Recent months have seen the rise of a group known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The organization, formed in 2013, grew out of al-Qaida in Iraq and is led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, a battlefield commander. ISIS — which includes thousands of fighters, many of whom are foreign nationals — appears to be surpassing al-Qaida as the most dangerous jihadist group. Its recent past has been marked by a number of military successes; ISIS now controls vast amounts of land, numerous cities and several oil fields providing it with cash assets worth more than $2 billion (BBC 2014). ISIS’ drastic surge in influence is attributed to the ongoing Syrian civil war and the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq (Lister 2014).
Unlike most local and transnational jihadist organizations that seek to confront the West or topple existing regimes however, its primary goal is the establishment of “a state that bears its thoughts and beliefs” (RCSS 2014). While the radical group began garnering support through positive measures, including cooperation with the country’s main tribal figures and providing social welfare programs to Sunni populations, it has recently begun imposing rigid Sharia law in the regions it controls. Its policies have had strong negative effects on the status of already-suffering Iraqi women, many of whom are frequently harassed, threatened and even taken by its adherents (Blumenfeld 2014). As a result, the Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq claims that its focus shifted from “legal work and improving rights of women to working in a state of emergency and trying to [get women] to safety” (Lister 2014). There is thus little doubt that this situation is one requiring prompt attention. However, given the unprecedented attention that the issue of women in post-conflict situations has recently received — notably with the passing of U.N. Resolution 1325 — there is also little doubt that this turn of events could have been mitigated, if not avoided.
As the growth of ISIS illustrates, the most serious dangers for women come after a conflict has waned — in phases of post-war reconstruction. During such periods, nations are often fragile and present power vacuums that facilitate the rise of extremist groups. It is also in the post-conflict environment that pre-war gender attitudes are once again adopted and women lose all of the gains they made in times of war (Stewart 2010). Given the prevalence of conflict and the pre-existing patriarchal structures in the Middle East and North Africa region along with the importance of improving the status of women, it is essential to understand the changes that can be made to reconstruction processes in order to avoid such nefarious consequences. A better understanding of women in conflict, as well as the shifts that occur in their status and roles, is central to analyzing the nexus of gender and issues of nationalism, citizenship, nation-building, post-conflict reconstruction and peace-building (Pankhurst 2007).
It is only since the recent passage of U.N. Resolution 1325, which addresses the notion of mainstreaming gender issues in conflict, that studying the impact of war on women and the role of women in peace-building and conflict resolution has gained traction in the international community (Al-Ali 2009). Resolution 1325 takes as its basis four main pillars: participation, protection, prevention, and relief and recovery, and concerns itself with the intersection of gender and electoral laws, civil rights, political contribution, societal involvement and economic participation (USIP 2014). This initiative recognizes that attempts to promote strategic gender interests should be placed on level footing with the national — often patriarchal — political, economic and social agendas. It has been described by the United States Institute of Peace as “a landmark international legal framework that addresses not only the inordinate impact of war on women, but also the pivotal role women should and do play in conflict management, conflict resolution and sustainable peace.” By excluding women from reconstruction processes, “a vital perspective in the analysis of conflict as well as strategies toward peace-building that focus on creating ties across opposing factions and increasing the inclusiveness, transparency, and sustainability of peace processes” were all lost (USIP 2014).
What needs to be emphasized is that involving women in post-conflict reconstruction will not simply be a matter of what Nadje Al-Ali (2005, 476) has termed “just add women and stir.” In order to establish an active and constructive role for women in post-conflict societies, the primary objective should be to protect them from gender-based violence and ensure their safety. Subsequently, women should be appointed to post-conflict governments on a significant scale. They would also have to be present and active in the judicial branch, police forces, human rights monitoring agencies, an independent media and all facets of the economy (Al-Ali 2005, 477). Finally, the creation of women’s groups, NGOs and community-based organizations should all be supported (Al-Ali 2005). Only through the effective implementation of such measures will women be sure that the economic, social and political sacrifices and gains they have made in times of war will carry through to times of peace. The overarching goal should be to provide women with security and peace as defined by Al-Ali and Pratt, as the “the fair distribution of resources to enable people’s access to livelihoods and to ensure political and social justice regardless of gender, race, class [or] religion” (Al-Ali 2009, 19).
Had the guidelines set forth in the resolution been applied by the coalition forces before their withdrawal from Iraq, ISIS’ stance toward women would certainly not have gained the same level of support; including females in the reconstruction process would have provided a counterweight to the patriarchal perspectives on society and religion that prevail and serve as a cornerstone for the organization’s radical platform. Additionally, these measures would have served to strengthen the social capital of Iraqi communities; social ties weakened by the war left many youth vulnerable and thus prone to being recruited by an extremist group such as ISIS promising them a brighter future. As the future of Iraq is once again uncertain, the struggle for improving women’s condition should not be relegated to a secondary concern. If anything, global political, humanitarian and economic elites should use this conflict to pioneer women’s participation in reconstruction efforts; the well-being of an entire nation cannot exist without the well-being of its women.
Giacomo Frateschi is an intern for the Baker Institute’s Women and Human Rights in the Middle East Program. A Rice University senior majoring in political science, Frateschi’s interests include international relations, the Middle East and conflict studies.
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Blumenfeld, Zoe, and Zahra Radwan. 2014. “Women Face Surging Violence In Iraq.” Middle East Eye, June 30. http://www.middleeasteye.net/columns/women-face-surging-violence-iraq-281389427.
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