If everything had gone as planned, October 14th would be celebrated today as the beginning of Cuba's first War of Independence. It is unlikely that the uprising would be known as the "Grito de Yara," and Francisco Vicente Aguilera, not Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, would be the Father of Our Country. But nothing went as planned. Spanish authorities learned beforehand of the uprising and cabled the local authorities to arrest its leaders. The telegram was intercepted by Cespedes' cousin, the town telegrapher, who delivered it to Carlos Manuel. Céspedes moved the date of the uprising to October 10th and launched the revolution at his own plantation with the symbolic act of freeing his slaves. Cubans understood, even if the Americans never did, that you can't fight for your freedom while denying it to others. It was not possible to inform Aguilera, the island's richest planter who had been chosen to lead the Revolution, of the change in plans. His reaction? Not only unconditional support, but Aguilera even agreed to serve as Cespedes' vice-president. This was the greatest act of abnegation in Cuban history, and if all the civil and military authorities had followed Aguilera's example, the monumental hecatomb of the Ten Years' War would have been crowned with victory. Instead, in the middle of the war, Céspedes was deposed and the Revolution deprived of the unity that alone could guarantee victory. The War ended in a truce in 1878, which at least obtained the freedom of the slaves who had fought for independence. The war would be resumed 17 years later, in 1895, by José Martí, who mended all the fences and united all the wills, and achieved the miracle of unity among Cubans in our definitive struggle for independence. The objective was achieved even if the victory was co-opted by the Americans who had been waiting 75 years for the apple to fall. Our wars of independence hold many useful lessons for Cubans both on the island and in exile. In his excellent "Critique" of recent events in Cuba, Charlie Bravo of Killcastro distills all these lessons as they apply directly to the dissident movement in Cuba today. His "Critique" is a primer for civil disobedience in Cuba, indeed, for any concerted action, whether civil or not. It should not seem odd that the lessons of our wars of independence should be applicable to this peaceful contest (peaceful at least on the side of the dissidents). But success or failure in either case depends on the same factors. Resistance to Castro will prosper or perish in accordance with how faithfully it adheres to the strategies outlined by Charlie Bravo in his critique, which we urge you to read and ponder.