and conceptual dimensions of immigrant ethnic identity
Lora Pallotta &
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
University of Toronto
Address for correspondence:
Department of Human Development and Applied Psychology
Ontario Institute for Studies in Education
University of Toronto
252 Bloor Street West, 9th Floor
Toronto, ON M5S 1V6
Emigration creates new dimensions
of identity that individuals incorporate into their conception of
themselves. The personal and political circumstances that lead to
the decision to leave ones home characterize this newly emerging
facet of self. Depending upon the chain of events surrounding their
emigration, people may come to view themselves as newcomers or foreigners,
refugees or expatriates. Therefore, self and our personal concept
of it "is not something just there, but rather,
something constructed out of sense and memory by acts of imagination"
(Bruner & Kalmar, 1998, p. 309). These acts of imagination result
from reflexive dialogical activities through which identity emerges
as a specialized product of the personality system (Lewis &
Ferrari, in press).
Thus, creation of new aspects of
personal identity raises questions about the content and development
of self-conceptions. Defining oneself in any new way involves more
than merely ascribing new self-descriptors, there is an evaluative
aspect to personal identity (Taylor, 1985) that typically requires
individuals to hold some type self-theory that explains aspects
of their self-conceptions to themselves and to others.
Along with this evaluative component
to personal identity, self-narratives are important to explaining
who we are and what we stand for, both to ourselves and others.
Recent research has presented models of identity that are autobiographical
in nature (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998, Freeman & Brockmeier,
in press, McAdams, 1993; Ferrari & Mahalingham, 1998). "We
tell ourselves about our own Self and about other Selves in the
form of story" (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998). Thus, we are able
to elaborate who we are through the telling of self-narratives.
The stories we tell reveal cues of our selfhood and selfhood in
others (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998). For instance, McAdams, Diamond,
de St. Aubin, and Mansfield (1997) view identity as an internalized
and evolving life story, "a way of telling the self to the
self and others, through a story or set of stories complete with
settings, scenes, characters, plots, and themes" (p. 678).
Furthermore, autobiography is rooted in action (Lewis & Ferrari,
in press). For instance, if a person conceives of herself as adventurous,
then the narratives she tells herself and others must be rooted
in actions that she conceives of as adventurous. Thus, self-narratives
are derived from actions or expressed through actions. The self
is transformed through interplay between the narratives we endorse
and past, present and future life events (Ferrari & Mahalingam,
1998). Furthermore, from a narrative perspective of self-conception,
the most profound changes in selfhood are revealed by the turning
points in an individuals autobiography (Bruner & Kalmar,
The case of immigrant development
of self-conception provides an interesting perspective from which
to study the content and emergence of self-conceptions because of
traceable emergence of such a turning point (Dien, 2000). For a
self-conception of "immigrant" and all of its possible
variants (e.g., newcomer or refugee) to emerge, the action of emigration
must occur. Thus, if one does not leave his or her nation of origin
to settle somewhere else, such a self-conception will never emerge.
It is plausible, therefore, to consider the emergence of such a
self-conception as situation-specific. An analogous example of another
situation-specific dimension of self-conception would be conceiving
of oneself as a parent. Such a self-conception may emerge only after
the birth or adoption of a child, and would not develop as a self-conception
unless such an event occurs.
Looking at such situation-specific
constituents of self-conception enables the theorist or researcher
to isolate and examine one of many threads woven into the complex
tapestry of the self. Moreover, depending upon the age at which
individuals emigrate, they may have vivid memories of the emergence
or role of their conception of themselves as immigrants, which may
be studied (Dien, 2000). In the remainder of this essay, we will
consider how immigrant self-conceptions develop and whether they
require multiple theories of self. We begin with a brief review
of the ethnic identity literature, with a focus on ethnic self-conceptualization.
Self-conceptions as theories of
As discussed so far, self-conception
implies that individuals possess clearly conceived internalized
portraits of themselves composed of the traits, attributes, abilities
and qualities that they believe define who they are. Yet, answering
the question, "who am I?", has occupied the philosopher,
poet, novelist, and psychologist for centuries, suggesting that
there is more to satisfactorily defining and understanding the self.
Merely defining who we are in terms of what we like to do, or what
qualities and skills we believe we posses is not an adequate definition
of self-conception. Taylor (1985, 1989) views the ability to reflect
upon who we are and articulate our evaluations about preferences,
the quality of life, or the kind of beings we are or want to be
as central to our existence as human agents. Following Taylor (1989),
self-conception cannot be given merely through listing traits, preferences
or self-descriptors (although these may be subsumed in identity);
instead, personal identity is defined by the capacity of the agent
to evaluate especially the qualitative worth of his or her desires.
The ability to formulate such articulations of what is contradictory,
as in the example above, confusing or inchoate is what shapes our
sense of significance of what is important or desired by the self
Therefore, self-conception involves
holding or creating explicit or implicit accounts that explain the
varied and complex aspects of the self, and which are even able
to reconcile apparent contradictions. For instance, a person may
develop an account to explain to herself or others how she may be
both accommodating and stubborn (Pallotta & Ferrari, 2000).
Being able to account for such an incongruity not only requires
a person to articulate an explanation or rationale, but also to
be able to evaluate the fact that an apparent self-contradiction
exists. Yet, if self-conception involves accounts to explain who
a person believes himself or herself to be, then two questions remain:
What forms do these accounts take? And how do they deal with the
multiple dimensions of self that may exist?
Research on self-conceptualizations
of ethnicity has emphasized the role of states of mind, feelings,
self-assertions, internal struggles and self-narratives. Knight
and his colleagues (1993), for example, argue that because ethnic
identity is an integral part of the self-concept and a product of
the socialization process, it is unique to each individual, and
it is not necessarily the same even among members of the same ethnic
group. Similarly, Bernal and her colleagues (1993) define ethnic
identity as part of the self-concept in their model of the development
of childrens ethnic identity. Specifically, they extend Harters
(1983) developmental framework for self-descriptions that involve
multiple domains of the self (e.g., social competence, achievement
competence) to include childrens view of their ethnic self.
A related study by Phinney and colleagues (1997) on the role of
ethnic identity as a predictor of global self-esteem found strong
support for the importance of group identity as a predictor of self-esteem
even when a number of other variables were measured.
Several social constructs also arise
from the study of self-identity in an ethnic context. The
main focus of such research is on the processes and effects that
culture, environment and other people have on identity. In a large
scale study of the results of a survey of 2,338 respondents in Toronto,
Breton and his colleagues (1990) describe ethnic identity as comprising
at least one of six components: (a) distinct overt and covert cultural
behaviour patterns; (b) personal ties and friendship networks; (c)
organizational ties (i.e., to churches, enterprises and media);
(d) associations such as clubs; (e) functions sponsored by ethnic
organizations such as picnics; and (f) identity as a social-psychological
phenomenon (p.10). From this perspective "ethnic identity is
defined as one aspect of the way in which individuals conceive of
their location within and their relationship to the social system
at large and to others in it" (Breton et al., 1990, p. 11).
A key theme of these six components is the relation between internal
and external aspects of identity.
Likewise, Phinney (1993) distinguishes
between the focus on either content or process that exists in ethnic
identity research. A focus on content entails attention to "the
actual ethnic behaviors that individuals practice, along with their
attitudes toward their ethnic group" (p.64). Alternatively,
research on the processes of ethnic identity centers upon "the
way in which individuals come to understand the implications of
their ethnicity and make decisions about its role in their lives,
regardless of the extent of their ethnic involvement" (Phinney,
1993, p.64). Casas and Pyltuk (1995) follow Phinneys distinction
between content and process, yet modify it by further distinguishing
enculturation (i.e., normative socialization experiences of ones
own culture) and acculturation, "the product of culture learning
that occurs as a result of contact between the members of two or
more distinct groups" for understanding ethnic identity (p.158).
This interplay between internal and
external dimensions is also prevalent in other conceptualizations
of ethnic identity (Sodowsky, Kwan & Pannu, 1995; Nagel, 1994;
Bacon, 1996). The division of ethnic identity into internal aspects
such as states of mind and feelings, and external or observable
social cultural behaviors such as ethnic language use and participation
in group functions and activities, highlights the interaction of
the psychological and the social dimensions of ethnicity (Sodowsky
et al., 1995). Although such a distinction is made, the focus of
social research is on the role of external aspects of ethnic identity,
as such, these theories seek to explain how social factors such
as environment, culture and language use affect peoples interpretation
of the self.
Some research claims that the labels
given to certain groups by society may impinge upon aspects of the
individuals self-concept. In a study using focus groups, Carrillos
and Simmons (1999) described the positive and negative aspects of
adopting the Latino label among Latino youths in Toronto.
On the positive side, the label provides a sense of cultural pride
and group solidarity. Yet, at the same time, those who wish to stereotype
Latin Americans give the term a negative connotation.
Some authors claim that the labels
ascribed to certain groups by society may impinge upon aspects of
the individuals self-concept. For instance, in an analysis
of a large-scale survey of children in South Florida and Southern
California, Portes and MacLeod (1996) explored the ethnic self-identification
of second-generation children whose parents came from Latin America
to the United States. They found that children who adopted the pan-ethnic
label Hispanic, reported poorer English skills, lower
self-esteem and higher rates of poverty than children who identified
themselves as hyphenated Americans or as Americans (Portes &
MacLeod, 1996). And Bacon (1996) notes that ethnic groups and other
subcultures in American society are faced with the same definitional
tasks, as they must work out basic identity issues such as "Who
are we? Who am I? What does it mean to be Latino"?
(p.XIV). Thus, at the fundamental level, ethnicity "can shape
identities by determining who people are in their own eyes and those
of others" (Breton, 1990, p.5). Interestingly, the study by
Phinney and colleagues (1997) did not find support for the claim
made by social identity theorists (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) that
if other people view ones group negatively, negative self
evaluations will result.
Furthermore, choosing to refer to
oneself using a self-generated ethnic label fails to prevent the
emergence of strong citizenship attitudes toward ones host
nation. For instance, analyses of a 1991 National survey (n = 3325
respondents) on ethnicity and citizenship attitudes in Canada revealed
that when asked to choose one particular identity, respondents of
British and all other ethnic origins (outside of Quebec) selected
Canadian identity before ethnic identity (Kalin, 1995, p.37). Thus,
the choice of an ethnic label does not necessarily preclude the
expression of a sense of civic nationalism, nor does it appear to
prevent the existence of multiple self-conceptions (e.g., an "ethnic
self" and a "Canadian self").
Social-psychological models of ethnic
self-conception describe ethnicity and the effects
of the social phenomenon related to it, such as acculturation and
assimilation, in the context of social category membership in which
"ethnic identification [is] reflected in a constellation of
social categorizations in which the self is located" (Cameron
& Lalonde, 1994, p.515). Ethnic identification occurs at various
levels such as at the interpersonal level (e.g. with friends and
family) and at the inclusive levels of social categories such as
the ethnic group, and nationality (Cameron & Lalonde, 1994).
Cameron and Lalonde (1994) view acculturation as the mechanism for
such intergenerational ethnic change. They follow the distinction
made by Berry (1990) between acculturation and psychological acculturation
to account for changes at the cultural level and changes at the
level of the individual. Specifically, in a review of the acculturation
research Berry (1997) distinguishes between acculturation (i.e.,
the cultural changes resulting from group encounters), and psychological
acculturation and adaptation. The latter two terms "are employed
to refer to the psychological changes and eventual outcomes that
occur as a result of individuals experiencing acculturation"
(p.6). Furthermore, Berry (1997) presents an acculturation framework
intended to identify the key variables essential for conducting
studies of psychological acculturation (p.15).
Narrative approaches to self-conception
are a branch of psychological research that attempts to answer these
and related questions by focusing upon the autobiographical dimensions
of personality and identity. A growing body of narrative-based theories
of personality and identity has recently emerged (e.g., McAdams,
Hoffman, Mansfield, & Day, 1996; McAdams 1985, 1990, 1993; Lewis
and Ferrari, in press; Bruner and Kalmar, 1998; Ricoeur, 1986)
General Foundations of a Narrative
View of Self-Conception
Narrative is how people convey their
articulations and evaluations, and thus reveal their personal identities.
From this theoretical standpoint, self emerges from life story,
or autobiography. However, understanding the self in narrative terms
involves more than simply viewing a person as the sum of the stories
they tell about themselves. In defining a person from an autobiographical
perspective, several dimensions must be considered before applying
this narrative view of self-concept to immigrants.
Narrative self-conception surfaces
from the interplay between events and our perception of those events
re-constructed in a narrative form (Burger & Miller, 1999; Nelson,
1996; Ricoeur, 1986). Bruner and Kalmar (1998) view self as developing
from the world as experienced by the individual. The events and
circumstances that shape self-conception are fashioned from the
world we experience to fit our continually developing concept of
ourselves: "So while the experienced world may produce the
Self, Self also produces the experienced world" (p. 309). Thus,
the experienced world and self have a chiastic relationship that
works to shape self-conception. Further, from this relationship
there emerges the somewhat paradoxical interaction between the stable,
yet dynamic nature of self-concept evidenced in narrative. Despite
the apparent presence of a fixed self, there is an inconstant quality
to our personal identities. Bruner and Kalmar (1998) note that approximately
one-third of self-referent sentences in autobiographical interviews
contained linguistic markers of uncertainty (i.e. subjunctives and
modals of uncertainty), which they refer to as "Hamlet-like
musings" (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998, p. 308). Even though most
people may feel that they have a sense of who they are, our interactions
with the world and our ability to reflect upon these interactions
allows personal identity to develop or change. So, what elements
of our self-concept are dynamic and which remain unchanged?
Lewis and Ferrari (in press)
recently proposed a model of identity to account for the interplay
between stability and change in ones self-conception. The
theory distinguishes between implicit and explicit dimensions of
identity (Lewis & Ferrari, in press). Implicit identity (i.e.,
personality) involves interpretations, emotions, goals, and intentions
and provides the foundation for psychological sameness over the
lifespan (Lewis & Ferrari, in press). It remains relatively
implicit, and unconscious, and it describes the identity of infants
and nonhuman animals. Explicit identity (i.e., autobiographical
identity) is a specialized product of personality that often relies
on semantic, reflective, and deliberate conscious activities. It
is the dimension of identity that is the dynamic counterpoint to
the anchor of personality. This theory proposes that personal identity
is experienced by people as statements, stances, policies, or stories
about themselves and how they live their lives (Lewis & Ferrari,
in press). Thus, expression of personal identity takes on autobiographical
and dialogic narrative forms. This model also considers the roles
that culture and emotion play in theories of narrative self-conception.
Immigrant Ethnic Identity as Narrative
Both Berry (1990, 1997) and
Bacon (1996) have conceptualized the sociological construct of assimilation
in psychological terms in an effort to account for the effects of
this process at the individual level. Assimilation is often viewed
as a "process that transforms somebody alien into someone who
is part of the mainstream" (Bacon, 1996, p. XIV);
however, in her case study of five immigrant families, Bacon (1996)
defines assimilation as a social-psychological process of identity
formation in which assimilation is viewed as a day-to day social
process, that is about creating an identity that locates oneself
in the social world. Bacons (1996) model of intergenerational
change explains the processes of assimilation within the context
of the social world of the family. At one level, the model focuses
on an "intergenerational change dynamic" which is "a
consequence of parental history and the memories and expectations
formed in the past coming up against the demands of the current
environment in which their children live" (p.243). At a second
level, a series of filters shape the way the intergenerational
change dynamic is played out. The types of filters may vary
among different ethnic groups. For example, in the case of Indians
residing in the Chicago area, prototypes, "the comparisons
people make of themselves to the standard Indian experiences"(Bacon,
1996, p.234) are a filter which influences the behavioral and ideological
issues within the family. Similar filters may be operating within
other immigrant groups, who may also have standard group experiences
which they use to compare and contrast their own behavior and beliefs
as group members.
The importance of such interrelationships
between the individual and his or her social milieu in explaining
the multidimensional nature of identity is also prevalent in other
ethnic identity research. The Students Multiple Worlds Study
(SWM), for instance, created a theoretical model of the interrelationships
between students family, peer, and school worlds, and the
effects that the socially derived knowledge and understandings from
each of these worlds had on student learning and school engagement
(Yu, Soukamneuth, & Lazarin, 1999). This model is based upon
two waves of surveys of six schools, site visits, and focus groups
with single race ethnic groups in which students were asked about
their attitudes and behavior towards different ethnic groups. The
SMW approach helps us understand adolescents from ethnic and minority
backgrounds (Yu et al., 1999). "Worlds" in this model
refers to the cultural knowledge and behavior found within different
social contexts such as the family, peer groups and schools; each
world, contains its own sets of values, beliefs, expectations, actions
and responses familiar to insiders. This idea of worlds is similar
to Bacons (1996) construct of "family idiom"the
overarching themes that "form the basis of the unique perspective
and language developed by each family
that each family member
appears to share" (p.13). Moreover, the idea of multiple worlds
is related to the compartmentalization of narratives and practices
in ones personal cognitive development (Ferrari & Mahalingham,
Related to the constructs of worlds
and the boundaries that exist between them is the idea of the salient
reference group and its relationship to ethnicity. Sodowsky and
colleages (1999) note that ones ethnic identity is likely
to be heightened when one is exposed to an immediate environment
like the school or the workplace, in which an ethnic person is confronted
by two cultural groups (i.e., by the dominant cultural group and
ones own ethnic group) whose respective values or expectations
may differ. Moreover, one will need to locate oneself both socially
and psychologically with reference to both groups. This need to
locate oneself among groups is explained by the assertion that an
"ethnic person identifies with a cultural reference group,
whether his or her own ethnic group or the dominant group, to which
a psychological relatedness is attached" (Tajfel, 1978). Thus,
from such a standpoint, ethnic identity is a process in which the
individual is continually assessing the fit between
the self and the different social systems of his or her environment
(Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990, p. 292). Moreover, according
to Burke (1991), the meaning of the identity one constructs derives
from the set of internalized meanings attributed to ones self
in a social position or role. Thus, identity becomes a reference
for who one is. However, dissonance theory suggests that since identity
is dynamic, the identity process presents a continuous feed-back
loop that works by adjusting behaviors to reduce the discrepancy
and achieve congruence between the identity an individual portrays
in a certain environment and the internal identity a person constructs
for themselves (Burke, 1991). Further, Sodowsky and colleagues (1995)
cite dissonance theory to account for the possible distress that
people may experience when such an inconsistency between the identity
portrayed and the internal identity one endorses arises. They note
that behavior change may result to rectify such a discrepancy between
who one shows oneself to be in a particular social context, and
who a person believes he or she is.
Such a situation may also arise from
the social labeling of certain ethnic groups. Southern Italian peasant
immigrants, for example, represent a group that had exclusively
local ties prior to their arrival in America in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries; yet, after their settlement, they developed
an ex-patriot nationalism that affected their self-concept (i.e.
how they thought of themselves). Southern Italians in America supported
the Ethiopian War, a campaign they would not have supported in Italy
due to deep-seated tensions between the North and the South (Portes
& MacLeod, 1996; Glazer, 1954). Furthermore, this conscious
acquisition of a national identity may have occurred because of
the immigrants inability to resist external pressures to relinquish
their original identities (Portes & MacLeod, 1996).
The Role of Canonicity in Cultural
In most narrative views of identity,
culture shapes the form that personal narratives may take, as well
as governing what is considered acceptable content. Being able to
articulate and evaluate ones narrative in creating a self-conception
requires moral agents to be reflexively aware of the standards that
they are (perhaps failing) to live by (Taylor, 1985). Bruner &
Kalmar (1998) call this cultural consensus conception of commonly
held standards, beliefs, expectations, and acts "canonicity".
The shared sense of "canonicity" among individuals within
a culture determines what is expected of them and what they may
expect of others (Bruner & Kalmar, 1998). "Canonicity"
determines what forms of trouble may when one endeavors to break
with what is accepted, or what "ought-to-be" (Amsterdam
& Bruner, 2000). This shared sense of what is acceptable allows
us to identify what is canonical and troubling in personal narrative.
Our shared sense of canonicity allows us to identify "Marriage
Trouble", "Trouble with the Boss", and "Money
Trouble" solely by naming them, given our commonly held perceptions
of what such problems would entail.
Similarly, personal identity can
be seen as an explicit and conscious facet of self-conception that
reflects the cultural milieu in which individuals are raised, and
that relies on unifying narratives to explain an individuals
past actions and organize actions in the present and future. The
structure and content of ones personal stories, therefore,
are rooted in forms that are culturally specific (Lewis & Ferrari,
in press). Furthermore, a multitude of narrative frames (e.g., gender,
ethnicity, family, and historical political frames) may exist within
a culture that will govern the personal narratives one endorses
and their associated actions (Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998). For
instance, (explicitly or implicitly) narratives about men staying
home to raise children while women work outside of the home may
not be canonically endorsed by a culture or cultural group, and
thus may shape the actions of men and women in that culture not
to endorse such a course of action.
Role of Emotion in Narrative
Along with the role of culture in
shaping personal narrative, emotion may also imbue a persons
autobiography with a lineage of narratives through recurring self-appraisals
tied to a specific emotion (Haviland & Kahlbaugh, 1993). Excitement
or hope, for example, may be tied to narratives of accomplishment
while jealousy or guilt may be paired with narrative interpretations
of failed relationships (Lewis & Ferrari, in press). Further,
narrative plays a role in enabling us to share our emotions with
others, or understand another persons emotional state; by
describing our situation we are able to describe the emotions we
experience (Taylor, 1985). Narrative descriptions of emotion, therefore,
have a cultural component, as those from different cultures may
not be able to appreciate the sense of significance that a particular
situation has (Taylor, 1985; Weirzbicka, 2000). Thus, situation-description
that takes a narrative form is often implicit self-description because
the situation is grasped by the sense of significance it has within
a culture (Taylor, 1985).
Sketch of a Personal Cognitive
According to the personal cognitive
development framework currently being developed by Ferrari and Mahalingam
(1998), "individuals act to create or fulfill individual self-identities
(perhaps several) by participating in activities that develop the
skills and dispositions needed to excel in their cultural milieu"
(p. 36). The creation of such self-identities develop within the
context of narratives, both personal and cultural, and through self-regulated
participation in valued activities themselves set in a political
and cultural context. Thus, persons develop through the interaction
between narrative and action (Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998). Narratives
about gender, ethnic identity, or family serve to frame and orient
action while action transforms narratives by enriching and validating
them, or by posing problems that must be overcome in order to sustain
Although the experience of narrative
is personal, there is a shared or communal dimension to personal
cognitive development. Our narratives, no matter how personal, are
influenced by, shared with, or intertwined with the narratives of
others. The influence exerted by the narratives of others can then
influence not only the narratives we endorse, but also the course
of our actions. The historical-political narrative frame,
which describes the political and historical processes that bind
all individual and collective actions, provides an example of this
communal dimension of narrative (Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998).
Broad sociocultural trends and events, such as the outbreak of a
war or the collapse of the stock market influence the types of narratives
and choices available to entire generations of individuals (Elder
in Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998). All classes of people, for instance,
benefit in different ways and to varying degrees during a significant
economic upturn; some people may benefit from higher investment
return, while others may benefit from gaining access to a boarder
range of social assistance services. Although the character of each
persons narrative would differ, individual narratives would
be influenced by the shared experience of living during a time of
economic prosperity. Moreover, individuals themselves may be either
aware or unaware of the operation of a particular narrative or multiple
narratives. The person who benefits from increased social assistance
may be oblivious to the operation of a Historical-political
narrative in his or her life, while the person whose investment
return is higher than anticipated may be completely cognizant of
the operation of such a narrative in his or her life. Shared narratives
may affect personal narrative, implicitly or explicitly.
In addition to the operation of communal
narratives, several narrative frames exist and operate in tandem.
The same story may be adapted for different audiences that value
different things and will judge ones story by different criteria
(Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998; Harter, 1999). Further, narratives
may be censored for specific audiences or for ourselves (Bruner
& Kalmar, 1998). When we endorse our own public narratives and
find them consistent with our actions, we experience our self and
identity as authentic (Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998). Yet different,
even opposing, facets of identity may surface and be validated by
the individual to meet context specific demands. A litigating defense
attorney, for example, must be aggressive, outspoken and quick to
respond to a prosecutors arguments. Yet, when the same individual
is a client in a courtroom, he or she must be passive, and refrain
from responding to a prosecutors arguments. Neither narrative
would be acceptable in the other context. The individual, therefore,
in accordance with the demands of each situation, validates opposing
narratives about the self.
The operation of two opposing
narratives and sets of actions demonstrates the dynamic nature of
identity. An individual may choose or be forced to compartmentalize
the narrative frames he or she endorses when two opposing narratives
or courses of action cannot be reconciled. This is especially evident
among marginalized groups within a society. Marginalization
refers to ones sense of living on the fringes of society,
unable to participate in meaningful waysa sense that is often
reinforced by common prejudices of others with whom they interact
(Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998). Moreover, even if they accept
the narratives of the status quo, marginalized individuals
views of themselves may be rejected by mainstream society. Therefore,
the self-conception that immigrants may hold or create about their
own integration into their new host society, may not be the same
view that others in that society have of them. For example, one
may see himself as a newcomer, eager and willing to become a citizen
of his newly adopted nation, but members of the host nation may
view the immigrant as a foreigner, whether he becomes a citizen
of the host nation or not. Although such prejudices may bar the
full participation of marginalized groups in mainstream society,
when a marginalized person is able to participate in a given society,
it is often the result of endorsing those narratives accepted by
the status quo in specific situations. Italian-immigrant co-workers,
for example, may feel pressure to only speak English at a social
company gathering, such as a company picnic, (when they otherwise
might prefer to speak in Italian amongst themselves) to endorse
the status quo of speaking English. In other non-work related contexts,
such as at a local bar, the same people may not endorse the status
quo and may communicate in Italian, even if the same types of implicit
narratives about speaking the language of the majority exist. Thus
identity is not static, and the individual may choose or be forced
to endorse specific narratives and actions, depending on the context
and the audience (Pallotta & Ferrari, 2000).
Yet, narratives do not always stand
alone. They are intertwined with life experiences and those experiences
to be lived in the anticipated present (Ferrari & Mahalingam,
1998). Narratives provide a context from which we interpret our
life events, and orient our future actions. Thus, identity "emerges
in the course of interaction between story and action, as persons
come to value different stories that they tell themselves and others,
and different actions that they have accomplished or failed to accomplish"
(Ferrari & Mahalingam, 1998, p. 40). From this conception of
identity, one may conceive of individuals as the sum of their experiences
and the stories used to justify and explain their actions to themselves
and to others.
Applying the Personal Cognitive
Development Framework to Immigrant Self-Conception
The personal cognitive development
framework provides a vantage point from which to understand ethnicity.
For instance, from the standpoint of the personal cognitive development
framework, ethnic identity may be viewed as a self-identity that
exists and operates in conjunction with several other self-identities,
such as female, father, athlete, or boss. The self as a whole, may
be conceptualized as a pastiche of these multiple self-identities
that emerge and are suppressed at different times, depending on
the cultural demands or constraints of a particular context or audience.
These claims are supported in the
ethnic identity literature. For instance, Carillos and Simmons (1999)
suggest that significant dimensions of ethnic identity among Hispanic
youth in Toronto are self-generated, fluid and context specific.
Moreover, ethnic identity is often hybrid in nature as new elements
are believed to be incorporated into a new identity collage that
is influenced by transnational social and cultural processes, and
local influences. Bacon (1996) also views ethnic identification
as something that varies over the course of life, generations and
in different situations.
Furthermore, an individual is more
than a conduit for personal stories; people take an active role
shaping their identity, even though they may not be conscious of
their participation in determining who they are. For instance, people
develop through coordinating personal and cultural narratives that
involve participating in political and cultural activities (Ferrari
& Mahalingham, 1998). In turn, action in specific contexts,
transforms narratives by validating them or by creating dilemmas
that must be overcome if such narratives are to be sustained (Ferrari
& Mahalingham, 1998). Such a view of identity development is
similar to the feedback loop analogy of identity described by Burke
(1991) in which behaviors are adjusted to reduce the discrepancy
and achieve congruence between the identity an individual portrays
in a certain environment and the internal identity a person constructs
for themselves. Moreover, one may choose to endorse particular narratives
and actions in specific contexts or with different audiences. In
discussing exceptions to his acculturation strategies, Berry (1997)
notes that the variation among choices in strategies may vary according
to the individuals location since "in more private spheres
or domains (such as the home, the extended family, the ethnic community)
more cultural maintenance may be sought than in more public spheres
(such as the workplace, or in politics)" (p.12).
The coordination of narrative and
action and the validation of different narratives through participation
in different culturally valued activities may be viewed as the way
acculturation takes place for the immigrant and his or her descendants.
An immigrant to a democratic nation, for example, who becomes a
citizen may take part in the democratic process in order to show
his support of the party for his or her choice and their policies,
an action that may not have been possible in his country of origin.
The immigrant in the example has validated the narrative of voter
by engaging in the new culturally accepted practices of his host
nation. Thus, the immigrant is adopting new narratives and actions
while abandoning or simply not instantiating old ones.
Yet, the endorsement of a particular
narrative or course of action over another may create a dilemma
(Ferrari & Mahalingham, 1998). Immigrants and their descendents
may be caught between two competing sets of narratives and courses
of action, those endorsed by their country of origin, and the new
narratives and actions advocated by their host nation. For instance,
one may reflect upon competing narratives that call for an ethical
decision on how to handle a dilemma, such as to have an arranged
marriage, or to choose ones own spouse (Bacon, 1996; Ferrari
& Mahalingham, 1998). Both narratives are right within different
narrative frames--in this case the narrative of prescribed customs
or rules of the country of origin, or those of the status quo of
the host nation--but require the individual to choose between the
two courses of action. Such a dilemma may lead to the abandonment
of old practices in favor of new ones, the retention of old practices,
the dual operation of two narratives and sets of actions when the
dilemma cannot be reconciled, or a dialectic blending and transformation
of old and new practices. Thus, one may choose to consent to an
arranged marriage, yet have a say in selecting that spouse. This
course of action would reflect the dialectic transcendence of old
practices by incorporating some aspects of newly encountered practices,
in this case the freedom to choose ones own spouse. The blending
of old and new practices in this example, however, is spurred by
the dual operation of two competing narratives (i.e., arranged marriage
versus spouse selection) that could not be reconciled by the individual.
The research literature recognizes
that immigrants may face such acculturative dilemmas. Psychological
adaptations to acculturation may be viewed as matter of learning
new behaviors that are appropriate for the new cultural context.
This may require what Berry (1997) terms culture shedding: "the
unlearning of aspects of ones previous repertoire that are
no longer appropriate" (p.13). Furthermore, in cases where
the conflict is serious and behavioral repertoires are difficult
to change, "culture shock" or "acculturative stress"
may result (Berry, 1997, p.13). Alternatively, the dilemma that
ethnic people face may be the mixed messages that they receive from
the dominant group and their minority group. Since both groups psychologically
accommodate each other to various degrees, the ethnic individual
may receive mixed messages regarding ethnicity that cause him or
her to reinforce it on some occasions and ignore it in other situations
(Sodowsky, 1995). Thus, situation specific demands may force the
individual to choose to endorse different behaviors and beliefs
about the self.
Emigration creates new opportunities
for developing self-conceptions, and sometimes dilemmas about the
sort of actions one should pursue when value systems from ones
country of origin and those of the host country come into conflict.
The ability to create and hold different self-conceptions also raises
questions about the development of personal identity over the life
span. Unlike classical cognitive development of increasingly sophisticated
cognitive structures throughout childhood, the interplay between
the dynamic personal cognitive development is seen in the nascent
development of a new identity among immigrants. Such self-conceptions
arise amidst a plethora of other implicit an explicit self-conceptions
that are continually developing within the individual (i.e., mother,
friend, student or spouse).
Furthermore, self-conceptions develop
through an interaction between narrative and action. This dialectic
in constructing a new ethnic identity among immigrants also suggests
a plausible theoretical standpoint from which to study the process
of acculturation, especially in cases of initial marginalization
and subsequent endorsement of status quo. In such cases, one may
expect personal dilemmas to occur due to two possible audiences
whom immigrants address in defining and discussing themselves, namely,
their culture of origin and the new host culture. These issues are
crucial to the sort of theory, narrative and supporting actions
through which immigrants articulate their self-conception. Ultimately,
we propose that theory, narrative and action are intertwined in
the essential self-conceptions that define all of us as the sort
of person we are.
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Annual MeetingBerkeley CA
Biology and Knowledge Revisited:
From Embryogenesis to Psychogenesis
Jean Piaget Society Meeting
Berkeley California, May 31-June 2, 2001
Organizers: Jonas Langer, Sue Parker
and Constance Milbrath
The 1995 JPS Meeting, organized by
Jonas Langer & Melanie Killen (Eds., Piaget, Evolution and
Development. Mahweh, NJ: Erlbaum, 1998) focused on the evolution
and development of behavior. In this follow-up meeting we propose
to extend the discussion by focusing on the evolution of experience-contingent
brain development which constitutes the foundation for cognitive
construction, language acquisition, and social and personal identities.
The 1995 meeting considered human behavioral development in its
comparative cross-species context, especially its primate developmental
context. So too, the 2001 meeting will consider human brain development
in its comparative cross-species, especially primate context.
Piaget's central metaphor from embryogenesis,
the concept of epigenetic construction of cognitive development,
applies equally well to brain development. Beginning in the embryo
and continuing at least through adolescence, brain development co-occurs
with cognitive construction through progressively widening feedback
loops. Recent studies underline the experience-contingent nature
of brain development causing investigators to rethink the concept
of innateness. New comparative data on great ape brains highlight
both similarities and differences with human brains. These data
have important implications for understanding brain and behavioral
evolution and development. Along with new understandings of size
and information based limitations on genetic control of brain development
they suggest more sophisticated models for the evolution of developmental
The conference will be held at the
Radisson Hotel at the Berkeley Marina, where the 1995 meeting took
place. This is one of the most beautiful settings on the San Francisco
Bay, with views of San Francisco, Golden Gate Bridge, and Mt. Tam
in Marin. The hotel is located adjacent to Cesaer Chavez Park which
has several miles of walking trails along the shore. There is easy
access to downtown San Francisco via the Bay Area Rapid Transit
System (BART) and to the University of California, Berkeley campus.
The hotel has a complete health club including state-of-the art
exercise equipment, lap pool, whirlpool, and sauna and a separate
family pool. Sailboat and motorboat rentals, windsurfing, fishing
charters and golf or tennis are available nearby. We have negotiated
excellent hotel rates for those registering before May 1.
What can child language tell us about
the origin of Language?
Dan Slobin, UC Berkeley
Cycles of brain and cognitive development:
Embodiment of Piaget's reflective abstraction
Kurt Fischer, Harvard University
Language development in an embodied
Elizabeth Bates, UC San Diego
Evolution and development of the
Terrance Deacon, Boston University:
Organismic self-regulation and neural
V. S. Ramachadran, UC San Diego
Genotype/phenotype relations: A neuroconstructivist
approach to studying atypical development
Annette Karmiloff Smith, MRC, London
The full program for the conference
is now available on the JPS web site (www.piaget.org). The web site
also includes on-line registration forms, transportation and hotel
information as well as a sneak preview of JPS 2002.
The Emergence of Nicaraguan Sign
Language: Questions of Development, Acquisition, and Evolution
Organizer: Richard Senghas, Sonoma State
Mammalian Brain Evolution and Embryogenesis
Organizer: Constance Milbraith, UC San Francisco
Evolutionary perspectives on human
brain expansion: Implications for the emergence of human mental
Organizer: Kathleen R. Gibson
Development of the Embodied Mind
Organizer: Willis F. Overton, Temple University
A Seminar on Piagets Biology
and Knowledge. Conference participants are invited to discuss
the ideas presented in Piagets book with the invited scholars
who will lead the seminar. Organizers suggest that participants
review the book prior to the conference.
The full conference program is now
available on the JPS web site (www.piaget.org). You can also register
for the conference using on-line registration forms (credit card
payments only), or download the forms if you prefer to register
by check or money order.
- the official journal of The Jean Piaget Society
JPS has affiliated with the journal
Cognitive Development which is now the official journal of
the Society. Beginning this year, JPS members will receive this
quarterly journal at a special low subscription rate as part of
their membership benefits. Members will continue to receive the
Genetic Epistemologist and the annual symposium series volume. For
more information on the journal, visit the JPS web site at www.piaget.org
or the Elsevier web site at www.elsevier.nl