Cordial": Coeducation and West Virginia University's Early
By Lillian J. Waugh and Judith G. Stitzel
Over the last century a number of scholars have contributed significantly to the study of West Virginia by focusing their attention in part or in full on the evolution of its educational systems, especially its public and normal schools and the university system. They placed this evolution firmly within national, regional, political and economic contexts, paying particular attention to West Virginia's difficult birthing during the Civil War era.1 Despite this considerable contribution to the historical canon, the educational history of more than half of the state's population, women and blacks, remains largely untold.2 Modest steps taken within the last decade reflect a broader representative scholarship.3 Most recently, the June 1989 West Virginia and Regional History Collection's forum, "Educating All the People," encouraged educators, administrators, scholars and laity to re-examine education in West Virginia, including a focus on equity.4 An increasing commitment among academicians to research a wider spectrum of history that includes the experiences of women and racial and ethnic groups is prompting important re-evaluation of what constitutes "history." The institutional history currently being written at West Virginia University (WVU) under the auspices of the 1989-91 Women's Centenary, of which this essay evolved, contributes to this re- evaluation.5
The dates "1989" and "1991" represent, respectively, the one-hundredth anniversaries of the first admission of women to WVU as degree candidates and the first graduation of a woman twenty- two years after the school opened, Harriet Eliza Lyon (1863-1949). Lyon's 1936 recollection of what it was like to cross the gender line at WVU, to become a "coed,"6 was the only first-person account available for historical scrutiny until spring 1988 when manuscripts written by two of the ten women entering in 1889, Sallie Norris (m. Showalter), class of 1893, and Mabel Curry Reynolds (m. Glasscock)7 class of 1896, became available to Women's Centenary researchers.8
Occasional theses and monographs address the general topic "History of Women and Education in West Virginia" but limit their analysis to recording the growth of women's participation in the field of teaching and their access to private and public schools. Kathryn Babb Vossler's 1975 overview of female education from 1810-1909 begins to consider the role of prejudice in limiting female opportunity and using women's education to reinforce stereotypical female gender roles; however; it comes dangerously close to blaming students for the failures of their schools to turn them into progressive "New Women."9
The fact that gender was considered, to use nineteenth-century terminology, when the "woman question" was "agitated" in coeducation debates, underscores the omission of women from the record. For example, James M. Callahan and Charles Ambler, professional historians present on WVU's campus during the second decade of coeducation, the former as professor, the latter as student, did not incorporate the voices or perspectives of women in their histories. Coeducation appears in Ambler's 1951 History of Education in West Virginia as a subsection within a potpourri of 1890s topics labelled "Miscellaneous." William T. Doherty in his 1982 university history dramatically highlighted women's historic status as a minority population averaging only 30 percent on campus.10
Material relevant to the discussions surrounding the admission of women to WVU is relatively accessible and drawn from two sources, Board of Regents reports and the state's press.11 However these two sources reveal negligible first-person commentary by women on the question of coeducation at the university in the two decades proceeding women's 1889 admission.12
The presence of women on campus as degree candidates improved the opportunities for public statements on their own behalf and must be considered part of the greater willingness of women of the 1890s to buck traditions of ladylike silence. Commencement speeches, campus publications, literary society presentations, and declamations sponsored by the Woman's League, a joint community/campus support group founded in 1897, provided platforms from which female students broke that silence. Their educational activism was part of an increasingly higher media profile for women throughout the state, as evidenced by the publication of special "women's editions" of newspapers in 1896-97 in four communities, Clarksburg, Fairmont, Elkins and Morgantown, towns with strong commitments to education.13 Of the four towns, Elkins was the only one that lacked a college or university, and in 1899 Davis and Elkins College was founded there.14 In June 1898, the Woman's League issued the 100- page Aurora, a virtual manifesto of a woman's right to be educated, which bears a striking resemblance in tone and format to the ambitious compendium of women's accomplishments published on the occasion of the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago.15
Eighteen months before the Aurora was published, Elizabeth 1. Moore (1830-1930), dean of female educators in West Virginia and former teacher/administrator of Woodburn Female Seminary, presented her opinions about women's exclusion from the university in the Woman's Edition of the New Dominion. Woodburn Female Seminary was part of the real estate package that influenced the legislature to locate the state's land-grant university in Morgantown. Ironically, Woodburn Female Seminary's graduates were not admitted to the new state university. Moore noted how appropriate was the passage "for here we have no continuing city" to the somber occasion of the last graduation in June of 1867, observing that no "private school in this vicinity or elsewhere (had] advantages to offer in any way comparable to those given by the State so generously to her sons, while denying to her daughters even the crumbs that fell from the table." These girls, Moore noted, lived to be "avenged by time" when some of their daughters were able to attend the university a generation later.16 The anguish and anger expressed by Mrs. Moore over the educational portion alloted to the daughters of West Virginia was a reaction to a highly articulated educational policy that did not, to paraphrase Abigail Adams, "consider the ladies" very favorably.17
Educating women was an important consideration in the earliest state-wide discussion of educational policy in Virginia. The establishment of elementary schools throughout western Virginia languished until after statehood, when post-Civil War rebuilding and industrialization prompted its development. Greatly increasing the supply of qualified elementary teachers was necessary to develop a viable school system, a matter which drew attention as early as September 8-9, 1841, when an unprecedented gathering of notable Virginia educators convened in Clarksburg to consider how to alleviate growing illiteracy and produce a population which would assure regional development.18
Among the topics considered were the founding of teacher-training schools which women might be encouraged to attend. Consideration of female education occurred within an ideology which historian Linda Kerber designated as "Republican Motherhood."19 Briefly stated, proponents of Republican Motherhood believed that boys should be schooled to become citizens, wielders of the franchise and shapers of public institutions and industry, while girls were to become mothers of citizens. Female education, as explained by the men charged with recording the proceedings of the Clarksburg conclave, was "the greatest means which can be devised for the work of elevating the people." The convention address proclaimed, "Educate the mothers and the whole race moves upwards at once." Educating women through primary school would hopefully assure "every family . . . an instructress and every child a mother," and left undone, ". . . all the education of the males is thrown away, if the unholy lips of ignorant, degraded and impure mothers breathe their moral contamination on the infant mind."20
Not until 1867 did West Virginia legislators adopt the Clarksburg convention's platform by simultaneously implementing the basis for the state's normal-school system and a land-grant university, West Virginia Agricultural College, soon renamed West Virginia University. Women were admitted to the former but not the latter, and the flagship institution's first President, Alexander Martin, speaking to the purpose of the institution in his June 27, 1867 inaugural address, underscored the college's male identity by broadening the land-grant intent of producing "farmers and soldiers," to include the more liberal goal of producing "men, as men, and not as machines."21
The February 7, 1867 "Act for the regulation of the West Virginia Agricultural College" presumed white males only as candidates for the institution's degrees, de jure and de facto racial segregation having been continued from antebellum days. In Section 8 of the act, the section dealing with recruitment to the cadet corps, the words "young men" appear; and in discussing conferring of degrees in Section 10, the word "men" again is used.22 The legislative intent of sex-segregation was confirmed later in the decade at the request of a coeducational WVU faculty committee on which Franklin, father of Harriet Lyon, WVU's first female graduate, and three other daughters, served. On April 2, 1869, a committee consisting of Lyon, S.G. Stevens, and J. R. Weaver reported back to the faculty that women's admission "had never been legally recognized, either by enactment of the legislature or vote of the regents, and that the admission of females to privileges of University classes was not included in the powers of the faculty."23
Despite clarification of legislative intent prejudicial to coeducation, in the early 1870s a handful of Morgantown girls, including a sister of Harriet Lyon, managed occasionally to attend classes of sympathetic professors, a practice which continued for at least a decade. Professor William P. Willey was so favorably impressed by their abilities that he became a vigorous proponent of coeducation.24 But whether for purposes of access to recalcitrant legislators or because he, like the Clarksburg delegates, considered female education primarily as subsidiary to male, Willey, according to Callahan, was most effective when arguing that "the nonadmission of women to the university was unjust to the man whose children were all girls."25 It took two more decades for proponents to carry the day for coeducation, and they did so, as did their counterparts in other states, not because they stood fast on democratic principle, but because principal was lacking in institutional coffers.26
Among those men with whom Willey might have commiserated were Lyon and Milton Norris, who each had four children, "all girls." Milton Norris's sixteen-year-old daughter Sallie was sent to Morgantown to attend the university just days before she was scheduled to make the long journey to Mount Holyoke College. He preferred to have her closer to home.27 Four years later; at her 1893 commencement, Norris stood before peers and dignitaries and delivered an impassioned plea for more cordial treatment of women at her alma mater. One of three women in a graduating class of fifteen, she chose her words carefully. Speaking on "New Occasions and New Duties," Norris challenged the men who governed the state and campus to stop discouraging women from attending the university. Norris was not referring to official policy since the catalogue carried the reminder that women could now be admitted to WVU or to a difficult curriculum because she excelled in math and the classics. She urged faculty and the governing board to "make the path easy" by extending a genuine welcome to female students.28
A prime example of discouragement appeared in the commencement paper which carried her address. "West Virginia State University," read a WVU advertisement, "offers unequaled advantages to the young men of West Virginia."29 Those "advantages" included scholarships and a tuition waiver for only one cadet per county, who were exclusively male until the mid-1970s. Norris recalled the preference of local landlords to rent to male students and the open hostility expressed by some students and faculty. In 1929, Norris revealed details which were particularly irksome to her as a student and evidenced her pride at surviving the hostility:
Just forty years ago the doors of the university were, not thrown open, but slightly ajar for the entrance of women. It was in August, 1889, that my father announced to the family that the university had been opened to women. Arrangements had been made for my entrance to M[oun]t Holyoke College in September, but our plan was immediately changed. . . . Ten brave girls enrolled this year. . . . when these ten girls presented themselves for matriculation, they found the doors only ajar, and their reception was anything but cordial. The majority of the faculty had been vigorously opposed to coeducation and many of them did not hesitate to let us feel their disapprobation.
No provision was made for the comfort or the convenience of the girls, and it was many weeks before even a cloak room with toilet facilities was provided and Dr. Turner announced in chapel that Mrs. Dancer, the wife of the janitor, would show the young ladies to their cloak room after chapel. The cloak room thus provided was a bare basement room in Martin Hall, whose furniture consisted of a bench and a row of hooks and after being inspected by the girls was never used. . . .
The Math professor [Prof. Stewart] even persisted in calling each girl in class by her last name without prefixing "Miss."30
Norris's sobering assessment of women's early WVU experiences was not unique. It was seconded by Harriet E. Lyon, class of 1891, and Mabel Curry Reynolds, class of 1896, and reinforced by campus reaction to the death of a third early woman graduate, Lulu Garlow, class of 1893.
In 1936, writing for the WVU Alumni Magazine, Lyon broke a forty-five year silence on the difficulties of being the first woman graduate. She was made to feel "like an alien and an intruder."31 Her son remembered her remarking how "hard the students were on her," and recalled sitting in the kitchen helping her as she agonized over finding "just the right words" to express how keenly she still felt about an experience which led, on graduation, to a period of emotional exhaustion.32 Emerging scholarship on the barrier-breaking generation of women in both coeducational and single-sex universities reveals that the emotional distress from rigors of living with discrimination and graduating into an equally hostile job market was not uncommon.33
Mabel Curry Reynolds enjoyed the support of her Morgantown family and benefitted from the increased number of women on campus; over thirty attended the university in the year she graduated as the only woman in her class, as compared to ten in 1889, the first year women were admitted. Her experiences as a minority student led to deep involvement in the founding of The Woman's League of the West Virginia University in 1897, a support group for women. The league was founded, in Reynolds's words, to lessen that "awful I wish I hadn't come' feeling."34
Lulu Garlow (1874-1897) was the first WVU woman to pursue a Ph.D. after graduation. She died at Bryn Mawr College. Her grieving cousin, Winifred South, class of 1897, wrote a memorial which disputed prevailing theory linking higher education of women to illness and death.35 South protested:
In view of the vigorous opposition which pseudo-Physiologists have urged against the higher education of women, it becomes almost necessary to state that her death as revealed by the autopsy, was in no wise hastened by her intellectual activity. It was not due to over- work.36
In a companion piece to the article, Martha Brock, a community woman who supported women's education and helped found the Woman's League later that year, provided a lengthy academic biography of Garlow.37
The nature of the relationship of women to higher education was as much a concern of West Virginia's shapers of educational policy as it was to Garlow's friends and schoolmates. In 1897, the first full art curriculum was offered under the leadership of E. Eva Boyers Hubbard. Reporting on the university's hiring of Mrs. Hubbard, in tones reminiscent of the Clarksburg Convention's recommended "instructress" in every home, the local media boasted, "the study of fine arts will make our young ladies better wives and give them the means within themselves to beautify their own homes at little expense."38 Sallie Norris and others campaigned for the inclusion of an art and music curriculum as a way of making women feel more welcome to the campus, but the androcentric ideology of women and women's talents which it betrayed was not universally shared by women students and their supporters.39 Woman's sphere, as defined by members of the Woman's League, included the "home, music, art, literature, and teaching," but it also included "reform, the pulpit, medicine, law, business, librarianship, and elocution." 40
"Educational institutions are proverbially conservative, and the last to feel the quickening spirit of modern ideas of equality," charged WVU student Ella Egbert a decade after women were admitted. 41 Egbert's judgment is rapidly being supported by the burgeoning scholarship on women's education in the United States.42 None of this scholarship would have been possible if revisionist historians had not returned to the record for women's experiences; if lost histories had not been acquired and valued. That process is epitomized, for instance, in the discovery that two early WVU women, Mabel Reynolds and Sallie Norris, wrote only for the record four decades after their admission to West Virginia University when they were asked to write their remembrances at the dedication of Elizabeth Moore Hall.43 Elizabeth Moore Hall, both as symbol and building, was the campus "home" for which Sallie Norris yearned in 1893. It honored the memory of the Morgantown woman whose long affiliation with female education, and whose longevity, sustained women's collective memories of the struggle for educational equity. Historian Gerda Lerner affords insight into why the full dimensions of that struggle have yet to be appreciated:
Women's history... is an effort to counteract the androcentric bias of selection in the recording and interpretation of the past. Women's history seeks to uncover and recover the lost and ignored experiences, thoughts and wisdom of women of the past. . . . Women's history is a strategy, an angle of vision by which we try not only to find the obscured data about the past of women, but ways in which to order and interpret the facts we uncover from a woman-centered point of view.44
Thanks to Lerner and other feminist historians, like Barbara Miller Solomon, John Mack Faragher, and Florence Howe, it is no longer acceptable, nor necessary, to consider the history of women's education in West Virginia as auxiliary history, as "miscellaneous." What remains to be done is to expand examination of just how the dynamics of subordination, have "made hard the path," to rephrase Norris's 1893 observation, and to add that narrative to existing histories.
Judith G. Stitzel is Director of the Center for Women's Studies and Professor of English at West Virginia University. She earned the Ph.D. degree from the University of Minnesota.
Lillian J. Waugh is Director of Research for the Women's Centenary Project, Center for Women's Studies at West Virginia University. She earned the Ph.D. degree from the University of Massachusetts.
1. See especially, James M. Callahan, History of West Virginia Old and New (Chicago: American Historical Society, 1923), vol. 1; Charles H. Ambler, History of Education in West Virginia from Colonial Times to 1949 (Huntington, WV: Standard Press, 1951); William T. Doherty and Festus P. Summers, West Virginia University: Symbol of Unity in a Sectionalized State (Morgantown: West Virginia Univ. Press, 1982).
2. A work which provides a useful model for West Virginia historians examining their own historiography is Liberating Women's History: Theoretical and Critical Essays, ed. by Bernice Carroll (Chicago: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1976). Particularly helpful are Dolores and Earl Schmidt, "The Invisible Woman: The Historian as Professional Magician," 42-54, a quantitative textual analysis of standard texts; and Ann Gordon, Mari Jo Buhle, and Nancy Dye, "The Problem of Women's History," 75-92, an examination of definitions of "history."
3. See, for example, Doherty and Summers, West Virginia University in which "women," "coeducation," and "discrimination" are cross-referred. In contrast, Otis K. Rice, "Educational Advances," in West Virginia; The State and Its People (Parsons, WV: McClain, 1972), 291-301, fails to mention the initial exclusion or subsequent admission of women to WVU.
4. See, for example, Ancella Bickley's untitled testimony at the Third Annual West Virginia Day sponsored by the West Virginia and Regional History Collection "Educating All the People," West Virginia and Regional History Collection Newsletter, 5 (Summer 1989): 7. Bickley, an independent scholar of West Virginia black history and retired Vice-President for Academic Affairs at West Virginia State College, was asked just how it was possible that West Virginia blacks were not given wholesale access to in-state graduate education immediately following the 1938 Gaines vs. Missouri decision. "It was," she claimed, "kept as one of the great secrets from those of us who did not come from educated families - and did not know that this was available...to us."
5. For basic archival work on the coeducation debate, early WVU women and their families, and for discovery of the Aurora, the authors owe much to former graduate assistants Patricia Lee Hankins and David Clay Cebula.
6. Use of the word "coed" instead of "student" to designate and differentiate female from male "students," was "extremely distasteful" to Harriet Lyon. See, Harriet Lyon Jewett, "Beginnings of Coeducation at the West Virginia University," WVU Alumni Magazine, April 1936, 6-7. Informal discussion with students at the WVU Center for Women's Studies suggests a shift away from one-sex use of the term, which is recognizable to them only as it applies to private or publicly run residences shared by both sexes. Particular thanks for this usage to Deborah Wheaton, Melissa Corbin and Suronda Gonzalez.
7. For the sake of textual clarity, WVU women are discussed employing the surnames they used on campus. Post-WVU surname changes are indicated on initial reference.
8. Mabel Reynolds Glasscock, "Coed Facts and Fancies," and Sallie Norris Showalter, "The Beginnings of Coeducation at the West Virginia University," unpub. mss., ca. 1929, Women's Centenary Project, West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV, courtesy Helen Boggess Moore, class of 1930. Mrs. Moore believes the recollections were solicited by women students affiliated with the November 1928 Elizabeth Moore Hall dedication festivities. No publication, prior to excerpting in the Humanities Foundation of West Virginia underwritten Women's Centenary publication Centenary Currents, 1 (January 1989): 2-5, is known.
9. As in Ruth Coe Fisher, "A History of Women in Education in West Virginia" (M.A. Thesis: Marshall College, 1947); and Ruth Babb Vossler, "Women and Education in West Virginia, 1810-1909," West Virginia History, 36(July 1975): 271-90, respectively.
10. Doherty and Summers, West Virginia University, 178, cites Charles Hodges of the WVU Alumni Association that women historically constituted 30% of the undergraduate population, a figure which, except during the World Wars and excluding teachers' colleges, held for private and public coeducational institutions until it began to shift in the 1960s.
11. See "President's Office Archives," Box 690, West Virginia and Regional History Collection, West Virginia University, Morgantown, WV (hereafter WVRHC), for Acting President John W. Scott's proposition that WVU's normal department could and should be used "for breaking down whatever prejudices may exist against the Co-education of the Sexes" and Scott's fuller "Report of the Acting President," Biennial Report of the Board of Regents of the West Virginia University for the Years 1875 and 1876 (Wheeling: John W. Gentry, 1877), 28-29. Many working papers of Prof. J.M. Callahan, WVRHC, contain selections from state media and the West Virginia Journal of Education which span the 1870s and 1880s.
12. A. Taylor, "A Note of Explanation from Miss Taylor," Wheeling Register (West Virginia), 5 July 1884, provides an exception which strengthens this general rule. Taylor, President of the Wheeling Female College, skirts the sensitive issue of coeducation at West Virginia University by pointing out that remarks attributed to her were made by pro-coeducation campaigner Prof. William P. Willey during a meeting of the State Educational Association.
13. In order of publication, the following special issues have come to light in the course of Women's Centenary research. Publication data given as on masthead: Woman's Edition of the Fairmont Index, September 1896; Woman's Edition of the New Dominion (Morgantown), 30 December 1896; Women's Library Edition of Inter-Mountain (Elkins), March 1897; and Woman's Easter Edition of the Clarksburg News, 16 April 1897. The Morgantown and Fairmont papers are more politically activist in tone; the Clarksburg and Elkins less committed to articulation of women's educational or political rights.
14. On Davis and Elkins' founding, see Thomas R. Ross, Davis and Elkins College (Elkins: Davis and Elkins College, 1980), and Thomas C. Miller and Hu Maxwell, West Virginia and Its People, 3 vols. (New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1913), 1:577.
15. Woman's League of the West Virginia University, Aurora (Morgantown, 1898). Women's work and contribution to the Columbian Exposition of 1893 is contained to Mary K.O. Eagle, ed., for the Board of Lady Managers, The Congress Of Women, 2 vols. (Chicago: W.B. Conkey Co., 1894).
16. Elizabeth I. Moore, "Educational Institutions," Woman's Edition of the New Dominion (Morgantown), 30 December 1896.
17. Abigail Adams to John Adams, 31 March 1776, cited in The Feminist Papers from Adams to de Beauvoir, ed. by Alice Rossi (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1973), 10; occasioned by Abigail Adams' concern that her husband and other politicians would perpetuate women's secondary status in their legislation.
18. Ambler, History of Education, 46-51, contains the best general overview of the convention, while his article, "The Clarksburg Educational Convention of September 8-9, 1841," West Virginia History, 5 (October 1943): 27-29, carries discussion and Convention text relevant to female education and females as educators in the home and classroom.
19. See Linda Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1980), for a full discussion of the origins and implications of this ideology. Kerber extends her thesis into Jacksonian and post- Jacksonian America, in Educating Men and Women Together, ed. by Carol Lasser (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1987).
20. Ambler, "Clarksburg Educational Convention," 27, 29.
21. As quoted in Doherty and Summers, West Virginia University, 10.
22. Acts of the Legislature of West Virginia, 1867, "An Act for the Regulation of the West Virginia Agricultural College" (Wheeling: John Frew, Public Printer, 1867), 14-15.
23. J.M. Callahan, "History of WVU," unpub. ms., WVRHC, 33.
24. Ibid., 33, 85, show the "Misses A.N. Baker, Mary Chadwick and Florence Lyon" reciting in two or three preparatory classes; Lyon, "Beginnings," 6, reports attending classes in her teens.
25. Callahan, History of West Virginia, 1:666. Willey and Lyon were joined by other pro- coeducation faculty and students, among them, Daniel Boardman Purinton, Samuel Boardman Brown and Robert A. Armstrong. Summer teacher institutes provided a favorite forum for debates on coeducation, a forum which Willey, Brown and Purinton used to good advantage.
26. Ambler, History of Education, 371, notes the persistence of this reasoning in the West Virginia debates. For confirmation of this interpretation at other institutions contemplating admission of women, see Patricia Albjerg Graham, "Expansion and Exclusion: A History of Women in American Higher Education," Signs, 3(Summer, 1978): 759-73.
27. Showalter [Norris], "Beginnings," 1.
28. Norris, "New Occasions and New Duties," University Daily (Morgantown), 15 June 1893.
29. Ibid. Contemporary usage of "student" as a male designator, vs. 'lady student," "coed," "ladies," for women enrolled in coeducational institutions, suggests that the 55 tuition waivers in question were reserved for men, as does the late 1890s organization of the Woman's League, which had as a prime goal creation of scholarships for women.
30. Showalter [Norris], "Beginnings," 1. The math professor in question was R.C. Berkeley, a campus leader of anti-coeducation forces. Dropping of honorific titles was an unpardonable breach of etiquette for the era.
31. Jewett [Lyon], "Beginnings," 6.
32. Harold A. Jewett, interview with Lillian J. Waugh and Patricia Lee Hankins, 20 March 1989, Washington, D.C., WVU Women's Centenary.
33. Joyce Antler, "After College, What? New Graduates and the Family Claim," American Quarterly, 32(Fall 1980): 424.
34. Mabel Reynolds, "Organization of the League," Aurora (Morgantown, 1898), 9.
35. Winifred O. South, "A Tribute to the Memory of Lulu Garlow," Athenaeum (Morgantown), 23 February 1897, 231. South was the first WVU woman to receive an advanced degree when she was granted the M.A. for her thesis "An Outline History of the History of the Higher Education of Women in the United States."
36. Martha Brock and Winifred O. South, "Lulu Garlow," Athenaeum, 23 February 1897, 231.
37. Martha Brock, "A Memorial Sketch," Athenaeum, 23 February 1897, 230-231.
38. "New Department Created," Daily New Dominion (Morgantown), 10 September 1897.
39. Norris, "New Occasions and New Duties," University Daily.
40. Paraphrased table of contents from "Woman's Sphere, A Series of Twelve Articles," Aurora (Morgantown, 1898).
41. Ella E. Egbert, "The Woman's League," Monticola (Morgantown: Acme Publishing, 1899), 151.
42. See, among many, Lynn D. Gordon, "Co-Education on Two Campuses: Berkeley and Chicago, 1890-1912," in Woman's Being, Woman's Place; Female Identity and Vocation in American History, ed. by Mary Kelly (Boston: O.K. Hall & Co., 1979); Barbara Miller Solomon, In the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women and Higher Education in America (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1985); and John Mack Faragher and Florence Howe, Women and Higher Education in American History: Essays from the Mount Holyoke College Sesquicentennial Symposia (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1988).
43. Glasscock [Reynolds], "Coed Facts" and Showalter, "Beginnings," WVU Women's Centenary; Centenary Currents, 1 (January 1989):2.5.
44. Gerda Lerner, "The Challenges of Women's History," in Liberal Education and the New Scholarship on Women: Issues and Constraints in Institutional Change, A Report of the Wingspread Conference, October 22-24, 1981 (Racine, WI: Assoc. of American Colleges, 1981), 41.
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