What is Violence?
Although the terms violence and aggression are often used interchangeably,
there are some distinctions that can be made between them. Violence can
be seen as a form of physical assault based on an intent to injure another
person or destroy the property of others. To continue this definition,
"violence in sport violates the norms and rules of the contest, threatens
lives and property, and usually cannot be anticipated by the persons affected"
(Smith, 1983, p. 6).
There may be several
causes for why some athletes value violence: societal, institutional,
and personal. Historian Richard Maxwell Brown (1969) stated "we must realize
that violence has not been the action only of roughnecks and racists among
us but has been the tactic of the most upright and respected of our people"
(pp. 75-76). Also mentioned was the integration of violence into the American
value system. We have all become immune to certain levels of violence
and this is a cause for concern. Today's world tends to call violent or
aggressive acts "unsportsmanlike conduct." Is this term softening the
negative reality of the acts it is representing?
Coakley (1981) pointed
"The commercialization of sport has led to an emphasis on heroic values
(including violence) for the purpose of generating and maintaining spectator
interest. And violence has come to be used as an effective tactic in
winning games and enhancing the commercial reputation and popularity
of individual athletes.
experiences of athletes in many sports includes the learning of violent
tactics. The approval of these tactics by significant others in the
lives of young athletes serves to intensify the extent to which they
incorporate violence into their own sport behavior" (p. 52).
What is Aggression?
Aggression can be generally defined as all behavior intended to destroy
another person's property or to injure another person, physically or psychologically.
It has been reported that action has to violate norms and rules shared
by society in order to be defined as aggressive. Several experiments (Tedeschi,
Gaes, & Rivera, 1977) found that a protagonist who intends to cause injury
is only judged by witnesses to be aggressive when his behavior is also
judged to be antinormative; in other words, when they are opposing the
social rules that apply to that particular situation. Judgment is the
same when the action or "intent to injure" constitutes a response to a
previous provocation. If, however, the action exceeds the preceding deed,
the revenge is viewed as excessive and judged as inappropriate and aggressive.
What is Deviance?
All behavior which would be prohibited or defined as criminal in another
setting outside of sports can be considered deviant. Deviant behavior
is usually that which departs from the norm; anything that goes against
the accepted societal standards could be classified as such.
There have been discussions
among theorists and researchers that identify a correlation between competition
level and deviance. The higher the competitive level of sport, the more
lenient we are to deviance in sport; which could be "fueling the fire"
of our athletes since they are usually able to get away with it or there
are only minimal punishments. As mentioned in the discussion of violence,
once society accepts a mode of behavior (whether deviant or not), it is
very difficult to change that attitude. Many administrators, officials,
and coaches may find punishing athletes for certain behaviors that were
previously rewarded is not easy.
There are several elements
- compulsive or self-destructive
- use of performance
- viewing the goal
of winning as the end to justify the means
- various crimes that
are less violent (property damage, stealing, etc.)
Edwin Sutherland (1939) developed a theory of delinquency that focuses
on patterns of differential association. This means that individuals learn
deviant behavior from other people within a cultural setting. "Socialization
into delinquent and criminal behavior occurs in much the same way that
one leans to be a conformist or any other social behavior" (Snyder & Spreitzer,
1989, p. 136). To explain this, let's look at the coaches influence on
their players. If the coach were to exert an influence on the players'
behavior off the field in the form of training rules and regulations that
are contrary to the delinquent subculture, the delinquent associations
would probably discontinue.
This theory takes a look at the negativism and anti-establishment values,
norms, and behaviors that are inherent in the delinquent subculture (Snyder
& Spreitzer, 1989). This means that delinquent behavior often represents
a rebellion that flows from the perception of a lack of benefits received
from school and resentment of punitive sanctions. Today's society typically
rewards sport participation in the form of positive public recognition
and self-satisfaction. For this reason, athletes are more likely to embrace
the dominant culture rather than a deviant subculture, who's benefits
are not as readily identified.
This theory refrains from focusing on the individual and holds that deviance
is not inherent in the person but is socially determined and applied by
social control agents. Becker (1963) described this by:
"Social groups create
deviance by making the rules whose infraction constitutes deviance,
and by applying those rules to particular people and labeling them as
outsiders. From this point of view, deviance is not a quality of the
act the person commits, but rather a consequence of the application
by others of rules and sanctions to an 'offender.' The deviant is one
to whom that label has successfully been applied; deviant behavior is
behavior that people so label" (p.9).
This theory can be
observed when the behavior of poor and minority groups is more likely
to be defined as deviant than the same behavior by middle class groups.
As an example, when "applied to the behavior of athletes, they may be
defined as 'good kids,' and the 'delinquent acts' they commit may be labeled
merely 'mischievous' pranks" (Snyder & Spreitzer, 1989, p. 137).
This theory assumes that delinquent behavior is restrained or contained
by social control mechanisms. This control of delinquency could develop
from internal or external ideals about oneself. An example of an internal
control would be an individual's identity being based on the perception
that he/she is law abiding or conformist. External control may come from
external agencies such as family, school, church, or youth organizations.
"In short, the social bonds or attachments to these organizations are
satisfying; consequently, a violation of these norms would threaten one's
participation in them"(Snyder & Spreitzer, 1989, p. 138).
The first step in prevention
is to recognize that there is a problem. If you have made it this far,
then you're on the right track! There are many different programs and
methods of prevention that an organization or program could utilize, but
you need to make sure that you are implementing a strategy that is appropriate
for the sport participants you are dealing with and the environment within
which the sport takes place.
In her article "Sports
and violence discussed," Emily McNiel addresses several issues dealing
with sport and aggression. As Steve McDonnell, manager of Iowa State's
Athletic Academic Services stated, the Iowa State Athletic Department
is addressing the issue of athletes and violence in three ways.
"One way we're addressing
this issue is that our coaches are taking a stronger stance of requiting
athletes of character. Two is that our staff has a new student-athlete
orientation program that is designed to educate them on the rules and
expectations of the university," he said. He identified the third way
as the ongoing use of an education program. This program covers several
topical areas dealing with sexual responsibility: acquaintance rape, sexual
harassment, and appropriate sexual behavior. The department endorses other
programs as well; these deal with alcohol use and abuse.
Dr. Jean Mundy (1997),
in an article for the National Recreation and Park Association's Journal,
Parks & Recreation, she outlined a procedure that could be utilized for
social skills training. There are five basic steps in developing social
Step One: Instruction
Step one in the training process begins with an introduction to, and verbal
instruction in, the skill to be learned.
Step Two: Demonstration
The trainer gives several demonstrations (modeling) of the behaviors that
constitute the skill. It is critical at this point that the leader be
very familiar with performing the skill correctly.
Step Three: Practice
Each participant is given guided opportunities to rehearse and practice
the behaviors that comprise the skill (role playing) in a nonthreatening
and supportive environment.
Step Four: Performance
Following role plays, each participant is given: (a) feedback regarding
how well he or she performed the technique being used (performance feedback),
(b) reinforcement and (c) suggestions for improvement. Goldstein and Glick
(1987) offer the following guidelines for providing reinforcement effectively:
- Provide positive
reinforcement only after the skill is performed properly.
- Provide the degree
of reinforcement that matches the quality of the performance of the
- Provide no reinforcement
when the skill practice departs significantly from the proper practice
of the skill.
- Provide reinforcement
for improvement in the use of the skill.
Step Five: Real-Life
Once the specific skill has been mastered in a controlled environment,
participants then use the skills in their everyday lives. Reports of successes
and problems are provided by participants to the facilitator weekly for
follow up and additional practice if necessary.
Mundy also suggests
some possible topics to address when dealing with anger and aggression
(she lists more in her article than what is listed below):
- discuss how to know
when you are getting angry
- discuss what you
can do when you know you are getting angry to reduce your anger
- demonstrate and
practice anger reducers
- discuss what "triggers"
anger or aggression: external and internal factors
- discuss the possible
consequences (of angry and aggressive responses in conflict situations)
on the person, the other people involved in the situation, and on the
- have the participants
identify and discuss their behaviors that trigger anger in other people
- introduce learning
new, alternative behaviors to use in place of behaviors that trigger
angry responses in people
Where Can I Get
The mission of
Project TEAMWORK is to encourage greater sensitivity among people to racial,
ethnic, and gender issues impacting their lives. Project TEAMWORK seeks
to train young people in conflict resolution skills, providing them with
alternative strategies to handle the conflicts they face.
and Abuse in Sport
A policy dealing with harassment and abuse is essential--without such
a policy, a sport organization would have difficulty demonstrating that
they have satisfied their legal obligation to provide a safe environment
for their participants. This site contains information regarding laws
governing sport organizations, risk management to prevent harassment and
abuse in sport, harassment and abuse policy, among other pertinent topics.
the Violence Campaign
This campaign is aimed at trying to stop soccer fan violence.
watchers at a doubles final of the Player's international tennis championship
in Toronto roar in expectation when John McEnroe challenges opponent
Steve Denton to a fight and strides purposefully toward him (Toronto
Star, August 16, 1982: C1).
City: the city's coordinator of ice sports bans spectators from minor
hockey games because they "have been encouraging players to attack
their opponents." Six games have been brought to a halt by battling
fans (Toronto Star, January 25, 1979: A1).
400 matadors have died from injuries received in Spanish bullrings
since 1850, many, perhaps most, as a result of taking dangerous chances
in an effort to please the crowd (Collins and LaPierre, 1969).
team doctor of the Bath Rugby Club, and a former player, on rugby
union: "Before, the crowds would exhort their team to better efforts.
Now they exhort their team to maim. Now you hear cries like 'Kill
him! Sort him out. Fix him!'" (Atyeo, 1979: 189)
Why do spectators
behave this way?
Many theories attempt to explain this, but few have supporting evidence.
Some believe that sports teams "become a central symbol for the community
in which they are based, and consequently, an important source of identification
and pride" (Semyonov & Farbstein, 1989). A strong identification often
develops between the spectator and the team for which he/she has an association.
This identification will lead to spectators feeling as if the competitions
between teams represents competition among communities as well. These
communities may be ethnic, social, economic, political, or class related.
Semyonov & Farbstein
(1989), in a study entitled "Ecology of Sports Violence: The case of Israeli
soccer" found that there appeared to be a correlation between player violence
and the type of community that team represented. They stated, "player
violence tends to be higher in urban communities and lower in rural places"
Other causes, aside
from player violence, have been identified as factors that promote violence
in spectators. These may include the creation of increased intergroup
hostility by the news media, high expectations of team success, and conscious
efforts to heighten crowd excitement through rallies, pageantry, cheerleaders,
and school songs. An extensive study of fan aggression, associated with
79 sport events in one university community, was conducted by Bryan and
Horton during the 1974-1975 academic year. The results of this study pinpointed
several factors as increasing the likelihood of collective violence.
- Spectator violence
and aggression will be more likely to occur during and after team sport
spectacles than for individual sports. Spectators can more easily identify
with team than with individuals.
- Spectator violence
and aggression will be more likely to occur if and when the losing team
becomes frustrated and aggressive. Anger causes anger.
- Spectator violence
and aggression will be more likely to occur when one or more of the
competing teams is sponsored by a large school. Small schools provide
more legitimate opportunities for students self-display; urban spectators
are more likely to anchor their identities in spectatorship.
- Team members are
likely to exhibit more violence and aggression if spectators are present.
The presence of spectators changes the nature of the game from "play"
- Spectator violence
and aggression are more likely to occur at the end of a game rather
than during its actual progress.
- Spectator violence
and aggression are more likely to occur at homecoming games than during
other, more typical contests. More time and effort are given toward
the development of in-group solidarity and out-group hostility by the
- Spectator violence
and aggression are more likely to occur at games which are played between
- Patterns of spectator
violence and aggression at college sports events will be similar to
those which occur at high school games. "More education" is not a deterrent
to fan aggression.
- Spectator violence
and aggression are more likely to occur when the competing teams are
from neighboring communities or schools than when the schools are geographically
Atyeo, D. (1979). Blood
and Guts. New York: Paddington.
Becker, H. (1963). Outsiders:
Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York: The Free Press.
Brown, R. (1969). Historical
patterns of violence in America. In H. Graham & T. Gurr (Eds.), The
history of violence in America: Historical and comparative perspectives.
A report submitted to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention
of Violence. New York: Praeger.
Bryan, C., & Horton,
R. (1976). Athletic events and spectacular spectators: A longitudinal
study of fan aggression. Paper presented at the American Educational
Coakley, J. (1981).
The sociological perspective: Alternative causations of violence in sport.
Arena, 5(1), 44-56.
Collins, L., & LaPierre,
D. (1969). Or I'll Dress You in Mourning. Toronto: Signet.
Mundy, J. (1997). Developing
anger and aggression control in recreation and park systems. Parks
& Recreation, (March), 63-69.
Semyonov, M. & Farbstein,
M. (1989). Ecology of sports violence: The case of Israeli soccer. Sociology
of Sport Journal, 6, 50-59.
Smith, M. D. (1983).
Violence and Sport. Toronto: Butterworth & Co.
Snyder, E. E., & Spreitzer,
E. A. (1989). Social Aspects of Sport. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall,
Sutherland, E. H. (1939).
Principles of Criminology. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott.
Tedeschi, J. T., Gaes,
G. G., & Rivera, A. N. (1977). Aggression and the use of coercive power.
Journal of Social Issues, 33, 101-125.