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User:LBird BASc/sandbox/ATK/Seminar7/Jorge.Jana.Thomas

Introduction
The Ebola Virus Disease (EVD), first discovered in 1976 after outbreaks in the DRC and Sudan, has been responsible for many deadly epidemics with mortality rates as high as 90%. December 2013 marked the beginning of the largest West African Ebola epidemic in history, more specifically, in Liberia, Guinea, Mali, Sierra Leon, Nigeria and Senegal. (https://www.cdc.gov/vhf/ebola/history/2014-2016-outbreak/index.html) The epidemic had devastating social, political and economic impacts on the countries concerned, destroying their healthcare systems and their often fragile post-civil war economies. The epidemic's duration and its important number of deaths (11,323 recorded in October 2015 and a total of 28 646 cases https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/25/-sp-ebola-crisis-briefing) cause us to question the methods used to resolve the outbreak. Different disciplines are relevant when studying an epidemic. The medical and biological sciences are needed to give a positive scientific explanation of the origin of the disease and expand research into finding a potential cure. In this perspective, medicine has historically been the primary response to EVD. Social considerations are also crucial because it is essential to understand the social practices causing the epidemic and preventing the full eradication of the disease in a given community. Hence, it is vital to integrate anthropological and sociological perspectives when treating EVD outbreaks. However, the history of these different disciplines poses an issue in treating Ebola. The scientific procedure has historically taken precedence over other approaches. This article will, therefore, explore different disciplinary approaches to the 2013-2016 Ebola epidemic and illustrate how an interdisciplinary approach would have been most beneficial and should be implemented to tackle current outbreaks such as the DRC Ebola pandemic, declared so on 1 August 2018 (https://www.who.int/emergencies/diseases/ebola/drc-2019). The social and cultural dynamics of the epidemic at the local, national and international level must be better understood to improve responses to potential future outbreaks.

condensed version:

The first outbreaks of the Ebola virus were in 1976 in the DRC and Sudan and subsequent epidemics reached death rates of 90%, between 2013 and 2016 in West Africa specifically Liberia, Guinea, Mali, Sierra Leon, Nigeria and Senegal. The epidemic had devastating social, political impacts on the countries’ economies and healthcare systems. The death toll, 11,323 in October 2015 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/25/-sp-ebola-crisis-briefing) causes us to question methods used to end the outbreak. Medical and biological sciences are needed to explain the origin of diseases. Understanding cultural practices preventing disease eradication in a community requires an anthropological approach. However, the history of these different disciplines is problematic in tackling the crisis. Scientific procedure tends to take precedence. We will therefore explore different disciplinary approaches to the 2013-2016 Ebola crisis, illustrating the benefits of interdisciplinary thinking.

Biology and Virology
Ebola is one of the most virulent pathogens within the haemorrhagic fevers. The virus spreads through contact with bodily fluids, which makes the risk of contamination very high and puts health workers at risk. The incubation period is 21 days, during which the sufferer may inadvertently propagate the transmission chain. However, the risk of transmission is relatively low until symptoms develop. Symptoms are similar to other diseases found in West Africa such as malaria, Lassa fever and typhoid which results in frequent misdiagnosis.

Its genome consists of non-segmented, negative-sense, and single-stranded RNA molecule. The virus that caused the epidemic, Zaire Ebolavirus (ZEBOV), and four other species of EVs (BDBV, EBOV, RESTV, TAFV and SUDV) constitute the genus Ebolavirus of the Filoviridae family. ( https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/25694096 ). After contagion, the virus targets (trough the release of a vision) dendritic cells responsible for the antigen-mediated specific immune response and the activation of T-lymphocytes (memory, killer and cytotoxic). In a study published by Cell Host & Microbe, research found that the VP24 protein on Ebola competitively inhibits the activation and production of antibodies. The virus replicated uncontrollably in host cells and causes the inhibition of interferon protein, rendering a defective/impaired immune system. ( https://www.sciencemag.org/news/2014/08/what-does-ebola-actually-do ). The toxins released trigger inflammatory signalling proteins and nitric oxide, which damage the endothelial lining of blood vessels, causing repeated coagulation and reducing blood supply to organs. Inflammatory mediators and the loss of support signals from dendritic cells hinder adaptive immunity due to apoptosis of infected cells. ( https://www.longdom.org/open-access/ebola-virus-disease-a-biological-and-epidemiological-perspective-of-avirulent-virus-jidd-1000103.pdf ). The immune system is compromised, which often results in fatal organ failure.

The rVSV-ZEBOV vaccine, developed in 2016, was found to be 70-100% effective and has been administered to more than 100, 000 people as of 2019.

1. Medical
The main objectives of medical groups that were implemented are summarised by the Pacific Journal of Medical Sciences "to provide information about the causative agent of the Ebola pandemic and present the views of experts about the complexity and challenges of dealing with this highly pathogenic virus". (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0049085717743832). In this case, the primary aim of medical practitioners was to interrupt chains of transmission by rapidly isolating and quarantining patients. (https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/). The EVD response, like much of contemporary medicine, unequivocally privileged the health system experts, natural scientists and often overlooked the social relations and constructs important in other perspectives. These responses included enforced quarantines (from observational temporal quarantine to guarded home confinement), movement prohibition, imposed testing, traveller test points, and mandated cremation, which all contributed to the increased condemnation by the community as well as creating serious socio-economic distress (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4674104/). Medics' sublime messages that the disease was seriously contagious, whilst intending to promote protective behaviours, bore the opposite effect. Leading to mistrust, fear and mass hysteria within the local community. In Liberia, this was linked to the development of clandestine family rituals and burials that avoided the vehemently stigmatised disease. (https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/) (https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-016-3071-4#ref-CR4)

Western medicine, often imposed by neoliberal policies, has throughout history delegitimised African social relations and unfairly branded them as superstitious. Consequently, there were numerous cases in which western medical experts were viewed as being the ones propagating the disease. To overcome such a mismatch of expertise, the medical system must turn to anthropologists to fully understand the underlying cultural realities and not just empirically scratch the surface of the problem through the high individualist approach. (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0049085717743832). Amid the outbreak, the consequential high status placed on health systems and their methods resulted in the deflection of attention from social alienation and family pressures. Many of the communities leaders, drew similarities to colonial responses, which continuously fails to prioritise social ties and does not account for the complex diversity of African societies. Thus, this slowed down the containment of EVD (https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0049085717743832).

At the time of the outbreak, there were no approved drugs to treat EVD the only care possible was supportive. Finding a cure was not the main objective of the doctors deployed in the area so much as using treatment centres are elaborate isolation places to disrupt contagion chains, an approach justified by the fact that quick action is perceived to be the most effective way of avoiding the risk of an epidemic.

condensed:

The primary aim of medical practitioners was to interrupt transmission chains by quarantining patients. The EVD response, privileged the work of scientists often overlooking social and cultural factors. The medical responses included enforced quarantines, movement prohibition, imposed testing, traveller test points, and mandated cremation. This created stigmatization by the community as well as creating serious socio-economic distress. Medical practitioners used IgM ELISA tests, RT-PCR tests, biopsy samples and viral cultures in definitive diagnosis. To this day, there are no approved treatments to treat EVD the only care possible was supportive. The CDC recommended: oral rehydration therapy (balancing electrolytes), intravenous fluids, oxygen therapy, treating other infections if they occurred, and disinfecting surfaces with (>70%) alcohol wipes. Conventional medicine was used to aid the symptoms (blood pressure, reduce vomiting, diarrhoea, fever and pain). Experimental treatment included the use of immune serums, antiviral drugs and possible blood transfusions. The doctors deployed in the infected areas main objective was to provide relief by setting up treatment and isolation centres rather than the search for a cure. Putting an end to the spread of the virus was the main concern meaning that medical action was often unquestioned. The medical approach was highly individualistic, meaning only the patient and the disease mattered and not the community or family. However, an anthropological perspective was needed for health workers to understand the important cultural dynamics sometimes prohibiting the containment of EVD.

2. Anthropological approach
An epidemic is defined as “a widespread occurrence of an infectious disease in a community at a particular time” (ref: Oxford English Dictionary). By this we understand that the study of the “community” involved plays a central role in the resolution of an epidemic. Anthropological research illustrates that social and cultural factors contributed to the biological transmission of the Ebola virus and interfered with the medical response to the 2013 epidemic in West Africa. Many of the countries touched by this epidemic suffer from poverty, and economies destroyed by wars (Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone were involved in recent civil wars) which account for deficient health care systems and a lack of physicians. The impact of these factors on health is reflected in the low life expectancy rates in these countries (for example it is of 59 years in Guinea) (ref: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/ PMC5953523/). Consequently, isolation of patients, public alerts and calls for help were delayed or ineffective increasing the number of the contaminated. (ref: https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/).

Understanding cultural practices in the infected regions is also central to the effective treatment of the outbreak. One of the main problems in dealing with the EVD epidemic was the cultural conflicts between health practitioners and locals. A retrospective analysis of the beginning of the outbreak done by the WHO showed that locals feared the virus and its treatment which opposed traditional practices in dealing with the dying and the deceased. (ref: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/ PMC5953523/ )Ancestral funeral rites such as sleeping next to an infectious deceased member of the community and bathing in water used to rinse the corpses were responsible for cases of virus transmission. In Sierra Leon the WHO estimates that 80% of cases were linked to such rites (ref: https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/). The danger of these unsafe burials and the fear of the disease created stigmatization of the infected which led their families to hide them resulting in the contamination of whole households. Furthermore, the tradition of returning to one’s native village to die meant infectious patients travelled, thus further increasing transmission risks. (ref: https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/). Fear of health workers was another barrier to the eradication of the Ebola virus in the region. In Guinea in August 2014, rumours that health workers disinfecting a market were contaminating people led to riots. This proves that health care responses only work if there is communication and understanding between medical practitioners and the natives. (https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s12889-016-3071-4#ref-CR4) Moreover, a post-colonial approach to the outbreak associates the western response as an extension of imperialistic thinking which justifies intervention with disregard to customs. The locals' apprehension to Western medicine is often seen by doctors as backwards tradition and the work of well-respected African healers is often disregarded. This lack of acceptance stems from insufficient cultural awareness (ref: Gibson, N.C. (2003) Fanon: The postcolonial imagination. Cambridge: Polity Pres). Anthropological research makes it clear that biology does not provide a complete explanation for the EVD epidemic. An anthropological approach to treatment is needed in order to provide accepted aid to contaminated areas.

2. Psychological approach
EVD entails psychological effects at individual, community and international levels (ref: https://www.who.int/bulletin/volumes/94/3/15-158543/en/). Patients experience the trauma of deadly illness, extreme physical pain, isolation and stigmatization. In addition to this, survivors suffer from “post-Ebola syndrome” which includes neuropsychological problems and symptoms related to traumatic stress disorder. (ref: https://aricjournal.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s13756-016-0112-9). Reintegrating the community after quarantine also poses psychological hardship on both sides. Ebola survivors face ostracization as people still fear they are infectious. They sometimes return to abandoned villages and must face the death of family and friends. The Ebola outbreak also takes a psychological toll on communities as they must learn to rebuild after the loss of many members and the experience of prolonged distress. Health workers also need support to maintain their mental wellbeing whilst being exposed to death and fear. The countries the most affected by the epidemic did not have the resources to provide psychological rehabilitation which can partly explain the gravity of the outbreak. (ref: https://aricjournal.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s13756-016-0112-9 ). Therefore, psychologists are necessary regarding the EVD epidemic and its consequences. Medicine historically does not always leave place to psychology as it is seen as a “pseudo-science”, not as important in understanding an individual's health. However, the Ebola crisis depicts the necessity for interdisciplinary work as it requires psychologists and physicians.

Anthropological:
The World Trade Organisation states that they were, occasionally, met with violence and from a fearful population. Fear, and the hostility that it can derive, lead fleeing surveillance systems, regular testing and families hiding symptomatic relatives. ( https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5953523/ ) ( https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/overview-august-2014/en/ )

Unsafe burials. Anthropologists quickly identified the fact that how quickly the virus spread once it moved into urban settings and densely populated areas, which occurred in the capitals of the main three countries. They represented the epicentres of intense virus transmission. ( https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/ )

Anthropologists asserted that the traditional custom of ancestral burial, which is deeply rooted in many rural communities in Western Africa carries a especially high transmission risk. According to Guinea’s Ministry of Health and the WHO, the disregard of ancestral funeral rites was linked to around 60% and 80% of cases respectively (women, being the most common care-givers in many of these communities, were disproportionally affected). In many tribes, socially prominent members traditionally sleep near corpse for several nights in hope that this allows for the transfer of power between family members. This significantly increased the risk of transmission. ( https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/ )

The high mortality rates created the perception that health clinics and hospitals were linked to contagion and subsequently death. Stigmatisation of the disease by the media, lead in many cases to societal impacts linked to stigma and discrimination: the hiding of patients in family homes, secret traditional burials in order to avoid ostracism by the community. https://www.who.int/csr/disease/ebola/one-year-report/factors/en/

This stigmatisation prevented many sufferers from visiting clinics when experiencing early symptoms. There was intensive community resistance and rebuttal towards foreign physicians, which led to clandestine contact with the deceased, surrounded by social, religious, political and cultural conflicts. The conflict was exacerbated by community healers who preached against the use of westernised medicine, while many denied the western allegations that the origin of the virus was their ancestral home. (with special regard to Guinea)  ( https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2212109917300602 )

Anthropologists argued that it is important to implement (known as CARE model) a protocol that aims maintaining culture beliefs and customs (including time for praying, singing and dancing rites when a community members is taken away) while allowing for the detailed description of risks associated with bodily contact. ( https://aricjournal.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s13756-016-0112-9 )

When in April 2014, a group of medics were deployed in an area of Guinea with almost 100% rate of mortality. Rumours that the MSF were the cause of the transmission of EVD, an anti-MSF demonstrated was subsequently planned. However, when an anthropologists intervened and urged community leaders to sensitise the population the central local governments leaders cancelled such demonstration. A clear example of how, escpecailly in rural areas, interdisciplinary teams of medics, anthropologists and sociologists must be constituted. ( https://aricjournal.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s13756-016-0112-9 )

Anthropologists aims, in contrast, were to establish confidence in the medical interventionists and hospitals by facilitating and implementing training for health workers. A Combination of health workers listening to the public’s concerns is needed.

Political/Sociological / Economical:

Global media multinationals intensified the stigmatisation and marginalisation of those linked with the outbreak. ( https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5953523/ )

Sociologists draw a connection between the western medical interventional in modern Africa and police force and colonial suppression, which have led to the rejection of such practices by the communities. Heavily focused on individual exclusion and clinical facets of the person in question and failing to regard the consequences on the collective. Indeed, this may have lead to the international conclusion that western medical practice is superior and a complete disintegration of traditional African medicine. This gave rise to an unwillingness to comply with foreigners’ medical advice, infrequent visits to clinics and occasionally conflicting/ violent attitudes/tension towards international aid in many rural commmunties.

(In A Dying Colonialism, especially in the chapter on ‘Medicine and Colonialism’ (pp. 121–146), Fanon (1965b) ( https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0049085717743832

Psychology:

The three countries most affected by the EVD outbreak had almost not psychologists with the necessary training to tackle the continued treatment and rehabilitation of the survivors.

->role that psychological considerations play in the treatment of sicknesses, not only a biological medical perspective needed but others also. issue of history here: a medic may not take the point of view of a psychologist as seriously here because historically, psychology has been seen as a "soft science" or "pseudoscience" whereas medicine is a "hard science". This differentiation between sciences and approaches to knowledge creates a clash between disciplines needing resolution through interdisciplinary.

Theological perspective:
Due to the distinct paradigms of burial in biomedicine and theology, especially when biomedicine was largely developed in the global west, continents away from West Africa, a burial entails very distinct meanings in the disciplines. In biomedicine strongholds such as Western Europe, it is widely believed that contact with the infected, dead or alive, could spread epidemics, thus it is accepted and legally institutionalised that theological rituals comes second to disease quarrantine.

By contrast, African theological teachings presents itself as a window for insights into ailments. Per many West African religious beliefs, burials are an opportunity to inquire the cause of one’s death, the occasion for the deceased to pass onto the afterlife , and to join their ancestors ; whereas failure would lead to the dead’s spirits taunting loved ones while lingering in the living realm , and correct rituals would turn the deceased into an ancestor that overlooks and protects the family. Thus, theological procedures to contact the deceased’s body are strictly adhered to. Bodies were cleansed and foetuses were removed for burial to uphold natural cycles and ensure the wellbeing of the living and the dead.

Since the meaning of burial diverges in biomedicine and West African theology, disagreements over how burials should be performed have arisen during the outbreak. In Guinea, this led to an incident where the burial was brought to a standstill, amidst disagreements between a Kissi family and the medical team on how the corpse should be handled. The body rotted as the dispute carries on, which risked further infections upon leakage.

Meanwhile, another team in Guinea substituted an old repatriation ritual for the foetus’ removal, and successfully buried the pregnant body to everybody involved’s satisfaction. This underpins the importance of theology in complementing biomedicine to understand, manage, and quell epidemics like ebola in West Africa.

Conclusion:

condensed:

The understanding of the 2013-2016 Ebola epidemic requires the attention of anthropologists, psychologists, physicians, biologists and many other discipline experts. It is an interdisciplinary issue. However, medical science dominates the response to the outbreak, often ignoring local customs which results in increased contamination and cultural conflicts (such as riots). This problem stems from an issue in the history of disciplines. Traditionally, disciplines have been separate, confined by their own language and boundaries (as we can see here, the anthropological approach does not explain the epidemic in the same way as the medical response does). The specialization of these disciplines is important to handling the outbreak (medicine is needed on its own to some extent in order to actually treat the patients). However, a mutual understanding between disciplines of the respective structures of one another is required in order to have respond in an effective interdisciplinary way to potential future EVD epidemic. There is a lack of awareness of local customs and social factors which contribute to the transmission of the virus in the medical response to the Ebola epidemic. Intervention must be more culturally sensitive, this can be achieved by health workers and social scientists working together.

A multimodal strategy that is rooted in local history and considers social customs is needed in the future, in order to reach a compromise between the needs of the local and healthcare priorities. It is clear that the epidemic readiness must be addressed trough the strengthening of health systems both at community, national and international scopes. Undoubtedly, there is a strong lack of culturally sensitive approaches to medical intervention. Must be branded as response as supposed to intrusive intervention, designed and delivered by social scientists and medical professional working interdisciplinarity in social mobilisation and cooperation. There is a need for increased cultural congruence of the response in order to empower the local communities, vital for the success at containing future epidemics. A more interrogated and holistic approach is needed in order to better incorporate African practices into outbreak response. Response should extend beyond the health system to probing social complications which lie outside the medical field.

There is increasing recognition of the need for interdisciplinary research to examine the social dimensions of the epidemic, the policy response to it, the communities’ reactions to the repsonde and how these factors intersected with the biological transmission of the virus, physical containment measures and community medical treatment. Indentify response gaps and proirities from the perspectives of different groups – men, women, community leaders, health practitioners, traditional healers, and local and national government stakeholders.

''Anthropological perspective: We can link the two anthropological sides together to make one based on the importance of understanding cultural practices in the treatment of ebola and the containment of the outbreak. In this perspective the exploration of the issue of history is interesting because we can discuss post-colonial theory (link with sociology) which is important to consider in the study of social sciences because it is part of its historical approach to knowledge. Post-colonial theory: study of cultural legacy of colonialism and imperialism, focusing on the human consequences of the control and exploitation of colonized people and their lands. ->Post-colonial theory is a critical theory (cf. quote Gandhi), it is written as a opposition to the empire 's episteme. The colonial considerations pivotal in the outbreak of ebola create an issue because they are often not taken into consideration by medical practitioner (cf. this is where we can use this article), and that is why interdisciplinary work is needed.

Conclusion

The 2013-2016 Ebola epidemic captured the attention of the world by storm, and many experts in a diverse range of disciplines sprang into West Africa’s aid. Each of these disciplines valiantly contributed to quelling the outbreak; with medics leading the charge in handling the majority of physical symptoms, while anthropologists liaised with communities, and religious leaders assuming leadership and encouraging cooperation.

Unfortunately, due to the complex lexicon, disciplinary boundaries, and historical paradigms behind these disciplines; their ideas diverge on many seemingly intuitive concepts such as burials and epidemics, and were unable to communicate with one another effectively. An interdisciplinary approach that bridges the wealth of knowledge between each discipline in their interpretation of treatment, healing, and well being, could converge the efforts of each discipline with synergetic effects.

Further disciplines may also be included in the epidemic-quelling efforts, such as mathematical models of disease transmission, governance theories of public healthcare, and psychological perspectives on trauma. While keeping in mind that each of these disciplines have developed their own metrics and criteria for what a good approach is, coherence could be achieved between these knowledge frameworks so long as their differences are consciously reconciled.

The failure to contain the Outbreak was staggering and the consequences were dire. Yet, despite humanity’s millennia long struggle against epidemics, it has let yet another one slip, and bore the consequences.

To combat such catastrophe, the medical field has a well established procedure of isolating patients with any potentially contagious diseases, and thereby preventing the spread of viral illnesses. Yet while this has worked rather well in most of the Global North, it has not necessarily had the same effect in the Global South. Eugenics aside, most disciplines agree all humans are nearly biologically identical, and no amount of variation in immunity could explain the geographic range of large disease outbreaks being confined to the Global South. *quote on disease does not care about wealth* Clearly, Medicine does not represent the full picture in this scenario, and it is worth bringing in some perspectives from the Humanities to explain the discrepancy.

From a Governance point of view, D.R. Congo’s civil war between 1996-2003 stands out as the period around which public expenditure in healthcare has dwindled to the point where it has become a source of government revenue. 40% of medical costs were borne out of families in 2011, and this money is funnelled into government coffers and hands of corrupt officials. Such a setup likely bred skeptical sentiments of the medical system, which, by extension, fuelled distrust between patients and medical workers.

Moreover, since the authorities left a gaping hole in the country’s medical system that remains to be filled, humanitarian donors came to the rescue with NGOs that focuses on short-term deliverable results, leading to a severe duplication of services, and oversupply of nurses for these services since it became one of the very few employment opportunities in the region. The quality of these medical workers varies widely due to the lack of quality control, and infant mortality has risen to 12.87‰. In short, the biomedical healthcare system in D.R. Congo has failed, and could no longer be relied on. Sociologists believe that both dissatisfaction with healthcare outcomes, and preference of doctor-patient relationship drives patients toward traditional healing methods, which explains an estimated 80% of Congolese’s reliance on traditional healers who are often part of the local community and people that they know and trust on a personal level, while approaching biomedicine’s incoming workers with caution.

From a Theological standpoint, like many places around the world, remembrance of the dead is woven into D.R. Congolese beliefs, and the biomedical procedures of isolation prevents the proper procedures to be performed for the dead to proceed into the afterlife, which would undoubtedly antagonise many of the dead's loved ones. A religious justification for such treatment and assurance that the dead with rest in peace would surely go a long ways to dial down the animosity between the parties who share a common objective of doing good for the D.R. Congolese people.

The political response in the region has generally been one of tightening controls, which culminated in the 3 day complete lockdown of the country of Sierra Leone on 17-09-2014. Political authorities has sought to clamp down on the disease by controlling the entire population, and have continued to do so despite it being proven to be not very successful as seen in the reemergence of Ebola in the region shortly after the lockdown claiming to have cleared all cases of the disease, with many reports of the lockdown not being observed, and a medical team was killed by locals in an extreme case.

Political thought in West Africa traces its roots to the age of colonisation, and the political reforms since then has largely followed the footsteps of developments of Political Philosophy in Europe. Authorities here believe that they can derive power and authority from popular mandate, without taking into account the sociological implications of the popular mandate being that the government is trusted by the people and is effective in exerting its power. Moreover, taking from the Realist school of thought, the government seems to have vested its faith in physical force, as images show that government agents in all sorts of uniforms seemed to have been given the role of executing the lockdown, while neglecting public education and all the lessons about establishing trust in Anthropology.

Healthcare spending often rests on the fact that the society in question considers healthcare a public good paid for by public funds and before that, its access a fundamental human right that none can be denied to. Since the initial ebola outbreak in then-Zaire, its healthcare spending as a percentage of its GDP has fallen from it’s peak of 6.2% in 1985 to a low of 1.7% in 2000. This reflects the opportunity cost decisions that the country has taken, to prioritise other items, and to consider the asymmetric returns of healthcare to be lower that that of economic development.

From a theological perspective, African beliefs consider ailments the result of the spirits of one person working against another’s, and in addition to cures that take the form of powders, chanting, roots, avoidance of certain foods and/or people; the herbalist who prescribes the cure also provides a spiritual explanation to why the illness has befallen the ill. This knowledge is considered sacred, hence herbalists are considered proxies of the deity, and entrusted to safeguard the community from threats.

In traditional African religions, performing the correct rituals such as cleaning the corpse of the deceased and extracting the foetus from a pregnant deceased women is essential; as this is a huge part in ensuring the well being and safe passage of a loved one, and for them to join their ancestors in the afterlife to protect the living in many traditional African religions. Yet perhaps more importantly to the survivors, such failures could lead to haunts and troubles.

Meanwhile, the electrolyte and isolation treatments offered often could not reconcile with the traditional spiritual wisdom that represents the teachings of their gods, and therefore is received as a secondary form of care. This explains why many West Africans would first visit herbalists, and only consult doctors in biomedicine when the herbalist methods fail, while also refusing to disclose any previous visits to herbalists due to perceived incompatibility.

When medical care fails, and the patient dies from Ebola, biomedical procedures that were employed prevented loved ones and the community to send the deceased off in their burial rituals, which endangers the deceased’s path to the afterlife, and perhaps more importantly, challenges their well being amidst fears that sprits are going to haunt their loved ones. This renders the biomedical procedures unacceptable and offensive to the communities impacted by the epidemic.

From a theological perspective, African beliefs consider ailments the result of the spirits of one person working against another’s, and in addition to cures that take the form of powders, chanting, roots, avoidance of certain foods and/or people; the herbalist who prescribes the cure also provides a spiritual explanation to why the illness has befallen the ill. This knowledge is considered sacred, hence herbalists are considered proxies of the deity, and entrusted to safeguard the community from threats.

Burial rituals are performed with great respect in traditional African religions. Great pains are often undertaken to ensure the body is taken care of, with procedures that range from the basic corpse cleaning, to complex surgeries that removes a deceased foetus from its dead mother. This ensures safe passage to the afterlife for those who passed on, and subsequently join their ancestors to protect the living. Yet perhaps more importantly to the survivors, such failures could lead to troubles and pose dangers for close ones, which explains why these rituals are not only revered, but also feared by the community, and their insistence for these rituals being undertaken properly.

However, biomedical workers are often lack understanding in the teachings of these religions, and are thus ill equipped to handle such scenarios. In Guinea, this has led to an incident where the burial procedures have been brought to a standstill amidst disagreements between a Kissi family and the medical team on how the corpse should be handled, and the body begins to rot while the dispute carries on.

Due to the distinct paradigms of burial in biomedicine and theology, especially when biomedicine was largely developed in what is now the global west, continents away from West Africa, the meaning of a burial in an epidemic entails very different activities. In biomedicine strongholds such as Western Europe, it is widely understood that contact with the infected, dead or alive, could spread the disease, and thus theological rituals are often treated as a second priority to isolation of the body, as it is assumed that the body has been infected.

By contrast, the teachings of West African theology dictates it to be a window to gaining insights to ailments. While they are not prescribed in scriptures, they are nevertheless full religions that Per many West African religious beliefs, burials are an opportunity to inquire about the cause of one’s death, and for the deceased to pass onto the afterlife to join their ancestors, with the cost of failure being the dead’s spirits lingering in the living realm to taunt loved ones. Thus, theological procedures to physically contact the deceased’s body and perform necessary treatments, ranging from cleansing to surgical removal of foetuses, are strictly adhered to during burial. According to local religion, the physical contact interrogates the body and helps uncover any unnatural causes to the death, while the correct rituals would turn the deceased into an ancestor that overlooks and protects the family.

Since the concept of burial entails very different meanings in biomedicine and West African theology, disagreements over how burials should be performed has arisen during the ebola outbreak. In Guinea, this has led to an incident where the burial procedures have been brought to a standstill amidst disagreements between a Kissi family and the medical team on how the corpse should be handled, and the body begins to rot while the dispute carries on.

hapless

Meanwhile, the electrolyte and isolation treatments offered often could not reconcile with the traditional spiritual wisdom that represents the teachings of their gods, and therefore is received as a secondary form of care. This explains why many West Africans would first visit herbalists, and only consult doctors in biomedicine when the herbalist methods fail, while also refusing to disclose any previous visits to herbalists due to perceived incompatibility.

When medical care fails, and the patient dies from Ebola, biomedical procedures that were employed prevented loved ones and the community to send the deceased off in their burial rituals, which endangers the deceased’s path to the afterlife, and perhaps more importantly, challenges their well being amidst fears that sprits are going to haunt their loved ones. This renders the biomedical procedures unacceptable and offensive to the communities impacted by the epidemic.�Due to the distinct paradigms of burial in biomedicine and theology, especially when biomedicine was largely developed in the global west, continents away from West Africa, a burial entails very distinct meanings in the disciplines. Biomedicine embraces and legally institutionalises quarantines in burials to limit contagious diseases from spreading.

Contrastingly, African theological teachings preaches religious insights into ailments. Many West African religions consider burials an opportunity to inquire the cause of one’s death, the occasion for the deceased to reach the afterlife, and join their ancestors; whereas ill-performed rituals would lead trap the spirits in the living realm and taunt loved ones, correct rituals makes the deceased an ancestor who overlooks and protects the family. Thus, theological procedures on handling the deceased’s body are strictly adhered to. Bodies are cleansed and foetuses are removed from the body to uphold natural cycles and ensure the wellbeing of all.

Since the meaning of burials diverges between biomedicine and West African theology, disagreements over how burials should be performed have arisen during the outbreak. In Guinea, a burial was brought to standstill amidst disagreements between a Kissi family and the medical team on how the corpse should be handled. The body rotted as the dispute carries on, which risked further infections upon leakage.

Meanwhile, another team in Guinea substituted an old repatriation ritual for the foetus’ removal, and successfully buried the pregnant body to everyone’s satisfaction. This underpins the importance of theology in complementing biomedicine and anthropology to understand, manage, and quell epidemics like ebola in West Africa.

Understanding the 2013-2016 Ebola epidemic

The 2013-2016 Ebola epidemic captured the attention of the world by storm, and many experts in a diverse range of disciplines sprang into West Africa’s aid. Each of these disciplines valiantly contributed to quelling the outbreak; with medics leading the charge in handling the majority of physical symptoms, while anthropologists liaised with communities, and religious leaders assuming leadership and encouraging cooperation.

Unfortunately, due to the complex lexicon, disciplinary boundaries, and historical paradigms behind these disciplines; their ideas diverge on many seemingly intuitive concepts such as burials and epidemics, and were unable to communicate with one another effectively. An interdisciplinary approach that bridges the wealth of knowledge between each discipline in their interpretation of treatment, healing, and well being, could converge the efforts of each discipline with synergetic effects.

Further disciplines may also be included in the epidemic-quelling efforts, such as mathematical models of disease transmission, governance theories of public healthcare, and psychological perspectives on trauma. While keeping in mind that each of these disciplines have developed their own metrics and criteria for what a good approach is, coherence could be achieved between these knowledge frameworks so long as their differences are consciously reconciled.

Due to the distinct paradigms of burial in biomedicine and theology, especially when biomedicine was largely developed in the global west, continents away from West Africa, a burial entails very distinct meanings in the disciplines. Biomedicine embraces and legally institutionalises quarantines in burials to limit contagious diseases from spreading. Contrastingly, African theological teachings preach religious inquires into pathology. Many West African religions consider burials an opportunity to inquire the cause of one’s death, the occasion for the deceased to reach the afterlife, and join their ancestors; whereas ill-performed rituals would lead trap the spirits in the living realm and taunt loved ones, correct rituals makes the deceased an ancestor who overlooks and protects the family. Thus, theological procedures on handling the deceased’s body are strictly adhered to. Bodies are cleansed and foetuses are removed from the body to uphold natural cycles and ensure the wellbeing of all. Disagreements over how burials should be performed have arisen during the outbreak, due to diverging understandings of burials in Biomedicine and Theology. In Guinea, a burial was brought to a standstill amidst disagreements between a Kissi family and the medical team on how the corpse should be handled. The body rotted as the dispute carries on, which risked further infections upon leakage. Meanwhile, another team in Guinea substituted an old repatriation ritual for the foetus’ removal, and successfully buried the pregnant body to everyone’s satisfaction. This underpins the importance of theology in complementing biomedicine and anthropology to understand, manage, and quell epidemics like ebola in West Africa.

Important info:
-1200 word limit (references included in the word limit)

- Use Vancouver style fo referencing

medical anthropology: (in case anyone wants to use it)

Medics' repeated warnings that the disease was seriously contagious, whilst intending to promote protective behaviours, bore the opposite effect. Leading to mistrust, fear and mass hysteria within the local community. In Liberia, this was linked to the development of clandestine family rituals and burials that avoided such socially ostracising medical approaches. Western medicine, often imposed by neoliberal policies, has throughout history delegitimised African social relations and unfairly branded them as superstitious. Consequently, there were numerous cases in which western medical experts were viewed as being the ones propagating the disease.


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User:LGreg/sandbox/Approaches to Knowledge (LG seminar)/Group 1/Power/Power, protests and social medias

Power, protests and social medias

This year, many protests have broken out all around the world : France, Venezuela, Lebanon, Chile, Ecuador, Hong Kong... The interesting thing is that people were more or less claiming the same things : more social justice, less corruption and inequalities. More broadly, the young generation is condemning the consequences of many years of failing democracies and neoliberalism. The particularity of this wave of protests is that they are linked through social medias. Many protesters congratulated each other and have given their support to certain movements, french "gilets jaunes" to Hong Kong protesters for example. Therefore, the issue of power emerges in two different ways. First, in the unification and the globalisation of this protests. Second, in the role of social medias and in their power of federation

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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User:LGreg/sandbox/Approaches to Knowledge (LG seminar)/Group 1/Power/Power, Protests and Social Medias

Power, protests and social medias

This year, many protests have broken out all around the world : France, Venezuela, Lebanon, Chile, Ecuador, Hong Kong... The interesting thing is that people were more or less claiming the same things : more social justice, less corruption and inequalities. More broadly, the young generation is condemning the consequences of many years of failing democracies and neoliberalism. The particularity of this wave of protests is that they are linked through social medias. Many protesters congratulated each other and have given their support to certain movements, french "gilets jaunes" to Hong Kong protesters for example. Therefore, the issue of power emerges in two different ways. First, in the unification and the globalisation of this protests. Second, in the role of social medias and in their power of federation


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User:LGreg/sandbox/Approaches to Knowledge (LG seminar)/Group1/Power/Religion and Culture

Introduction
Culture and religion have always been intimately related, in the way that diverse religions in the world play a special and considerable role in the evolution of society and more broadly of a culture. In fact, the shaping of a nation was and is still largely influenced by religions, especially in terms of politics.

Different historical models
In the first configuration, religion and politics come together as united fields, working together in a mutual attempt to monopolize power. This model is qualified as an integration and sharing model. In contrast to the previous one, this model outlines a political state outstanding and overpowering the field of religion, still using it for its proper interests. Here model religion plays a subservient role in politics. Ultimately, comes the last model, where religion and politics come into conflict with each other, eventually leading to their separation. Here they appear as rivals, in a struggle for power.

A struggle for power
Power has an important place within the fields of politics and religion. Both want to acquire authority and control to fulfill their aims. Religion rallies people's faith to get support from there while Politics in states use diplomacy in order to win public opinion, in democracy, or usurps power with the help of the army in under-developed societies. In this power struggle, each of them needs to undermine the other to gain supremacy and better rule the state. Their respective authority relies on distinct principles, either being spiritual or based on the direct needs and requirements of society. As a point of fact, religion's guidance is grounded upon divine laws which can not be changed by human intervention, in contrast to politics' fundamentals. Qualified of pragmatic, the latter permanently moves ahead, adjusts and evolves, changing its laws and government systems as new challenges arise.

Before the advent of Christianity, separate religious and political orders were not clearly defined in most civilizations.

http://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-analyse-884_fr.html https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199588961.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199588961-e-011


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User:LGreg/sandbox/Approaches to Knowledge (LG seminar)/Group1/Power/Religion and Politics

Introduction
Culture and religion have always been intimately related, in the way that diverse religions in the world plays a special and considerable role in the evolution of a society and more broadly of a culture. In fact, the shaping of a nation was and is still largely influenced by religions, especially in terms of politics.

Different historical models
In the first configuration, religion and politics come together as united fields, working together in a mutual attempt to monopolize power. This model is qualified as an integration and sharing model. In contrast to the previous one, this model outlines a political state outstanding and overpowering the field of religion, still using it for its proper interests. Here model religion plays a subservient role in politics. Ultimately, comes the last model, where religion and politics come into conflict with each other, eventually leading to their separation. Here they appear as rivals, in a struggle for power.

A struggle for power
Power has an important place within the fields of politics and religion. Both want to acquire authority and control to fulfill their aims. Religion rallies people's faith to get support from there while Politics in states use diplomacy in order to win public opinion, in democracy, or usurps power with the help of the army in under-developed societies. In this power struggle, each of them needs to undermine the other to gain supremacy and better rule the state. Their respective authority relies on distinct principles, either being spiritual or based on the direct needs and requirements of society. As a point of fact, religion's guidance is grounded upon divine laws which can not be changed by human intervention, in contrast to politics' fundamentals. Qualified of pragmatic, the latter permanently moves ahead, adjusts and evolves, changing its laws and government systems as new challenges arise.


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Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Truth in cults

Introduction

 * Data or facts about cults
 * why are the 2 disciplines linked to cults
 * Outline where the interdisciplinary issue actually is
 * Why is it interesting to work on this

INSTRUCTIONS:
 * How the issue chosen plays out in 2 disciplines facing a topic
 * Showing how truth plays a role in 2 disciplines (for ex ; sociology, law, religious) creating a tension in the definition of cults
 * The tension between the disciplines specifically with regard to global surveillance/censorship

In Sociology
In sociology, this definition of cults is considered as true : « Cults are organizations or groups of people reunited under a charismatic leader, where members are under psychological influence, and exploited, either financially, sexually or any other type of exploitation »

In Law
In law, a cult is considered as valid if it is « a group of individuals with some common religious or metaphysical-philosophical ideology » simply.

In Psychology
Psychology’s view on cults differs, again, underlining there is a clash between disciplines, which makes interdisciplinary work on cults difficult.

In Religious studies
Religion studies also considers « true » other characteristics of a cult. In Religious Study, what is true is that « Cult + time = Religion »

Conclusion
What is therefore true about cults and what is not ? How can the multiple definitions of cults in plural disciplines makes this interdisciplinary work challenging ?


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Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Truth in Cults

This piece will discuss the role of truth within the interdisciplinary field of cults around the world. How does truth act like an interdisciplinary issue regarding cults ?

Introduction
Upon studying cults, discrepancies have arisen between various academic disciplines, with each field giving their own answers as to what a cult is. All of these disciplines have a particular vision on what is true, false or blurred regarding cults. With no true definition existing; they are only subjective truths, with each discipline viewing cults through their academic lens.

The word cult, by itself, appeared in the Latin language as ‘cultus’ meaning ‘to cultivate’ or ‘to worship’ and was initially used to describe the religious practices in the Antiquity; rituals, offerings and prayers. The purpose of these ‘cultus’ was to cultivate the benevolence of the Gods. However, as time has passed, disciplines have adopted different definitions of cults. Overall, as a subjective truth, it is challenging for disciplines to combine and study cults because of their differing definitions.

The lens of Sociologists
Nowadays, cults are referred to 'New Religious Movements' in Sociology. They are groups whose beliefs are recognized by the society as 'unorthodox', whose members show excessive devotion to a person, an idea, an object and whose leader uses manipulative methods of persuasion and control over the followers (financially, sexually...)

Based on earlier definitions of cults by Troeltsch, Howard P. Becker distinguished four categories of religious behaviors in his sociological classification of 1932 : churchly (ecclesia, denomination), sectarian (sects, cults). The definition ended up to be ; ‘Small religious groups lacking in organization and emphasizing the private nature of personal beliefs’. Later, works built on these characteristics focused on the fact that cults were a derivation of predominant religious cultures (leading to tensions). Cults arose spontaneously over new beliefs detaching from traditional beliefs and practices.

However, Roy Wallis argued in 1970 that cults were in fact characterized by ‘epistemological individualism’ and didn’t have a clear place of final authority beyond its individual members. He described cults as ‘loosely structured’ with ‘vague boundaries’

The tension lies in the fact that cults are supposed to be secret and even nonexistent to public knowledge. Thus, the truth about what they are and how they function is an issue in Sociology. Studies show that 1000 cults existed in 2017; the apprehension regarding cults isn't complete... The modern understanding and its true value about cults are complex and uniquely diverse (there is more than one 'true vision').

A legal blur
In law, a cult is considered as valid if it is « a group of individuals with some common religious or metaphysical-philosophical ideology » and it does not consider the presence of a charismatic leader like in sociology. However, making cults illegal may be difficult considering cults intrinsic nature. To be effective, the law usually refers to the activities or rituals mostly done by cults instead of merely forbidding the association of people under a religious practice. The European Parliament states that: ''“Legally, there was no such thing as a 'cult'. The laws on associations and those guaranteeing freedom of religion, freedom of conscience and the right of association were applicable to cults, and should be adhered to.”''

There is therefore a distinction between types of legality, yet an overwhelming assumption that cults are negative and have detrimental effects on the public sphere. To assess whether cults are indeed a threat to society, the law examines the public opinion made on these religious movements as well as the legal and political constraints in play. There is therefore a legal blur on the true definition of a cult, making interdisciplinary work challenging.

In Psychology
Psychological definitions of cults involve that members (a) have a shared belief system, (b) display high levels of social cohesiveness, (c) are strongly influenced by the group’s behavioral norms, (d) impute charismatic or divine power to its leaders and (e) cults have alien and deviant values from the culture that the group lives in. Thus, cults have many overlapping features with other groups with firmly held common beliefs. Psychology assumes a continuum from normal beliefs and behaviors to those observed in cults. Arthur Deikman argued that the psychological processes that explain the behaviors of cult members are not abnormal, but the same as those that everyone uses in everyday life (distortion of perception, biased thinking, and the inoculation against beliefs and values of others).

Modern psychology therefore explains through general psychological tendencies of behavior and beliefs why cult practice occurs, rather than describe it as purely ‘other’ or ‘unusual’ as in Sociology. To explain the formation of cults, psychologists have investigated the psychological characteristics of people who join cults and of cult leaders, and the techniques used to persuade people to join and stay in cults. Psychologists also study long-lasting psychological distress experienced by people who leave cults, with 27 to 95% experiencing clinical symptoms. This research has contradicted traditional litigation against cults, which used to focus on economic damages. A limitation of psychological research into cults is that direct observations of cult practices and leaders are usually not possible, and results are mainly based on interviews with people who have left the cult.

A different religious approach
Religious studies only find legitimate a new religious movement if it involves a deity or a spiritual aspect which comes in reaction with a troubling political context. Religious Studies considers that violence is also a fundamental criteria to understand what makes a new religious movement a “cult”, or not, along with the presence of a spiritual aspect. It is noted that a cult has a form of systematic violence, either psychological or physical. A cult can also use the violence occurring in the world to convince its members to join. Violence is not systematic and omnipresent in a religion.

Religious studies also consider cults according to the historical foundations. The diagram on the right shows an example of how fractures in religious history lead to the rise of cults. If a cult succeeds to persist over a long period and develop itself, it can be considered a religion.

Conclusion
The discrepancy lying between the mentioned disciplines' perception of truth regarding cults, results in a very challenging interdisciplinary work. In Sociology, Psychology, Religious Studies and Law, the definition varies because of what disciplines focus on, influencing what is seen as true or not from each lens. In Sociology, the emphasis is on the popular opinion. In Law, it is considered illegal if fundamental freedoms are neglected. A psychologist's point of view overlaps with sociology when defining cults as outside the boundaries of accepted beliefs and treatment of members. In explaining the formation of cults, Psychology focuses more on the continuum from 'normal' to 'abnormal' beliefs and behaviors. Finally, in Religious Studies, the highlight is on violence, that cults tend to link closely with religion. There are persuasive examples where the research of one discipline has altered the practice of another, such as in psychology and law.


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User:Intrested2

I like books hi my name is intrested2 wow I am being careless this is what happens when your lazy laugh out loud hahahahaha zzzzzzzzz

THIS IS WHEN IT REALLY STARTS

Hello, my name is Theodore Intres II. I like reading a whole lot. I started reading when I was 4, so, yeah.

title: User:Intrested2


text: User talk:JGHowes

title: User talk:JGHowes


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Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Truth in Gender

Introduction
Gender is observable through both empirical and social disciplines. Examining various truths in gender presented by different disciplines allows for a deep understanding of the difficulty of restricting the parameters of gender to a unique definition.

Sex (Biological)
Individuals are initially biologically determined by their chromosomes. Males have a pair of XY sexual chromosomes whereas females possess XX chromosomes, resulting in hormonal differences that distinguish the two sexes. The Sex-determining Region Y gene, (on the Y chromosome), produces androgens (male sex hormones) responsible for the anatomical differences. This gene is not present in the X chromosome, resulting in the individual being female.

Secondary sex determination occurs when anatomical differences are created from different gonadal hormones produced. In males, testosterone promotes the development of structures such as the penis, facial hair and a deep voice while AMH induces degeneration of Mullerian ducts, resulting in the female reproductive tract being absent. Where testosterone and AMH are absent in females, degeneration of mesonephric ducts and differentiation of Mullerian ducts occurs, giving rise to the reproductive tract and other characteristics such as low muscle mass, breasts and high voice.

Gender (Psychosexual)
Gender encompasses the attitudes, roles and behaviours associated with being a given sex. It is a more fluid concept than sex, being perceived as a spectrum rather than dichotomy.

Gender Development
There appears to be no universal truth behind gender development. Theories typically compete on the basis of whether development occurs through environmental or biological factors.

Hormones
Hormones play a key role in sex development, varying between the sexes and influencing gender development. Testosterone

Testosterone, abundant in males, is released in the womb, causing the development of male sex organs and contributes to the ‘masculinisation’ of neural structures by affecting the hypothalamus. Higher levels are associated with reduced vocalisation and social engagement in toddlers and higher levels of aggression and competitiveness in adults, with female children given male hormone injections displayed more aggressive behaviour later in life.

Oestrogen Oestrogen is significant in female development by acting in the development of female sex organs and controlling the menstrual cycle. It is also linked to behavioural factors such as heightened fear responses.

Neural Structures
Neural structures have been found to vary between the two sexes. The comparatively larger sexually dimorphic nucleus(SDN) found in male brains is associated with higher aggression and copulating behaviour. MRI scans have also shown that when engaging in language tasks, women utilised both left and right hemispheres whereas men used only the left, which suggests that females' brains have more complex phonological processing ability. This also displays the higher independence of brain hemispheres in males.

Genetic Markers
Chromosome-specific genes are believed to cause gender variations. Higher proportions of X-chromosome genes are associated with intellectual development, especially social intelligence, believed to cause the lower number of neurodevelopment disorders in females(approx.4:1). Evolutionary sciences are often utilised to explain the genetic differences.

Individuals with atypical chromosomes are studied and compared to isolate genetically-influenced behaviours that are genetically influenced. For example, those with Klinefelter syndrome(two or more chromosomes in males) are more likely to experience gender dysphoria displaying the connection between gender perceptions and chromosomes. Patients also showed more empathic responses towards verbal rather than visual stimulus. However, the results of such studies are mostly speculative as the responsible gene is often unidentified.

Social
Such supporting observations in biological explanations allow for the establishment of a synthetic (empirical) truth. However there is no valid and complete way of measuring other environmental factors and motivations, resulting in observations being subject to a degree of interpretation and observer bias.

Advocates of social explanations reject biological explanations. For instance, PMS has been said to be more of a social construction rather than a biological fact, which is utilised by feminists as an example of the medicalisation of women’s lives through biological explanation of emotions, suggesting an exaggeration of the impact of oestrogen in previous studies.

Social Learning Theory
This theory suggests that gender is learnt through observation and imitation of others, focusing on environmental factors in gender development. Main processes involved are vicarious reinforcements and punishments - when behaviours are learnt through observations and judgements regarding their appropriateness based on the favourability of consequences.

Social learning theory suggests that boys and girls are differentially reinforced for different behaviours and this accounts for distinctly different gender roles, behaviours and attitudes. The child identifies with role models and imitates their behaviour. Four meditational stages in this process was identified- attention, reproduction, motivation and motor reproduction.

Smith and Lloyd (1980) observed adults with 4 to 6-month-olds. Boys were given a hammer-snapped rattle to encourage adventurousness whilst dolls were given to girls with reinforcement for passivity and 'being pretty'. This not only supports the role of differential reinforcement of gender-appropriate behaviours from early childhood, but also suggests that social explanations have temporal validity and explanatory power in terms of less rigid gender roles over time.

Anthropological
Anthropological cross-cultural studies illustrate differences in gender roles across cultures, thus highlighting the cultural influences on gender. Mead (1931) studied tribal groups in New Guinea and found differences in their behaviour. People in the Arapesh tribe took on feminine roles (gentle, responsive behaviours) while people in the Mundugumor tribe were aggressive and hostile (Western stereotype of masculinity). People in the Tchambuli tribe organised themselves along the reverse of the Western gender stereotypes where women organised village life and were dominant while men held decorative roles and were passive.

Biosocial
This approach deviates from both biological determinism and social constructivism, instead presenting gender to be influenced by biological factors but also malleable to social influences. Some biosocial approaches suggest that evolutionary differences caused by environmental characteristics between the sexes are no longer the same, resulting in alterations to sex chromosomes, such as the degeneration of the Y chromosome.

Contemporary, meta-analytical methodologies allow for critical reassessments of previous biological and social studies. For example, in the examination of gendered variation of children's toy preferences, biological causes, such as girls exposed to higher levels of androgens displaying more interested in male-typed toys, are taken into account alongside social influences, such as stereotyped preferences displaying more consistently in group rather than dyadic circumstances. Further meta-regression detect that the gender equality status of subjects' country and year of study to have almost no effect on behaviour during early childhood where children still largely preferred gendered toys, but increases with age with deviated impacts, presenting the conclusion that the complex interaction between social and biological factors are what determines gendered preferences.


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User:Dino Bronto Rex/sandbox

This is my sandbox.

title: User:Dino Bronto Rex/sandbox


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User:Dino Bronto Rex

This is my user page.

Wikibooks that I have greatly contributed to

 * Micronations

Book(s) that I have created

 * The Story of Rhodesia

title: User:Dino Bronto Rex


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User:Marymcharg

Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20 chapter: Truth in Free Will

title: User:Marymcharg


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Micronations/List of past micronations/Islands of Refreshment

Islands of Refreshment was the name given to Tristan da Cunha by its self-proclaimed ruler, Jonathan Lambert, in 1811.

In the early 19th century American whalers frequented the neighboring waters and, on December 27, 1810, the Boston ship Baltic put ashore an American named Jonathan Lambert "late of Salem, mariner and citizen thereof" along with one Thomas Currie or Tomasso Corri in his employ, and a third man named Williams. These three were the first permanent inhabitants of Tristan, and they were soon joined by a fourth, Andrew Millet.

Lambert declared himself sovereign and sole possessor of the island group "grounding my right and claim on the rational and sure ground of absolute occupancy". He renamed the main island "Island of Refreshment", Inaccessible Island "Pintard Island" and Nightingale Island "Lovel Island". Five months after arriving, Lambert, Williams and Millet drowned while fishing on May 17, 1812. Currie was joined, however, by two other men, and the three busied themselves growing vegetables, wheat and oats, and breeding pigs.

During the War of 1812, the islands were used as a base by American cruisers sent to prey on British merchant ships. This and other considerations urged by Lord Charles Henry Somerset, then-governor of Cape Colony in South Africa, led the British government to annex the islands as dependencies of the Cape Colony. The formal proclamation of annexation was made on August 14, 1816, partly as a measure to ensure the French could not use the islands as a base for a rescue operation to free the deposed Napoleon I of France from his prison on Saint Helena.


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Talk:Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Truth in Free Will

Links and research papers:

A Foolish Consistency: Keeping Determinism out of the Criminal Law Decision Making and Free Will: A Neuroscience Perspective

Not sure if the drug addiction example links perfectly to what we want to talk about, but it might be a good case study to use. We could possibly link it in to biology/neuroscience/genetic predisposition to addiction and how addiction affects our free will?

Paper: Philosophical Foundations of Law and Neuroscience by Dennis Patterson and Michael S. Pardo (LAW) Paper: OVERCOMING THE MYTH OF FREE WILL IN CRIMINAL LAW: THE TRUE IMPACT OF THE GENETIC REVOLUTION MATTHEW JONES (LAW & BIO)

To do:

- Establish what truth regarding free will and theory of mind exists in US law

- Research paedophile case better

- Investigate theology (Christianity) - dualism and how this has led to development of theories of indeterminism/free will (look at theories which lead to the development of indeterminism and how the truth regarding the existence of the soul informed this)

- Investigate neuroscience/genetics - physicalism and how this has led to development of determinism (tracing start point of decision making and split brain experiment)

Definition of free will? I.E. if we want to define free will in terms of being able to do and act on what you want, or something more along the lines of "the ability to have acted differently"

Structuring our thinking: How to approach truth within each discipline:

Intro - thoughts: Interesting to note that whilst in many cases of humanities vs empirical science, the science will almost always be seen as more credible due to the type of quantifying evidence it can produce. However in the case of free will, the more generally accepted view is that which follows the premise of theology and law over disciplines such as neuroscience or determinism. In analysing the different perspectives offered to us by different disciplines, we are able to establish a clearer understanding of both the basis of the criminal justice system and its shortcomings. Instances of diminished responsibility in law recognise the absence of free will in cases where a defendant may plead insanity.

Breakdown of conflicting arguments about free will: Determinism: The assertion that human consciousness is predetermined with free will being an illusory experience Libertarian Free Will (Agent-Causal Indeterminism): The assertion that human consciousness is not predetermined so agents have complete control over their actions, with the power to intervene in the physical world. Neuroscience: Look at the experiments have been done which have led to the conclusion of determinism and how truth in theory of mind has led them to make this conclusion.

Law: Look at case which demonstrates how US law views free will and how their idea of truth regarding theory of mind (dualism) has caused law to develop this way and end up with this outcome of the case.

Theology: Look at prominent theories which have emerged from theology and how their idea of truth led them to develop these theories

Cut from Conflicts section: Conflicting truths regarding free will are evident between the fields of neuroscience and law, as well as within the general public. A study into popular attitudes to free will showed the majority of the US public believe in the existence of free will. US law shows strong remnants of substance dualism which is incompatible with modern science. This means our social structures such as the legal system and social policy operate with the idea that free will exists, despite the driving forces of neuroscience having evidence contrary to this. "A substantial body of scholarship has concerned itself with the importance of free will to the theory of the criminal law. Even given the importance of the subject, the quantity of attention is surprising because of the lack of fundamental disagreement among scholars, who overwhelmingly endorse the criminal law's assumption of free will."

Drafting and Brainstorming:

Potential Structure?: 1) Research the arguments around free will and identify where the basal truth is innately different or incompatible between them

2) Identify the disciplines in this debate which are tied to each truth

3) Identify an area within law where this debate is unresolved due to the different truths and how interdisciplinary research can field a solution

=> newer cooler structure? Introduction- there are instances of dualism in law, give a case study- man who became a pedophile when a tumour grew in his brain. He was found guilty (ie dualism won out). This doesn’t line up with current popular scientific opinions, which are deterministic/monist.

Theology- agent-causal indeterminism and dualism in Christianity, which is/was the major religion in the US and has affected law.

Neuroscience- determinism/monism. Everything can be predicted. The mind is not separate from the body. Split brain experiment.

Conclusion- bring it back to law/case study. Law should have aspects of determinism as well as dualism in order to function.

Definitions and background information for our own use: Libertarian Indeterminism - Truth based on Internationalist Dualism :

(Libertarian Indeterminism - Quantum Mechanics

Truth in this argument is that there is randomness and indeterminacy on an atomic and subatomic level which would necessarily mean that our actions and decisions are not predetermined or even possible to know were the entire particular configuration of the body and brain to be known allowing free will to exist. Yet this is a different argument to the previous libertarian indeterminism argument with a different basis of truth and a different moral consequence.)

Drugs / Neuroscience

Does the classification of drug addiction as a disease refute the ability of the law to prosecute a person fuelling their drug addiction? In 1962, a man was convicted for being addicted to drugs in accordance with the California law making it an offence punishable of up to 90 days. His conviction was overturned when a court ruled that this could be likened to punishing someone who was "mentally ill, or a leper", or who was "affected with a venereal disease". How far can the actions of a drug addict be justified under the reasoning that they are not in control of their addiction? - Libertarians would argue that it is one's own free decision to take the drugs in the first place making entirely their fault but neuroscience and the study of addiction would suggest that it is in an addicts disposition to seek and use these drugs. Another way drugs can tie into the discussion of free will is through neuroscience and brain chemistry - if by simply taking a drug that alters our brain chemistry we affect our own decision making and actions in such drastic ways, can we not state by extension that our normal actions and decisions are also simply as a result of predictable chemical reactions, and not free will?

Despite this neuroscientific evidence, the legal system and social policies operate under the assumption of free will, with general agreement between scholars to endorse the law's assertion that criminals are culpable for their actions.[18] Neuroscience is a positivist discipline, meaning that theories are formed based on empirical evidence that we can currently measure within the contemporary scope of scientific technology. This makes personal relationships to subjective experiences such the feeling of having free will below the standard of evidence required to draw conclusions from. Yet, when applying neuroscience to law this feeling or illusion of free will must be considered, due to the social implications of this being shattered and the way this would affect human behaviour and moral choices.


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Talk:Micronations/List of past micronations/Islands of Refreshment

This is the talk page of the page “Islands of Refreshment” in the book “Micronations”


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Solutions To Mathematics Textbooks/Proofs and Fundamentals/Chapter 4

= Exercise 4.1.1 = (1), (3) and (6) are functions.

= Exercise 4.1.2 = The first one and the fourth one are functions (here I've assumed that "mother" and "father" were meant biologically, and that not everyone has precisely one person they'd call a "best friend").

= Exercise 4.1.3 = (i) and (iv) represent functions.

= Exercise 4.1.4= (2) and (3) properly describe functions.


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Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Evidence in the Nature of Crime

This chapter investigates the use of evidence in explaining the existence and nature of crime from a multitude of disciplinary perspectives. It analyses methodological disciplinary histories to highlight evidence as an ongoing issue in interdisciplinary research.

Historical and Methodological Issues
Crime is defined as the intentional commission of an act usually deemed socially harmful or dangerous and specifically defined, prohibited, and punishable under criminal law. The following two historical examples demonstrate that a monodisciplinary approach can be socially disruptive, as methodologies inaccurately portray criminal evidence.

Firstly, law as an anthropological construct defines what is considered a crime, which has allowed the mischaracterisation of evidence to support political agendas, demonstrated by the case of judicial bias in the Weimar Republic. Figure 1 shows the judge harshly prosecuting leftist criminals, portrayed by the caption "we are going to protect the Republic from you", compared to the caption "we will protect the Republic for you" to right-wing criminals (seen on the right-hand side) who committed similar crimes. This demonstrates how the same laws can be used to protect or prosecute based on political agenda by changing the narrative derived through evidence analysis.

Furthermore, Cesare Lombroso's Atavism Theory, suggests criminals were subhuman compared to non-criminals based on specific inherited physical attributes. His theory faced criticism due to poor methodology and the reductionist approach that relied on and consequently perpetuated racial stereotypes. This shows how correlation can be misinterpreted as causal relationships.

Economics
The Homo Economicus is the main assumption which classical and neo-classical economic theories are based upon, which has largely influenced the perception of the criminal as a  'rational profit maximiser', who analyses the costs and benefits of committing a crime. Ultimately, a criminal act is pursued if the total pay-off, considering costs of sanctions such as fines or imprisonment, are higher than the pay-off from alternative legal methods to procure money. The utility function illustrates the basic model of crime as a positive function of income (where utility derived from committing a crime varies according to income):

$$E(U)=PU(Y-f)+(1-P)U(Y)$$,

Where U is individual's utility function, P is the subjective perception of the risk of being caught and convicted, Y is monetary income from committing the offence, and f is the monetary equivalent of the punishment. If the utility is positive, the rational individual will choose to commit the crime but will not if the utility function is negative.

Evidence is based upon economic models relying on assumptions to simplify reality, where empirical tests focusing on statistical analysis are predominantly carried out. The key methodological assumption of rationality used in research has enforced this monodisciplinary silo, however, though scholars reject the primary assumption, the rigorous statistical tests used have impacted methodologies in sociology, highlighting that using interdisciplinary research methods provides more representative evidence.

Biology
Biology explains the aetiology of criminal behaviour from a neurological perspective, focusing on brain-body interactions as well as studying particular hormones.

Neurophysiological research shows that brain abnormalities affecting our ability to feel emotions such as fear, guilt and empathy, are involved in behavioural symptoms of psychopathy. In a clinical study, individuals displaying violent and psychopathic traits had significantly reduced amygdala volumes since childhood, and tended to carry out premeditated crimes, whereas those displaying impulsive aggression demonstrated amygdala hyperactivity. This confirms the notion of biological evidence in explaining the sub-types of criminals and that biological risk factors aid in predetermining future criminal behaviour. Nonetheless, although there is a correlation between structural brain abnormalities and psychopathic behaviour, more research needs to be undertaken to examine whether a causal relationship exists between them.

Furthermore, in a separate study, researchers concluded that individuals with relatively high baseline testosterone levels were 28% more likely to engage in criminal behaviour compared to those with relatively low levels, suggesting that higher levels can be associated with aggression and dominant behaviour typical in criminals. However, testosterone levels are inaccurate measures as they fluctuate throughout the day in response to various environmental stimuli, making correlation to deviance difficult to conclude.

Therefore, as “biology is not destiny”, a holistic view is needed to understand criminal acts. Other factors such as social and environmental interventions need to be considered as it can mitigate the relationship between biological risk factors and crime, reducing the prevalence rate of crime in society.

Sociology
One of the most prominent claims in sociology is that social realities are dynamic, and thus, what is recognised as a crime by law could depend on cultural and geographical differences. Therefore, there can be no homogeneous agreement about what constitutes a crime, where even felonies such as murder or mutilation, which for most western individuals would be considered severe, first-degree crimes, are acceptable parts of some tribal traditions.

Hence, sociological studies focus more on individual factors and public arenas when looking for evidence behind criminal behaviours, such as age, ethnicity or parental and social background. This type of systematic characterisation of social groups, called typological evidence, is based on Edwin Sutherland's Differential Association Theory, arguing criminal behaviour lies in the values we acquire through our social circles. This was originally a counterargument to the biological evidence suggesting deviant behaviour is rooted in an individual's DNA.

Furthermore, sociologists believe that criminal behaviour is more of a reaction to a social phenomenon, rather than an action of the individual. This interpretation is an essential part of Emile Durkheim's Labelling Theory, that sees the evidence for crime in social prejudice, as individuals become deviant when a deviant label is applied to them.

Sociological evidence is rooted in a combination of empirical research and interpretive analysis to reach a comprehensive conclusion. The effective dual-methodology draws from multiple disciplines, serving as a stepping stone for a whole new discipline, criminology. However, those opposing sociological methodologies suggest that, because of its partially interpretive nature, explanations of evidence often do not devote enough attention to "white-collar" crimes and can act "selectively" when evaluating research. For example, studies focus predominately on male experience rather than looking at intersectionality between gender, race, and class.

Evaluating Evidence
Historically, conscious misinterpretation of evidence was used to further political and racial supremacy, criminalising minority ethnic groups and anti-governmental beliefs. However, presently, despite accessibility to advanced evidence, misunderstanding of the nature of crime is still prevalent due to interpretation from a monodisciplinary perspective.

Economics is founded on unrealistic assumptions of human nature, disregarding qualitative and theoretical evidence, while primarily utilising quantitative empirical data. Furthermore, biological methodology does not prove causal relationships, such as the correlation between amygdala volume and psychopathic behaviour. Had the analysis included sociological perspectives, it would have taken into account the interaction between biological and environmental aspects. In comparison, sociology acknowledges that both quantitative and qualitative evidence is essential to understand how sociocultural factors influence the nature of crime.

Due to problems caused by monodisciplinary perspective in research, there is a need for interdisciplinary scholars to overcome the disconnection by employing a holistic outlook. As we have witnessed through historical examples, ulterior motives influence conclusions drawn from evidence to support the discipline's objective, whereas an interdisciplinary researcher would be void of bias. Therefore, to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the nature of crime and further issues, in-depth, interdisciplinary research methods and analysis must be employed.


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Issues in Interdisciplinarity 2019-20/Interdisciplinary Depictions of Human Nature

Introduction
Human nature is most often defined as the set of fundamental social and psychological traits that dictate the dispositions of human beings. It forms a basis of how we conceptualise the world, allowing us to learn and form culture. Because it touches on the very essence of our humanity, human nature has been at the centre of an intellectual dispute for centuries and a focal point of research across disciplines.

This chapter aims to contribute to the discussion with an emphasis on the inherency of violence in humans. It will explore the cultural norms and methodologies that form the research paradigms underpinning predominant theories of human nature, and the effects of these truths on other disciplines and areas outside academia.

The Confirmation Bias in Philosophy
The lack of objective evidence available, combined with the difficulty to dissociate oneself from the object of study, constitutes a notable challenge when trying to form a theory of human nature. It is therefore particularly difficult to approach human nature from a positivist perspective. In a similar manner, pre-existing opinions - shaped by beliefs, mental models, socio-economic background and prevailing societal views, can influence the research of any academic. This is known as the confirmation bias. Its impact is particularly significant on the philosophy of Hobbes and Locke, whose theses on human nature have historically served as premises for other disciplines’ theories, as well as for the accepted opinion of whole societies.

Religious and Theological Influences
In Western civilisation, the idea of a flawed, thus violent, humanity embodied in the Original Sin is part of a narrative of human nature passed down for centuries. This regnant sentiment certainly oriented western philosophical thought, among which Thomas Hobbes’ proclamation of a natural summum malum - state of nature - as the natural human state. It can therefore be argued that by influencing the creation of a theory, religious ideology also conditions the reader’s mindset, and on a larger scale, that of society.

Historical Influences
The English civil war came as a justification for Hobbes' theory: "The reader wishing to imagine what life in anarchy would be like need no more than consider the fate of those who used to live in peace, under a single government, and who have now descended into a civil war".

Projecting current events onto a general statement of humanity is not an individual tendency of Hobbes. In fact, Thucydides, writing during the plague of Athens, formulated similar views about human nature. In an example of historical influences and in this case strong societal influences as well: John Locke arrived at his theory of  'tablula rasa' largely because of the Enlightenment movement. There is a direct relationship between experience and conclusion, especially because thought experiment, experience and observation are the key methodologies for philosophical theorising.

Nature versus Nurture
Two main theories have shaped the debate around the origins of violent behaviour: the “blank slate ” idea according to which humans are born without innate traits, is the standpoint from which most social sciences have studied human actions. On the other hand, evolutionary biology and psychology pose violence as an evolved genetic predisposition, influenced by biological factors.

Sociology versus Evolutionary Biology
Mainstream sociology textbooks still adopt the traditional Standard social science model (SSSM) (which establishes culture as the single factor shaping the mind) as the cornerstone for theories explaining social behaviour. This social constructionism approach entails the assumption of certain fundamental traits and dispositions in mankind, yet the lack of empirical evidence to support them makes the discipline prone to criticism by modern science. By proposing an evolving theory of human nature, Darwin challenged this very idea of a set and constant human nature.

Developmental Psychology
Developmental psychological studies on infant cognition are an example of scientific research challenging the tabula rasa theory. Following a series of experiments on toddlers and infants revealing early altruism in young children, several psychologists from the Yale Infant Cognition Centre interpreted the results as a rebuttal of the nurture argument. However, such findings were subsequently questioned as early altruism in human beings was shown to be limited. Such events could be explained by what Jeremy I. M. Carpendale calls “the psychologists’ fallacy”: psychologists’ interpretations of early altruism in children’s actions may merely be a reflection of previous assumptions.

Given the limitations of the biology-sociology dichotomy, some psychologists now advocate for an alternative theoretical paradigm: an integrated model merging biological and cultural theories to unravel the question of human nature.

Alternative views about the origins of violence
If the representation of the bloodthirsty, primitive male, unable to control his violent urges has historically dominated scientific thought, consequently influencing the collective myth of the 'killer ape'; the self-evidence of this narrative has more recently been challenged by Douglas P. Fry. Drawing data from archaeology, anthropology and primatology as well as through 'game theory and cost/benefit analyses', it is argued that humans' propensity for peace is much more widespread than acknowledged.

Societal Implications of Endorsing a Truth of Human Nature
The implications of a discussion about human nature go beyond the academic sphere. As previously explored, theories and society shape each other reflexively: theories are born from researchers' ontological and epistemological position, and can in return impact societal views. This allows for the emergence of societally accepted truths of human nature, an example of which is the idea of warfare as an evolved adaptation.

Depending on the dominant view, discourse about human nature can be used to propagate fear, or in the case of a genetic explanation of violence, to justify and lessen responsibility for conflict. There is also a tendency among scholars, politicians, and more generally society to concentrate on violent episodes, comparable to the media's tendency to focus on bad news. However, it is also worth mentioning that an assumption of inherent peacefulness in mankind would require the vilification of some groups of people to explain the existence of violence in the world.