts of Auvergne. The weather variances coincide with the diversity of Bourbonnais territory such as: flat regions, low altitude Bourbonnais Sologne and large floodplains, the hill country, the average altitude of 300 to 600 metres, the central part of the department, and the semi-mountainous southern townships bordering the Combraille and Forez between 700 and 1,200 metres.
There are two periods of maximum precipitation in June and October and a minimum in January and February with average of 694 millimetres in Montluçon (altitude 207 metres), 763 mm in Moulins (245 m) 778 mm in Vichy (251 m) 791 mm in Lapalisse (285 m). and nearly 1,200 mm in Assisi (1,050 m). As noted Atlantic winds are dominant from the west, northwest, or southwest. The influence of topography, especially in the valleys of Cher and Allier, also contributes to the south and north variance.
Comparison of local Meteorological data with other cities in France[9]
(hours/yr)
(mm/yr)
(days/yr)
1,973 770 14 22 40
Vichy[10]
2,724 767 1 29 1
1,605 1,211 7 12 75
Climate data for Vichy
Average precipitation days (≥ 1 mm)
9.8 8.3 8.4 9.8 11.6 8.7 7.6 8.6 8.3 9.6 10.0 9.0 109.7
78 95 154 175 203 225 249 238 184 128 77 56 1,862
Source: Meteorological data for Vichy – 249 m altitude, from 1981 to 2010 January 2015 (in French)
The history of Allier corresponds to the Duchy of Bourbon (Bourbonnais) with which it shares almost the entire territory.
Allier is one of the original 83 departments created during the French Revolution on 4 March 1790. It was created from parts of the former provinces of Auvergne and Bourbonnais.
In 1940, the government of Marshal Philippe Pétain chose the town of Vichy as its capital. Vichy also became the department's second sub-prefecture in 1940, since the department now found itself split by the demarcation line between the occupied and (relatively, at least initially) free zones of France.
Heraldry[edit]
The arms of Allier are also those of the former province of Bourbonnais and are the arms of the third house of Bourbon of Robert de Clermont, sixth son of Saint Louis, who married Beatrice of Bourbon and was recognized as Sire of Bourbon in 1283.
Blazon:
Azure, Semé-de-lis of Or with a bend of Gules.
Demography[edit]
Map of Allier
On 1 January 1997 the population of Allier was estimated at 357,100 inhabitants which represented an average density of 50 people/km². Many areas have a density less than 20 people/km². Because of its low population density, it is considered to fall within the empty diagonal.
Since the early 1980s Allier has faced many demographic handicaps. The ratio of older people is important and with low fertility rates the natural growth is negative. Meanwhile, net migration has become very negative.
At 1 January 2009 the legal population was 343,046 inhabitants. The fertility rate was slightly lower than the national average in 2007 but would renew the Allier population if it were not for the lack of jobs that led to the exodus of young people to more favourable employment areas, thus confirming a negative net migration.
Allier has three major cities: Montluçon, Vichy, and Moulins by size. The rest of the department includes some small towns and villages, scattered mainly along the rivers. The few villages are far from one another, and it is generally a sparsely-populated department. Until the end of the 19th century, however, the population was increasing because the development of its cities (industries at Montlucon and Moulins, spas in Vichy) compensated by the rural exodus. The department then passed 420,000 inhabitants. After losses of the First World War, the population stabilized and grew a little again in the 1960s. Since then, the continuing rural exodus and especially the decline of old industries has made the population decrease and age steadily, from 386,533 inhabitants in 1968 to 343,046 in 2009.
The evolution of the number of inhabitants is known through the population censuses conducted in the communes of the department since 1793. From the 21st century, a census of communes with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants is held every five years, unlike larger towns, which have a sample survey every year.[Note 1]
Population change (See database)
267,126 248,864 260,046 280,025 298,257 309,270 311,361 329,540 336,758
380,221 386,533 378,406 369,580 357,710 344,615 343,114 343,046 -
Sources : Ldh/EHESS/Cassini until 1962, INSEE database from 1968 (population without double counting and municipal population from 2006)
Politics and administration[edit]
Prefecture[edit]
Jean-Luc Marx, the prefect of Lot, was named the prefect of Allier on 1 June 2011, replacing Pierre Monzani who was appointed Prefect of Seine-et-Marne on 25 May 2011.
Pierre Monzani had been prefect of Allier since 14 January 2009. Born on 12 May 1958 in Villerupt (Meurthe-et-Moselle), Pierre Monzani holds a civil service agrégation in history and a DEA in history and civilization. A former student of the École Normale Superieure (Saint-Cloud) and of École nationale d'administration (ENA), since August 2006 he has been director of INHES (National Institute of Advanced Security Studies).[11]
Two senators[edit]
In the Senate elections in 2008 the left took one of the two Senate seats in Allier formerly held by the right. Mireille Schurch, PCF Mayor of Lignerolles, was elected:
Gérard Dériot DVD
Mireille Schurch PCF
Representatives in the National Assembly[edit]
The elections of 2007 returned three Socialists ( Bernard Lesterlin for Montlucon, Jean Mallot for Saint-Pourçain, and Guy Chambefort for Moulins) and one PRG (Gérard Charasse for Vichy).
Current Representatives[edit]
Member[12]
Allier's 1st constituency Jean-Paul Dufrègne French Communist Party
Allier's 2nd constituency Laurence Vanceunebrock-Mialon La République En Marche!
Allier's 3rd constituency Bénédicte Peyrol La République En Marche!
Departmental Assembly[edit]
In the local elections of March 2008, Allier department was won by a majority of the left. The URB (Republican Union for Bourbonnais, right) had headed the department between 2001 and 2008, with the last year with only one vote majority. From 2008 the left coalition was in control also with a majority of one vote (10 PC, 6 PS, 2 PRG, 18 seats in total), facing 17 councilors from the URB. Allier Council is chaired by a Communist, Jean-Paul Dufregne as for Val-de-Marne department in Île-de-France. The General Council of Allier has also been led – after decentralization – by a communist: Jean-Claude Mairal (1998–2001). The loss of his mandate was included in a national dynamic of victory of the right.
Miscellaneous Right 13
French Communist Party 9
Socialist Party 6
Union for a Popular Movement 4
Left Radical Party 2
Miscellaneous Left 1
Three major cities[edit]
The three major cities of Allier are run by mayors of the right who were re-elected in the 2008 municipal elections in the first round by Daniel Dugléry in Montluçon and in the second round for Pierre-André Périssol in Moulins, and Claude Malhuret in Vichy.
History of the left in Allier[edit]
The department was distinguished by communist votes in early voting which continued until after the Second World War with the two major political parties of the left being the PCF and the SFIO which have now become the Socialist Party.
The small town of Commentry has the distinction of being the first town in France[13] to elect a socialist mayor in 1882: Christophe Thivrier. Another local figure, Pierre Brizon, an MP in 1910, was typically a member for sharecroppers.[14]
Earlier, Ledru-Rollin achieved a very good result in 1848 (14%) with Democratic and socialist candidates in the following year (44% of the vote, against 35% for all of France).[15] Similarly, resistance to the coup of 2 December 1851 was important after an attempt to support the uprising in June 1849.[16] Republicans were in the majority in 1876 and held all six parliamentary seats.[13] After neighbouring results of 15% of enrolled voters from 1893 to 1906 the Socialists rose to 31% of enrolled votes (42% of those cast) in 1910 and maintained this in 1914[17]
Allier remains a land of rural communism (still 14.66% in the 2004 regional elections – the second best result for the party after Somme) in a sometimes difficult cohabitation with the Socialist Party.
For the causes of their success it may be noted that historically Allier has been a department where vast properties were combined into sharecropping. Sharecropping only spread in the 15th century[18] and was not disturbed by the sale of national assets to the Revolution.[19] In the 19th century large properties (100 hectares or more) occupied about half of the land, and even more than 70% in the north of the department. In the south, small properties dominate.[19]
Sharecropping continued as a form of land development and it involved 40% of the land in 1892 (only 7% overall for France).[20] Adverse conditions made sharecroppers promote the creation of rural unions between 1904 and 1911 (the third greatest number per department in France after Hérault and Landes). Despite poor results the mobilization was important and promoted the election of left-wing candidates.[21]
List of senators of Allier
Communes of the Allier department
The industries most represented are the food industry, wood and furniture, chemical, foundries and metalworking, rubber, machinery and electrical equipment, automotive, weaponry, textiles, building, and the spas.
According to studies by INSEE agriculture would be about 7 to 8% of departmental gross domestic product.
Marked by the imprint of the Dukes of Bourbon, Allier is a land of rivers, bocage, and small mountains. Landscapes such as Bourbonnais bocage, the gorges of the Sioule, and the Forest of Tronçais are places suitable for the practice of outdoor activities: hiking, fishing, and white water sports. Hydrotherapy is one of the leading sectors of Bourbonnais tourism with the international spa at Vichy.
This nature preserve also features a multitude of castles (over 500), Romanesque churches and beautiful houses much of which is the heritage of the Bourbons. Bourbon cuisine reflects the history of the province and provides quality products: Pâté aux pommes de terre, Charolais beef, wines from Saint-Pourçain AOC, Charroux mustard, and Vichy pastilles.
Among the tourist sites to visit are:
the Château de La Palice and its famous Renaissance chambered ceilings,
the Bourbon-l'Archambault Castle, "Cradle of the Bourbons"
Churches and abbeys
Moulins Cathedral and the triptych of the Virgin in glory
the Priory Church of Saint Peter at Souvigny, more commonly called the "Saint-Denis" of the Bourbons
the Abbey of Saint Vincent de Chantelle
The National Centre of Stage Costume
Maison Mantin in Moulins
Le Pal, an amusement and animal park in Dompierre-sur-Besbre
Paleopolis in Gannat, a site designed to understand life sciences and the earth through paleontology
Three cities stand out:
Moulins for its historical heritage from the 15th century
Montluçon, a medieval and festive city dominated by its castle
Vichy, an important spa town.
Medieval fair in Montluçon
Gastronomy and viticulture[edit]
The pâté aux pommes de terre is one of the specialities of the Allier, as well as of the neighboring Limousin region. The Allier River is one of the rare places in Southern Europe where the freshwater grayling (Thymallus thymallus), known in French as ombre des rivières, occurs in a natural habitat.[22] This fish is much valued in French gastronomy for its fine and delicate texture and is best eaten along with a light wine.[23]
Pompe aux grattons or brioche aux griaudes, a kind of brioche-like bread with cracklings, is a specialty of the Bourbonnais.[24]
Saint-Pourçain AOC wine is produced in Allier and the oak from the forest of Tronçais is one of the most favoured in the construction of wine barrels.[25]
Second homes[edit]
In 2008 the department had 7.5% of second homes. This table shows the main communes of Allier with second homes and which occasionally exceed 10% of total housing.
The department has attracted many foreigners, English, Belgian, Swiss, and Dutch. They have acquired many second homes by renovating and bringing unmatched cultural diversity to Allier.
We therefore find many communes have become "European" such as Pouzy-Mésangy which today has many English and Swiss residents.
Communes with more than 10% of second homes in 2008[26]
Municipal population
Number of lodgings
Secondary homes
Saint-Nicolas-des-Biefs
181 300 203 67.67%
Laprugne
Châtel-Montagne
Arfeuilles
2,704 1,842 435 23.62%
Saint-Bonnet-Tronçais
Ébreuil
1,270 736 160 21.74%
Twinning[edit]
Burkina Faso since 2002.
SOURIRES since 2006.
Niafunké (Mali) since 1988.
Khemisset (Morocco) since 2009.
Uvurkhangai (Mongolia) since 2000.
Cluj (Romania) since 2002.
Yzeure Kafountine (Senegal) since 2011.
Nguekokh (Senegal) since 2009.
Cusset (Togo) since 2011.
Regional languages[edit]
Allier is traversed by the border between Occitan and French.[28]
For a long period the people of Allier did not speak standard French but one of the following local languages:
Bourbonnais: Dialect oïl, north of a line from Montlucon to Saint-Pourçain-sur-Sioule to Lapalisse
Auvergnat: (a dialect of Occitan) in the extreme south
the area between the two, sometimes called Bourbon d'oc is part of the Occitan Crescent,[29] an area of mixing of French and Occitan considered by most linguists as Occitan with French pronunciation. Some[30] consider the speech of the Crescent to be a full Occitan dialect and use the term Marchois.
Note that in the south-east of the department (notably in Forterre[31] and the Bourbonnais Mountain[32]) the influence of Francoprovencal arises.
Similarly, in the north-west (and especially in the old part of the Bourbonnais department of Cher to Saint-Amand-Montrond), the Bourbon dialects are close to the Berrichon dialect.
Cantons of the Allier department
Arrondissements of the Allier department
^ At the beginning of the 21st century, the methods of identification have been modified by law No. 2002-276 of 27 February 2002 [1] Archived 6 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, the so-called "law of local democracy" and in particular Title V "census operations" which allow, after a transitional period running from 2004 to 2008, the annual publication of the legal population of the different French administrative districts. For communes with a population greater than 10,000 inhabitants, a sample survey is conducted annually, the entire territory of these communes is taken into account at the end of the period of five years. The first "legal population" after 1999 under this new law came into force on 1 January 2009 and was based on the census of 2006.
^ Delacou, Antoine (25 September 2017). "Claude Riboulet succède à Gérard Dériot à la présidence du conseil départemental de l'Allier". Lamontagne.fr (in French). Retrieved 25 September 2017.
^ "Claude Riboulet succède à Gérard Dériot à la tête du Conseil départemental de l'Allier". France 3 (in French). 25 September 2017. Retrieved 25 September 2017.
^ "Allier". Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
^ "Allier". Collins English Dictionary. HarperCollins. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
^ "Allier". Merriam-Webster Dictionary. Retrieved 21 August 2019.
^ Cooke, Virginie (9 October 2018). "Les habitants de l'Allier vont officiellement s'appeler les Bourbonnais" (in French). France 3 Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
^ Ména, Stéphanie (18 October 2018). "Les habitants de l'Allier auront officiellement un nouveau nom ce jeudi : les Bourbonnais !". La Montagne (in French). Retrieved 28 February 2019.
^ "ALLIER". habitants.fr (in French). SARL Patagos. Retrieved 28 February 2019.
^ Paris, Nice, Strasbourg, Brest
^ Data from the Station at Vichy from 1981 to 2010 (in French)
^ "HCFDC Pierre Monzani" (PDF).
^ http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/
^ a b Agnès Roche, A favourable breeding-ground, Études rurales 3/2004 (No. 171-172), p. 111 (in French)
^ Agnès Roche, A favourable breeding-ground, Études rurales 3/2004 (No. 171-172), p. 108-109 (in French)
^ Agnès Roche, A favourable breeding-ground, Études rurales 3/2004 (No. 171-172), p. 109 (in French)
^ "The grayling zones of rivers and their tributaries" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 7 February 2009. Retrieved 14 January 2009.
^ "Les accords vin-poisson – Célébration d'un mariage réussi!". Archived from the original on 27 November 2012. Retrieved 14 January 2009.
^ François-Régis Gaudry, Let's Eat France, ISBN 1579658768, p. 382
^ Robinson, Jancis (1999). The Oxford Companion to Wine. Oxford University Press. pp. 13, 495. ISBN 0-19-866236-X.
^ Source INSEE (in French)
^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 4 October 2013. Retrieved 26 December 2013. CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) National Commission for Decentralised cooperation] (in French)
^ Charles de Tourtoulon and Octavien Bringuier (1876), Study on the geographical limits of Occitan anmd French (with a map), Paris: Imprimerie Nationale [reprinted 2004, Masseret-Meuzac: Institut d'Estudis Occitans de Lemosin/Lo Chamin de Sent Jaume] (in French)
^ Guylaine Brun-Trigaud (1990), The Crescent:the concept and the word. Contribution to the history of the French dialect of the 19th century (Thesis), coll. Série dialectologie, Lyon: Centre d'Études Linguistiques Jacques Goudet (in French)
^ E.g. Nicolas Quint, The marchois speech of Saint-Priest-la-Feuille (Creuse) (in French)
^ Marcel Bonin, (1981), The dialect of Langy and of Forterre (region of Varennes-sur-Allier), Cagnes sur Mer: Cahiers Bourbonnais (in French)
^ Simone Escoffier (1958), The meeting of langue d'oïl, Occitan and francoprovençal between Loire and Allier: phonetic limits and morphologies (Thesis), Mâcon: impr. Protat [éd. identique de la même année: coll. Publications de l'Institut de Linguistique Romane de Lyon-vol. 11, Paris: Les Belles Lettres] (in French)
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Allier.
(in French) Prefecture website
(in French) Departmental council website
(in English) Allier at Curlie
21 Côte-d'Or
973 French Guiana
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Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Allier&oldid=932767666"
1790 establishments in France
Departments of Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes
Articles with French-language sources (fr)
Articles containing Occitan-language text
Articles containing French-language text


text:
Leon Ma. Guerrero
(March 24, 1915 — June 24, 1982). Lawyer, journalist and diplomat. Served in USAFFE (later, USFIP) in the press relations staff, then assigned to Corregidor; upon surrender of USFIP and release from internment, served as a technical assistant to Jorge B. Vargas in the Philippine Executive Commission, then resumed broadcasting (station PIAM) under the same pseudonym he had used prior to the Japanese Occupation: Ignacio Javier. He then joined the diplomatic service of the Second Republic of the Philippines, assigned to the Philippine embassy in Tokyo under Jorge B. Vargas, ambassador.
Almost unnoticed amid the mourning for Tokyo was the first faint death-rattle of Okinawa. On the night of the 24th the Giretsu air-borne unit of the special attack corps (Giretsu means heroism) clambered into the black bellies of a squadron of transport planes to spearhead a a Japanese general counter-offensive on Okinawa. Almost two months had passed in blood and fire since the first American landings. Now the Japanese garrison was making its last stand on the jagged line between Shuri and Maha. The special attack corps, in spite of suicide pilots riding rocket bombs, had failed to smash the American line of communications. Carrier-borne fighters were again scouring southern Kyushu and the press was wandering uneasily whether the Americans were planning another landing.
Perhaps the men of the Giretsu knew they were playing Japan's last card. It had been played before the end of the game in Leyte. Could it win the trick this time? They had fought together from Peliliu to Okinawa, under their "boy-commander", 26-year old Captain Michiro Okuyama, sleeping in their uniforms, running instead of walking in their daily life to accustom themselves to unrelenting speed.
Tonight a high wind from China has pushed away into the sea the black clouds that hung low over Okinawa. The sky was radiant with moonlight. In silence they heard the last "address of instructions"; the divine Tenno had "granted gracious words, placing great hope in the operations" and they were notified of the "gracious imperial concern". In "uniforms camouflaged with green dots and streaks" they took their places. Each of them carried hand-mines and 10 off "crack new weapons" as well as special iron rations. They were the last hope of the empire.
At 9 a.m. the next morning, the 25th May, they sent the reassuring message. "Have succeeded in landing." Bad weather had returned. An observation plane, skimming the leaping waves, its windshield blurred with rain, reported that the Giretsu were holding off repeated American attacks while wrecking and blasting planes and dumps on the north and central airfields on Okinawa, "throwing the enemy into confusion".
Meantime, "less than an hour after the divine soldiers had landed on the north and central airfields, special attack units and other air units sank (some instantaneously) two aircraft carriers, four battleships, one cruiser, one destroyer, four large transports and four aircraft of unidentified category." No official announcement has been made but it presumed that the land forces on Okinawa have also launched a general counter-attack.
[illegible] the 27th the vernaculars noted briefly that it that it was [illegible], the 40th anniversary of the battle of the Japan Sea. But there was no Togo on Okinawa and there was no imperial fleet "in this same sea zone". It was now Japan's turn to fight against hopeless odds and to make the tragic discovery that the time had long since passed for the daring and gallant raid that could turn defeat into victory.
A consciousness of this seems to have seeped into the Japanese mind. For the past four days the English edition of the Mainichi has been running a biography of a modern naval hero, Vice-Admiral Masabumi Arima, who personally led his squadron in a suicide attack in the Philippine waters on the 15th October 1944. Significantly Japan's new hero is a suicide, not a conqueror; his message is duty to the death, not victory.
PrevPreviousMay 28, 1945 Monday
Next29th May 1945Next
Giretsu Kūteitai, Leon Ma. Guerrero, Leyte, Mainichi Shimbun, Masafumi Arima, Michiro Okuyama, Okinawa, Tōgō Heihachirō


text:
Q: Active Reports: Copy paste issue I have generated a report in active reports.
After the report is dispayed in the report viewer, I copied the report by clicking on the Copy button and tried to paste in a word document.
I have some horizontal lines in my report, when I check the copied data in word, the horizntal lines are over lapping on some of the text dispalyed in report.
Is there any way to overcome this problem?
I have attached the screen shot of the report's actual layout and the issue I am facing after pasting the report layout in a word document.
Regards,
Sujata
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A: Could you please send your RPX/RDLX file to ComponentOne support using ComponentOne support forum or support E-Mail address supportone@componentone.com? In the meanwhile you may use the following options to get the desired results.

*

*If you are using ActiveReports 8 then you can use the activate the snapshot mode in the viewer, select the content from viewer and this will create an image of the selection. You can later paste image this in Word, Paint, Excel etc. Since this is an image it will be obviously not editable.

*If you are looking to get editable content, then you may make use of the RtfExport filter available in ActiveReports.
Hope this helps.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


I explore a recent project in metaethics known as "constitutivism," and presents an outline of a new approach to that view. Constitutivism is an approach to moral realism that attempts to ground objective moral norms in the nature of action. This is done by showing that action has a constitutive aim, and that agents are committed to action, and so are thereby committed to that aim. Since agents can fulfill that aim with varying degrees of success, this aim generates a standard of evaluation. If this project succeeds, it would serve to make moral norms real and objective and simultaneously avoid the serious epistemological or metaphysical obstacles that traditional realism faces. This view has come under criticism from philosophers who argue that the norms deriving from the nature of action will be insufficient to deal with moral skepticism and will be arbitrary from a normative point of view. I outline a form of neo-Aristotelian constitutivism that I think does not face these problems.We can conceive of action in both a minimal and substantive way, and that a substantive conception of action generates objective norms when coupled with important considerations about the biological nature of human beings. Finally, I discuss the crucial role of choice in my view of morality and the objectivity of norms.
de Liege, Tristan, "Life and Agency: Constitutivism and the Source of Prescriptive Norms" (2015). Theses and Dissertations. 868.


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One of the fundamental problems in real-time systems is how to guarantee predictable, mutually exclusive access to shared resources such that the worst-case blocking incurred by any task remains bounded. On uniprocessors, it has long been known how to solve this problem optimally using Baker's classic Stack Resource Policy (SRP) and Sha et al.'s Priority Ceiling Protocol (PCP). On multiprocessors, however, the problem is considerably more challenging and not yet as well understood. Fortunately, there has been considerable progress in the last couple of years. In this course, I will provide an overview of the key results pertaining to real-time locking on multiprocessors, covering material ranging from classic protocols such as the DPCP and MPCP up to the latest results on asymptotically optimal multiprocessor real-time locking protocols and advanced analysis techniques.
In the first part of the course, we will study various types of simple spin locks (FIFO, priority-ordered, unordered, with preemptable and non-preemptable spinning) using both simple, classic analysis techniques and more recent, less pessimistic techniques. Thereafter, we will study the (more complicated) case of suspension-based, shared-memory semaphore protocols, in which waiting tasks yield their processor to other tasks, which complicates the analysis of such protocols considerably. In the third part of the course, we will study so-called distributed real-time locking protocols, which are semaphore protocols applicable to platforms without shared memory. Finally, the course will conclude with a performance comparison of the studied locking approaches, an answer to the question of how to deal gracefully with nested critical sections, and various related topics, including locking in reservation-based schedulers and non-blocking synchronization approaches.
Björn Brandenburg is a tenure-track faculty member at the Max Planck Institute for Software Systems and head of the Real-Time Systems Group. Prior to joining MPI-SWS, he was a graduate student at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (2006-2011). His dissertation was awarded the 2012 UNC Dean's Distinguished Dissertation Award and honored at the national level with the 2012 CGS/ProQuest Distinguished Dissertation Award. His main research interests are real-time systems, operating systems, synchronization protocols, embedded systems, and the design and implementation of systems that are robust, efficient, and amenable to a priori analysis.


Utilises all five basic steps of tea production, the leaves are allowed to fully oxidise during this process. The brewed liquor offers a spectrum of colours ranging between dark brown to deep red, as well as offer the strongest flavours and, in some cases, greatest astringency. Black teas are the only style of tea regularly drunk with milk and sugar and are the most popular bases for iced tea.


Immaculate all brick 4 bedroom home in Blythewood's desirable gated community, Longcreek Plantation - Windermere. The main level has gleaming hardwood floors, a formal living room/office, dining room, great room and sunroom with a double sided fireplace. Retreat to the owners suite, where the master bath has a large tub to soak in after a long day. Spacious gourmet kitchen offers granite countertops, tile backsplash, SS appliances, bar and large eat-in area. With an open floor plan this home is ideal for family gatherings or relaxing while kicking off football season. The back patio is the perfect serene place to seek tranquility to catch up on your favorite book or to drink your morning coffee. The second floor has 3 bedrooms and a bonus room that has endless potential for a man/she cave, or workout area. Zoned for award winning school district, offering a choice of two country clubs, an equestrian centre and so much more!. Close to I77 for handy access to downtown and Fort Jackson. Meticulous homeowners have made this home a must see!
Directions: From Columbia, Take I-77 North. Exit At Killian Road, Turn On Clemson Road. Left On Longtown, Go To Stop Sign And Turn Right On Longtown E. Right On Cartgate Way, Right On Cartgate Circle. House On Right.