The Japanese invasion of Taiwan (Chinese and Japanese: 乙未戰爭) (May–October 1895) was a conflict between the Empire of Japan and the armed forces of the short-lived Republic of Formosa following the Qing Dynasty's cession of Taiwan to Japan in April 1895 at the end of the First Sino-Japanese War. The Japanese sought to take control of their new possession, while the Republican forces fought to resist Japanese occupation.  The Japanese landed near Keelung on the northern coast of Taiwan on 29 May 1895, and in a five-month campaign swept southwards to Tainan.  Although their advance was slowed by guerrilla activity, the Japanese defeated the Formosan forces (a mixture of regular Chinese units and local Hakka militias) whenever they attempted to make a stand.  The Japanese victory at Baguashan on 27 August, the largest battle ever fought on Taiwanese soil, doomed the Formosan resistance to an early defeat.  The fall of Tainan on 21 October ended organised resistance to Japanese occupation, and inaugurated five decades of Japanese rule in Taiwan.
The Invasion
Japanese occupation of the Pescadores

In 1894 China and Japan went to war.  In a few short months the Japanese defeated China's Beiyang fleet, routed the Chinese armies in Manchuria, and captured Port Arthur and Weihaiwei.  Although nearly all the fighting took place in northern China, Japan had important territorial ambitions in southern China.  As the war approached its end, the Japanese took steps to ensure that Taiwan would be ceded to Japan under the eventual peace treaty and that they were well placed militarily to occupy the island.  In March 1895 peace negotiations between Japan and China opened in the Japanese city of Shimonoseki.  Although hostilities in northern China were suspended during these negotiations, Taiwan and the Pescadores were specifically excluded from the scope of the armistice.  Possession of the Pescadores, lying midway between mainland China and Taiwan, was the key to a successful occupation of Taiwan.
A rumour was widely circulated at this time that the Chinese authorities, realising that they were powerless to prevent Taiwan and the Pescadores falling into the hands of Japan, had offered to cede them temporarily to Britain, presumably on the understanding that they would be returned at a later date.  According to this rumour, the Chinese proposal was discussed by the British cabinet, and the British prime minister Lord Rosebery and the foreign secretary Lord Kimberley refused even to consider it.  Apparently, the British cabinet's reluctance to accept this poisoned chalice was based not, as has sometimes been suggested, on the fear that accepting Taiwan would immediately embroil Britain with Japan, but rather on the calculation that if Taiwan became a British colony, even temporarily, a wholesale partition of China would have followed.[1][2][3]
Although the Pescadores were garrisonned by 15 Chinese regular battalions (5,000 men) and defended by the recently completed Hsi-tai coastal defence battery (built in the late 1880s in response to the capture of Pescadores by the French during the Sino-French War), the Japanese met very little resistance during the landing operation as the defenders were demoralised.   It took the Japanese only three days to secure the islands.  After a naval bombardment of the Chinese forts, Japanese troops went ashore on Fisher Island (modern-day Siyu) and P'eng-hu Island on 24 March, fought several brief actions with defending Chinese troops, captured the key Hsi-tai battery and occupied Makung.  In the next two days they occupied the other main islands of the Pescadores group.  Japanese combat casualties were negligible, but a cholera outbreak shortly after the fall of the islands killed more than 1,500 men of the Japanese occupation force.  The soldiers of the defeated Chinese garrison of the Pescadores, most of whom surrendered without a fight, were repatriated by the Japanese to mainland China.[4][5]
Cession of Taiwan to Japan and proclamation of Republic of Formosa

The Japanese occupation of the Pescadores was of considerable strategic significance, preventing China from substantially reinforcing its garrisons in Taiwan.  Having made it almost impossible for China to fight successfully for Taiwan, the Japanese pressed their claims to the island in the peace negotiations.  The Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed on 17 April 1895, and contained a clause requiring the cession of Taiwan and the Pescadores.  On 10 May, Admiral Kabayama Sukenori was appointed the first Japanese governor-general of Taiwan.[6]
When the news of the treaty's contents reached Taiwan, a number of notables from central Taiwan led by Chiu Feng-chia decided to resist the transfer of Taiwan to Japanese rule. On 23 May, these men proclaimed the establishment of a free and democratic Republic of Formosa in Taipei.  Tang Jingsong, the Qing governor-general of Taiwan, was prevailed upon to become the republic's first President, and his old friend Liu Yongfu, the retired Black Flag Army commander who had become a national hero in China for his victories against the French in northern Vietnam a decade earlier, was invited to serve as Grand General of the Army.  Chiu Feng-chia was appointed Grand Commander of Militia, with the power to raise local militia units throughout the island to resist the Japanese.  On the Chinese mainland Chang Chih-tung, the powerful governor-general of Liangkiang, tacitly supported the Formosan resistance movement, and the Republicans also appointed Ch'en Chi-t'ung, a disgraced Chinese diplomat who understood European ways of thinking, as the Republic's foreign minister.  His job would be to sell the Republic abroad.[6]
There was little or no popular support in Taiwan for the proclamation of the Republic, and many Western observers considered its establishment as a cynical ploy by its authors to evade China's obligations under the Treaty of Shimonoseki.  Acting under the authority of the new Republic, Chinese troops would be able to resist the Japanese in Taiwan without technically breaching the terms of the treaty, and if they were successful Taiwan could return to Chinese rule at some future date.  (In this respect, it was significant that the nominally-independent Republic acknowledged the suzerainty of China.)  There was therefore little sympathy in Europe for the Republic, despite its impeccably 'Parisian' manifesto.[7][8]

Nor was there any support for the Formosan resistance movement in Peking, as considerable diplomatic efforts were then underway to persuade Japan to relinquish the Liaotung Peninsula.  Under the terms of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, China had agreed to cede the peninsula to Japan, but once the treaty's contents became known there was alarm in Europe at Japan's rapacity.  In a diplomatic demarche known as the Triple Intervention, Russia, France and Germany put pressure on Japan in late April 1895 to restore the peninsula to China.  On 5 May the Japanese agreed to retrocede the Liaotung Peninsula to China in return for an increased indemnity, but it took until December 1895 to negotiate the necessary treaty amendments, and while the negotiations were in progress Japanese troops remained in place.  During this period the empress dowager and her officials had excellent reasons not to offend Japan, and the Qing court was horrified when it heard the news in mid-May that several officials in Taiwan intended to resist the Japanese occupation and that there was talk of setting up a Republic that recognised Qing suzerainty.  Shortly before the proclamation of the Republic of Formosa, the Qing court ordered Li Ching-fang, the nephew and adopted son of China's elder statesman Li Hung-chang, to proceed to Taiwan and formally transfer sovereignty over the island from China to Japan.  It also cabled an imperial edict to Taipei on 20 May, directing Tang Jingsong to order all Qing civil officials and all officers and soldiers to leave Taiwan.  Tang himself was ordered to return to Peking.[9]
Spurned by European public opinion and disavowed by China, the Republic of Formosa enjoyed only one week of uninterrupted existence.  During this time it decked itself out with the conventional trappings of sovereignty.  The Republicans adopted a national flag with a yellow tiger on a blue background, ordered a large silver state seal to be made, and began to issue paper money and postage stamps in the name of the Republic.  The foreign minister Ch'en Chi-t'ung, who had lived in France for many years, was responsible for crafting much of this republican symbolism.[3]
The course of the war
Phase One: Keelung, Taipei and Tamsui
Ruifang and Keelung

Meanwhile, the Japanese were making their preparations for occupying Taiwan in accordance with the provisions of the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The task of securing Japan's new colony was entrusted to the Imperial Guards Division, which had seen no action during the fighting in Manchuria.  7,000 guardsmen, under the command of Prince Kitashirakawa Yoshihisa, left Port Arthur on 22 May, on board fourteen transports.  The preparations for the expedition were made in such haste that there was no time to issue the guardsmen with summer uniforms, and they left for the hot and humid climate of Taiwan in the heavy winter clothes they had been wearing against the bitter cold of Manchuria.  On 26 May the transports, escorted by the warships Matsushima and Naniwa, reached the Japanese-owned Ryukyu Islands to the northeast of Taiwan and anchored off the port of Nakagusuku on the eastern coast of Okinawa.[10]
On 27 May the recently appointed governor-general of Formosa, Admiral Kabayama Sukenori, joined the expedition from Tokyo.  In view of the reports that had reached Japan that the leaders of the self-styled Republic of Formosa were making preparations to resist a Japanese landing, Kabayama felt that there was no time to lose.  In consequence, he ordered the ships to set sail for Taiwan at noon the same day.  On 29 May the first troops of the Imperial Guards Division went ashore on the northern coast of Taiwan at Samtiao Point near the village of Audi (a small village in Gongliao), several miles to the east of Keelung.  The Japanese had originally intended to land at Tamsui, but finding the town strongly defended changed their plans at the last moment.  The landing marked the beginning of the war. The first major engagement took place on 2 June at Sui-hong (Ruifang). The defending Chinese forces were defeated.[11]
On 3 June the Japanese captured the port city of Keelung.  Following a preliminary bombardment of the city's coastal defences by the warships Matsushima, Oshima, Naniwa, Takachiho and Chiyoda, the Imperial Guards attacked the Keelung forts from the rear.  The main struggle took place around the Shih-ch'iu-ling battery (Chinese:獅球嶺砲台; pinyin:Shiqiuling paotai).  Eleven years earlier, during the Sino-French War, Chinese forces had bottled up a French expeditionary corps in Keelung for seven months during the Keelung Campaign, and the Shih-ch'iu-ling battery had been held against the French for most of the war.  Now, in 1895, the Japanese routed the fort's garrison and captured the fort with little loss. Keelung was occupied on the afternoon of 3 June, after the Qing commanders fled the city and left the garrison force leaderless.  Japanese casualties in the battle for Keelung were 2 dead and 26 wounded.[12][13]
Transfer of sovereignty
While the fighting raged ashore at Keelung, sovereignty over Taiwan was formally transferred from China to Japan at a ceremony held on the morning of 3 June aboard one of the Japanese warships in Keelung harbour.  Japan and China were represented at this ceremony by two plenipotentiaries, Governor-General Kabayama for Japan and Li Ching-fang (the adopted son of Li Hung-chang) for China.  Li Hung-chang's numerous enemies had arranged that the obnoxious task of presiding over the surrender of Taiwan to the Japanese should be thrust upon his son's shoulders.  The occasion was profoundly humiliating for Li.  The Japanese had hoped to stage the handover ceremony ashore, in the capital Taipei, but Li soon discovered that he would be lucky to escape with his life if he set foot on Taiwanese soil.  As the negotiator of the Treaty of Shimonoseki that handed over Taiwan to Japan, Li Hung-chang was detested by the islanders, and they were now furious to learn that his son had been entrusted with the task of formally ceding Chinese sovereignty over the island.  Placards were posted up in towns all over Taiwan vowing eternal hatred to Li Hung-chang and his family, and Li Ching-fang was forced to beg the Japanese to hold the transfer ceremony at sea rather than ashore.  The Japanese granted this request.[14][15][16]
Tang Jingsong's flight
When the news of the defeat at Keelung reached Taipei on 4 June, the republican leaders promptly abandoned ship.  During the night of 4 June President Tang and General Chiu fled to Tamsui, and from there sailed for the mainland on the evening of 6 June aboard the steamship Arthur.  Their departure was delayed for a day because of disorder in Tamsui (see below).[17]
Japanese occupation of Taipei

Leaderless and without pay, the troops of the Taipei garrison abandoned their posts and began looting the city.  The city's powder magazine was fired, and there were several fatal shootings.  Alarmed at the growing chaos, a number of local businessmen, including the influential Koo Hsien-jung, decided to invite the Japanese in.   On Koo's initiative, three representatives of the city's foreign community left Taipei, intending to make contact with the Japanese forces in Keelung and urge them to enter Taipei to restore order.  The foreign envoys met a Japanese force at Tsui-tng-ka (Xizhi) on 6 June, and when he learned of the growing disorder in Taipei the Japanese commander immediately ordered an advance to occupy the city.  The first Japanese troops entered Taipei at dawn on 7 June, and during the next two days put down the riots.  Most of the Chinese soldiers in Taipei surrendered their weapons without resistance.[18][19]
Japanese occupation of Tamsui

During the first week of June, while the Japanese were securing Keelung and advancing on Taipei, law and order broke down in Tamsui.  On 5 June Tang Jingsong and several senior ministers boarded the steamship Arthur at Tamsui, intending to escape to mainland China, and it was rumoured that they had with them large sums of money owed in pay to the Chinese garrisons of the northern towns.  Large numbers of Chinese soldiers in flight from Keelung had poured into Tamsui on 4 June, and on 5 June a party of soldiers boarded the steamship and extorted $45,000 from its passengers.  The money was distributed among the various infantry units present in Tamsui.  On the evening of 5 June the gunners of Tamsui's Hobe Fort, indignant that they had been left out of this distribution of spoils, threatened to fire on the steamship unless a suitable bribe was found.  The European employees of the Maritime Customs raised the sum demanded ($5,000) during the night and handed it over to the gunners in return for the breechblocks of the fort's four Krupp cannon. The Hobe Fort, the 'lock and key of the northern gate' (北門鎖鑰) as the Chinese called it, had been built only a few years earlier at great expense by the Chinese governor Liu Ming-ch'uan.  (citation) It was now effectively disarmed before it had even fired a shot at the Japanese.  During the afternoon of 6 June Arthur got up steam and attempted to leave Tamsui, as her captain believed that it was now safe to do so, but was fired on several times by a Chinese field battery.  Around fifty Chinese soldiers aboard the steamship were wounded by the exploding shells and several soldiers were killed, including the captain of Tang Jingsong's bodyguard.  The German gunboat Iltis, which had been sent to Tamsui to protect the town's European residents, immediately replied, putting the Chinese battery out of action.  Arthur left Tamsui that evening with Tang Jingsong and most of the senior officers of the republic on board.  The Chinese troops in Tamsui now began to loot the town, singling out the wealthy foreign residences for immediate attention, but the presence of Iltis and the British gunboat Redbreast deterred them from making physical attacks upon the foreigners.  Order was only restored with the arrival of the Japanese.  On 7 June two Japanese warships entered Tamsui harbour, and their appearance immediately put an end to the looting.  On 8 June eighteen Japanese cavalry troopers advanced northwards from Taipei and occupied Tamsui without firing a shot, taking the surrender of several hundred Chinese soldiers.[20][21]
Political developments
On 14 June, Admiral Kabayama arrived in Taipei, and announced the establishment of Japanese administration in Taiwan.  With northern Taiwan now firmly under their control, the Japanese repatriated the thousands of Chinese soldiers captured at Keelung, Taipei and Tamsui during the brief campaign.  Japanese transports ferried them across the Formosa Strait and landed them in the Fukienese port of Amoy.[22][21]
The first phase of the campaign had seen the flight of the Republican president Tang Jingsong, the Japanese occupation of Keelung, Taipei and Tamsui and the surrender of the Republican garrisons in northern Taiwan.  It was generally expected, both by the Japanese and by foreign observers, that resistance to the Japanese occupation of Taiwan would now evaporate.  The American war correspondent James W. Davidson commented:

At 2 a.m. on 5 June the yellow Republican Tiger gathered in his long tail and laid down and died for lack of nourishment.[23]

Hopes for an early end to the war proved to be premature.  By the end of June it was clear that all the island's main towns would have to be occupied forcibly before opposition to the Japanese invasion collapsed.  Popular resistance to the Japanese invasion gradually grew, slowing the pace of their advance south from Taipei, and on 26 June the presidency of the Formosan Republic was assumed by Liu Yongfu in Tainan.  This gesture, which effectively transferred the republican capital from Taipei to Tainan, prolonged the Republic's life for another five months.[24]
Phase Two: Hsinchu, Miaoli and Changhua
The capture of Tainan now became a political as well as a strategic imperative for the Japanese.  However, this proved to be easier said than done.  Faced with growing resistance to their occupation, the Japanese were unable to advance immediately on Tainan.  During the second phase of the campaign, from June to August, the Japanese secured central Taiwan by occupying Miaoli and Changhua.  They then paused for a month, and only embarked on the third and final phase of the campaign, the advance on Tainan, in October.
Japanese capture of Hsinchu
On 11 June the Imperial Guards Division left Taipei and began to advance south.  Its immediate objectives were Tokoham (Daxi District) and Tek-cham (Hsinchu).  The Japanese captured Hsinchu with little trouble on 22 June.  The Chinese troops of the Hsinchu garrison removed their uniforms and handed over their weapons to the Japanese as soon as they entered the city.[25][26]
Formosan militia operations around Hsinchu
So far, the Japanese had been fighting Qing regular troops, most of whom wanted merely to leave the alien soil of Taiwan and return to mainland China as soon as possible.  They had little stomach for fighting the Japanese, and made no attempt to defeat them when they did fight. James Davidson, who had seen their qualities for himself at Keelung, Taipei, Tamsui and Hsinchu, was scathing in his criticism of their performance:

The Chinese troops equipped with good weapons or bad, without drill, and unskilled in foreign tactics, protected by magnificent forts with big modern guns, or behind mudwalls with jingals, conducted themselves always with scarcely a redeeming feature.  Their forces never advanced to make an attack unless they were confident that their position permitted of an easy retreat and that they greatly outnumbered their opponents.  I know of hardly a single instance where, in the clearing, they have held their own against an approaching force, under anywhere near equal conditions.  It is a usual manoeuvre for the Chinese to draw themselves up in mighty splendour on some open plot of ground in full view of the enemy, and should the latter advance towards them, to commence to fire off every available firearm, although they may be entirely out of range.  This continues until the enemy has advanced sufficiently near to make his bullets felt in the Chinese ranks, and then there is a scatter and a scramble for a safer position, where their forces rally again to repeat the same tactics as before.[27]

After the fall of Hsinchu, however, locally recruited Formosan troops began to take the lead in the fighting against the Japanese.  In particular, Hakka militia units led by the youthful commanders Chiang Shao-tsu (姜紹祖), Wu Tang-hsing (吳湯興) and Hsu Hsiang (徐驤) put up a stubborn resistance to the Japanese advance.  Between 24 and 26 June the Japanese had to turn back to An-ping-chin and fight a major engagement to capture the heights of Shih-pa-chien-shan (Traditional Chinese: 十八尖山).  The Japanese, with superior training and better weapons, eventually succeeded in throwing the Formosans off the mountain.  But although defeated, the Formosans remained for several days in the vicinity of Hsinchu, demonstrating on more than one occasion against the city.[21]
On 10 July the Japanese again confronted the Hakka militias, this time on the heights of Chienbishan (Traditional Chinese: 尖筆山) near Miaoli.  The Formosans were entrenched, but had no modern artillery.  The Japanese attacked from two sides and defeated them.  Japanese casualties were only 11 killed or wounded, while the bodies of 200 dead Formosans were recovered from the battlefield.  The Japanese also took 110 prisoners, one of whom was the 19-year-old militia leader Chiang Shao-tsu.  On 11 July Chiang committed suicide by taking opium.  Wu Tang-hsing thereupon assumed command of the Hakka militias, and on 23 July led them back in retreat to Miaoli.[28]
Guerrilla operations behind Japanese lines
In June and July 1895, while Formosan militia units disputed the Japanese advance on the battlefield, groups of Formosan insurgents began to attack isolated couriers and small groups of Japanese soldiers on the routes between Taipei and Hsinchu, behind Japanese lines.  The attackers were often villagers who had formally submitted on the approach of Japanese columns, and foreign observers severely condemned their abuse of the white flag:

The greatest obstacle that the Japanese encountered was the smiling villagers who stood in their doorways, over which they had flown a white flag, watching the troops pass by.  For these natives the Japanese had at first a kind word and a smile.  But scarcely were the troops out of sight before guns were brought out through the same doorways and shots fired at the first unfortunate party whose numbers were sufficiently small to make it appear safe to the treacherous occupants.  Troops now return and find the mutilated bodies of their companions in the streets; while at the doors and windows of the houses near, are the same grinning fiends and the same little white flag, an emblem of peace, still floating over their guilty heads.[29]

The Japanese took brutal reprisals whenever such incidents occurred, shooting suspected villagers and burning down whole villages.

One of the most successful insurgent attacks was made on 11 July on a party of 35 Japanese infantrymen who were conveying supplies by boat from Taipei to Tokoham.  The Japanese were ambushed, and although they fought bravely, all but one of the party were either killed or so badly wounded that they committed suicide rather than fall alive into the hands of the  enemy.  The Japanese pursued the insurgents and defeated them on 12 July in an engagement at Long-tampo.[31]
During the last week in July the Japanese twice despatched coordinated expeditions from Taipei, Tokoham and Haisoankau to clear Formosan guerrillas away from their supply lines, engaging large insurgent forces at Sankakeng (modern-day Sanxia) on 22 and 23 July and at Sinpu on 2 August.   During both sweeps the Japanese inflicted heavy losses on the insurgents and suffered relatively few casualties in return.[32]

Japanese capture of Miaoli
On 6 August the Imperial Guards Division left Hsinchu and advanced towards Miaoli.  On 6 and 7 August two Japanese columns drove Formosan insurgent forces away from Hsinchu, occupying the resistance centre of Peipo (Beipu).[33]
On 8 and 9 August the Japanese fought a major battle to drive a large force of insurgents from a series of strong positions on the heights of Cha-pi-shan, to the north of Tiongkang.[34]
On 11 August the Japanese occupied Aulang.  On 13 August they fought another battle, against stubborn Formosan resistance, to dislodge a force of insurgents from the hilltop position of Chenkansoan.[35]
On 14 August the Japanese entered Miaoli county.  There was no resistance, as most of the population had fled.[36][37]
Japanese victory at Baguashan and capture of Changhua
The next major Japanese objective on the route south was the walled city of Changhua.  The Formosans were reported to have massed their forces there to fight a major defensive battle, and Liu Yongfu was said to have reinforced the Formosan militia with a number of elite Black Flag units from his southern army.  The capture of Changhua was a formidable proposition for the Japanese.  The heights of Baguashan, to the north of the city, were fortified, and defended by a strong artillery position, the Bagua battery (Traditional Chinese: 八卦砲台).  During the third week of August the Japanese brought up supplies and made preparations for what they expected to be the decisive battle of the campaign.
The Japanese resumed their advance from Miaoli on 24 August, occupying the large village of Koloton on 24 August.  On 25 August, continuing their advance towards the Toa-to-kei river to the north of Changhua, the Japanese were ambushed by a large insurgent force in the fortified village of Tokabio.  The Japanese fought all day to clear the insurgents from their line of advance, but the village was not completely cleared until the morning of 26 August.  During the evening of 26 August the Japanese closed up to the Toa-to-kei river and prepared to assault the Formosan positions around Changhua.[38][37]
During the night of 26 August, the Japanese crossed the Toa-to-kei river under cover of darkness, and at dawn on 27 August separate Japanese columns made a surprise attack on the Bagua battery and Changhua.  In a short and sharp early morning engagement generally known as the Battle of Baguashan, the Japanese stormed the Bagua battery and occupied Changhua. The Formosans suffered heavy casualties in this battle, and two of their commanders, Wu Tang-hsing (吳湯興) and Wu Peng-nien (吳彭年), were killed.  The Formosan forces fell back to Chiayi and Lu-kang.  The battle of Baguashan, the largest pitched battle ever fought on Taiwanese soil, was the decisive engagement of the invasion, and its loss doomed the Formosan Republic to early defeat.  Subsequent engagements merely postponed the end.[39][37][40]
The battle was an impressive Japanese victory, and foreign observers praised the courage and skill with which the Japanese troops had captured such a strong position so quickly.  For the Japanese, the opportunity to defeat the Formosans in the open field was welcomed after the weeks of guerrilla fighting they had experienced since the start of their march south from Taipei.  The battle put an end to organized resistance against the Japanese in central Taiwan.  However, the Japanese declined to follow up their victory immediately.  After securing the coastal port of Lu-kang and the town of Perto at the end of August, the Imperial Guards temporarily halted their advance.  During September they consolidated their positions around Changhua and awaited the arrival of substantial reinforcements from Japan at the beginning of October.  During this lull in the campaign, a severe outbreak of malaria at Changhua ravaged the Japanese forces, killing more than 2,000 men.[41][37]
Japanese capture of Talibu
The only significant military action in central Taiwan during the weeks following the Japanese capture of Changhua was a series of engagements in early September around Yunlin.  On 3 September the insurgents attacked the small Japanese garrison of the village of Toapona, to the south of Changhua.  Japanese reinforcements came up, and the insurgents were defeated and retreated towards Yunlin.   A Japanese infantry company in the vicinity attacked the retreating insurgents and during the evening of 3 September pursued them as far as the walled city of Talibu, whose defences it scouted.  Three days later, during the night of 5 September, the Japanese returned and made a surprise night attack on Talibu.  The Japanese vanguard scaled the city walls and opened the gates for its comrades, who poured into the city firing volleys.  The Chinese garrison fled in confusion, and by 5 a.m. on 6 September Talibu was securely occupied by the Japanese.  Chinese and Formosan losses during these few days of fighting amounted to 130 killed, while Japanese losses were only eight men killed and wounded.[41]
Phase Three: Chiayi, Takow and Tainan
A three-pronged advance

The Japanese resumed their advance on Tainan in the second week of October.  The arrival of strong reinforcements (the 2nd Provincial Division, transferred from the Japanese 2nd Army in Manchuria, and part of the 4th Provincial Division, from Osaka) allowed them to approach Tainan from three directions at once.  On 10 October two task forces sailed from the Pescadores.  The smaller task force, 5,460 troops under the command of Prince Fushimi Sadanaru, landed at Po-te-chui (Chinese:布袋嘴; Pe̍h-ōe-jī:Pò͘-tē-chhùi) (modern-day Budai, Chiayi), 28 miles (45km) to the north of Tainan.  The larger task force, 6,330 troops under the command of Lieutenant-General Nogi Maresuke, landed at Pang-liau (Fangliao), 25 miles (40km) to the south of Takow and well to the south of Tainan. Its first objective was to capture the port of Takow. Meanwhile, the Imperial Guards Division, then at Changhua, was ordered to continue to press forward towards Tainan.  The division, 14,000 strong when it landed in Taiwan at the end of May, had been so reduced by sickness that it could now only with difficulty put 7,000 men into the field.  Nevertheless, the Japanese now had the numbers to make an end of the campaign.  Just under 20,000 Japanese troops would now close in on Tainan simultaneously, from the north, the northeast and the south.  Liu Yongfu could probably field a larger force, but the Chinese and Formosans were by now fighting merely to stave off defeat.  They had little hope of stemming the Japanese advance on Tainan.[37]
Japanese capture of Yunlin and Chiayi
The Imperial Guards Division commenced its march south from Changhua on 3 October.   On 6 October the division’s advance guard defeated a force of 3,000 insurgents at Talibu.  On 7 October the division fought an important action with the insurgents at Yunlin, driving them from a series of fortified positions.  On 9 October the division fought the second-largest battle of the campaign, the Battle of Chiayi, to storm the walled city of Chiayi, where the insurgents had decided to make a determined stand.  According to report, the Chinese and Formosans numbered 10,000 men and included both regular and volunteer units.  The true figure was probably around 3,000 men, but the insurgents were stiffened by a force of 600 Black Flags, who now fought the Japanese for the first time during the campaign, and also deployed cannon and machine guns on the city walls.   After a preliminary bombardment with their mountain artillery the Japanese scaled the walls and broke into the city.  The insurgents were defeated, leaving over 200 dead on the field.  Total casualties in the Imperial Guards Division in the engagements fought between 3 and 9 October were 14 killed and 54 wounded.   The division was ordered to halt at Chiayi and wait until Prince Fushimi’s northern expedition went ashore at Pa-te-chui before resuming its advance.[42]
Liu Yongfu's conditional surrender offer
On 10 October, discouraged by the news of the fall of Chiayi, Liu Yongfu made an offer of conditional surrender to the Japanese.  He asked that no Formosan should be punished for having taken up arms against the Japanese, and that all Chinese soldiers still in Taiwan should be treated hospitably and repatriated to Canton or Amoy.  The surrender offer was conveyed to the Japanese headquarters at Makung in the Pescadores by the British warship HMS Pique, and the Japanese replied that they would send a warship to Anping, the outport of Tainan, on 12 October to discuss Liu's proposals.  On 12 October the Japanese cruiser Yoshino arrived off Anping, but Liu Yongfu refused to go aboard, perhaps fearing treachery.  The Japanese subsequently informed him that they would accept only unconditional surrender.[43][44]
Japanese victory at Shau-lan

Meanwhile, the other two Japanese columns were making their presence felt.  Prince Fushimi's northern column, which included the 5th and 17th Infantry Regiments, landed at Pa-te-chui on 10 October.  The division fought several brisk actions during its advance southwards.  These included an action at Kaw-wah-tau on 12 October, in which Japanese casualties were slight, and an engagement near Kiu-sui-kei on 16 October to disengage a company of the 17th Regiment which had been surrounded by the insurgents, in which the Japanese suffered casualties of 9 dead and 10 wounded and the enemy at least 60 dead.  On 18 October the 5th Infantry Regiment, supported by a battery of artillery and a troop of cavalry, routed the insurgents at Ongo-ya-toi.  Japanese casualties were 3 dead and 14 wounded, while the enemy left 80 dead on the battlefield.  On the same day the 17th Regiment met the Formosans at Tion-sha and inflicted a heavy defeat upon them. Formosan losses were computed at around 400 killed, while on the Japanese side only one officer was wounded.   Meanwhile, the  brigade’s advance guard dislodged an insurgent force numbering around 4,000 men and armed with repeating rifles from the village of Mao-tau, to the south of the So-bung-go River, but suffered relatively high casualties in doing so.  On 19 October, in a battle to capture the fortified village of Shau-lan, the Japanese took a striking revenge.  The 17th Regiment trapped a force of 3,000 insurgents inside the village and inflicted very heavy casualties on them when they stormed it.  Nearly a thousand enemy bodies were counted after this massacre.  Japanese losses were only 30 men killed or wounded, including 3 officers.[45]
Japanese capture of Takow
Lieutenant-General Nogi's southern column, consisting of 6,330 soldiers, 1,600 military coolies and 2,500 horses, landed at Fangliao on 10 October, and engaged a force of Formosan militiamen at Ka-tong-ka (Chinese:茄苳腳; Pe̍h-ōe-jī:Ka-tang-kha; now Jiadong) on 11 October. The Battle of Chiatung was a Japanese victory, but the Japanese suffered their heaviest  combat casualties of the campaign in the engagement—16 men killed and 61 wounded.  Three officers were among the casualties.  On 15 October Nogi's column closed in on the important port of Takow, but discovered that the Japanese navy had beaten it to the punch.  Two days earlier, on 13 October, the Takow forts had been bombarded and silenced by the Japanese cruisers Yoshino, Naniwa, Akitsushima, Hiei, Yaeyama and Saien, and a naval landing force had been put ashore to occupy the town.  Foiled of their prize, Nogi's men pressed on, and captured the town of Pithau on 16 October.  By 20 October they were at the village of Ji-chang-hang, only a few miles south of Tainan.  There, on the night of 20 October, they received an offer of unconditional surrender from the Chinese merchants of Tainan.[46][47]
Liu Yongfu's flight

All three Japanese columns were now within striking distance of Tainan, and on 20 October, realising that the war was lost, Liu Yongfu disguised himself as a coolie and fled to Amoy in mainland China aboard the British merchant ship SS Thales.  The ship was pursued by the Japanese cruiser Yaeyama and boarded by Japanese sailors, who did not recognise Liu Yongfu but arrested him and several of his companions on suspicion.  The British captain protested vigorously at this illegal search, and when the merchant ship reached Amoy the detainees, including Liu Yongfu, were released.  Admiral Arichi Shinanojo, the Japanese fleet commander in the invasion of Taiwan, was forced to resign as a result of a subsequent British complaint to Japan.  Only later did the Japanese realise how close they had come to capturing Liu.[48][47]
Capitulation of Tainan

Tainan capitulated to the Japanese on 21 October.  Its capture put an end to serious Formosan resistance and effectively inaugurated the era of Japanese colonial rule in Taiwan.[49][47]
Historian and politician Takekoshi gave the following account of the surrender of Tainan:

After General Liu's flight, the remains of his party wandered about the city not knowing what to do, until the foreigners, afraid that they would begin plundering, managed to persuade them to lay down their arms.  This operation took the whole of one day, between 7,000 and 8,000 rifles being eventually placed in secure custody.  Then two English missionaries, Messrs. Fergusson and Barclay, went to the Japanese headquarters a few miles south of the city, bearing a letter from the Chinese residents saying that the soldiers had all laid down their arms and disappeared, and asking the Japanese to come quickly and enforce order.  General Nogi entered the city on 21 October and the rest of the army soon followed.  Thus Formosa came into our possession in reality as well as in name.[47]

Casualties

Japanese combat casualties in the invasion of Taiwan were relatively light: 164 officers and men killed and 515 wounded.  Casualties from disease, particularly cholera and malaria, were far higher.  The cholera outbreak in the Pescadores at the end of March 1895 killed more than 1,500 Japanese soldiers, and an even higher number of Japanese soldiers died in September 1895 in the wake of the malaria outbreak at Changhua shortly after its fall to the Japanese.  According to Japanese sources, 4,642 soldiers died in Taiwan and the Pescadores Islands of disease.  By the end of the campaign, 5,246 Japanese soldiers had been hospitalised in Taiwan and a further 21,748 soldiers had been evacuated back to Japan for treatment.[50]
Japanese casualties from disease included Prince Kitashirakawa Yoshihisa, who fell ill with malaria on 18 October.  His condition rapidly worsened and he died in Tainan on 28 October, seven days after the city's capitulation to the Japanese.  His body was carried to Anping, the port of Tainan, by a troop of wrestlers who by special imperial permission had accompanied the Imperial Guards Division, and shipped back to Japan for burial aboard the steamer Saikio Maru.  The cruiser Yoshino escorted the prince's body back to Japan.  A story widely circulated in Taiwan at the time, that the cause of the prince's death was a wound he received during the Battle of Baguashan, is quite untrue.[51][50]
Chinese and Formosan casualties were far higher, but are difficult to estimate.  The Japanese recovered the dead bodies of around 7,000 enemy soldiers from the various battlefields of the war, and the total number of Chinese and Formosan dead has been estimated at around 14,000.[50]
Aftermath

The cession of the island to Japan was received with such disfavour by the Chinese inhabitants that a large military force was required to effect its occupation. For nearly two years afterwards, a bitter guerrilla resistance was offered to the Japanese troops, and large forces — over 100,000 men, it was stated at the time — were required for its suppression. This was not accomplished without much cruelty on the part of the conquerors, who, in their march through the island, perpetrated all the worst excesses of war. They had, undoubtedly, considerable provocation. They were constantly attacked by ambushed enemies, and their losses from battle and disease far exceeded the entire loss of the whole Japanese army throughout the Manchurian campaign. But their revenge was often taken on innocent villagers. Men, women, and children were ruthlessly slaughtered or became the victims of unrestrained lust and rapine. The result was to drive from their homes thousands of industrious and peaceful peasants, who, long after the main resistance had been completely crushed, continued to wage a vendetta war, and to generate feelings of hatred which the succeeding years of conciliation and good government have not wholly eradicated. - The Cambridge Modern History, Volume 12[52]

The Japanese went on six weeks of killing spree massacring Hakka village peasants en masse in retaliation for the murder of Japanese teachers by Hakkas in the Shihlin suburb of Taipei.[53]
The last Formosan militia units still under arms were defeated on 26 November 1895 at the Battle of Changhsing, popularly known in Taiwan as the Battle of the Burning Village. During this battle Japanese troops set alight and stormed the village of Changhsing, Pingtung, against determined resistance by a force of Hakka militiamen and armed Hakka villagers under the command of Chiu Feng-yang (邱鳳揚).  The surviving Formosans dispersed after this defeat.
Japan had won its title to Taiwan and the Pescadores with the Treaty of Shimonoseki, and the successful Japanese invasion of Taiwan confirmed the Japanese in their possession.  Taiwan remained firmly under the control of Japan until 1945, and all regular units of the Chinese army still on the island were either disbanded or shipped back to China.  Businessmen who had backed the Japanese during the invasion prospered under their rule.  Koo Hsien-jung, who had invited the Japanese into Taipei in the early days of June 1895, was granted exclusive business rights in Taiwan, making him the wealthiest Taiwanese of his time. His son Koo Chen-fu inherited his wealth and founded the Koos Group, which dominated the business sector of modern Taiwan.
Although the Japanese army had defeated the Chinese regular and Formosan militia forces with little difficulty, a number of locally raised guerrilla bands maintained an insurgency against the Japanese for the next seven years.  The insurgency initially flourished because the bulk of the invasion force was repatriated after the surrender of Tainan, so that for several months there were relatively few Japanese troops left on the ground in Taiwan.  The Japanese responded to the continuing resistance with a carefully calibrated 'stick and carrot' policy, granting clemency to insurgents who laid down their arms while hunting down and annihilating those that did not, and taking brutal reprisals against villages believed to be sheltering guerrillas.[54][55]
Nitobe Inazō, a former Director of the Bureau of Industries in the Government of Formosa, wrote, "Though the island was pacified no one knew what was to happen next. We did not understand the character of the people. Very few Japanese could speak Formosan and fewer Formosans could speak Japanese. There was naturally mutual distrust and suspicion. The bandits abounded everywhere. Under these conditions military rule was the only form of government that could be adopted until better assurance could be obtained of the disposition of the people. For this purpose it was calculated that some ten million yen, I may say five million dollars, was yearly needed for the pacification and government of Formosa."[56]
Deaths in battle and illness plagued the Japanese forces and resulted in heavy losses for them.[57]
By 1902 most of the Formosan guerrilla units had either been wiped out or had surrendered, but a Hakka guerrilla band led by the Hakka Lin Shao-mao remained a thorn in the side of the Japanese.  Lin continued to harass the Japanese, and he and his men were eventually hunted down and killed in a major engagement on 30 May 1902.  In Japanese eyes, the extermination of Lin's band marked the end of the 'pacification' process in Taiwan, though low-level violence continued for several years thereafter.[58][59]
Cultural Influence
The 1895 war between the Japanese and the Formosan resistance movement was portrayed in a Hakka language film called 1895, released in November 2008.
Notes

See also
Taiwanese Resistance to the Japanese Invasion (1895)

How many people died in the Japanese invasion of Taiwan?


The Republican People's Party (Turkish: Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi [dʒumhuːɾiˈjet haɫk paɾˈtisi], CHP) is a Kemalist[7] and social-democratic[7] political party in Turkey. It is the oldest political party in the country, and is currently the main opposition in the Grand National Assembly. The CHP describes itself as "a modern social democratic party, which is faithful to the founding principles and values of the Republic of Turkey".[8] The party is cited as "the founding party of modern Turkey".[9] Its logo consists of the Six Arrows, which represent the foundational principles of Kemalism: republicanism, nationalism, statism, populism, laicism, and reformism.
The political party was established during the Sivas Congress in 1919 as a union of resistance groups against the Greek invasion of Anatolia. The union represented Turkish people as a unified front during the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923). On 9 September 1923, the "People's Party" declared itself to be a political organization and on 29 October 1923, announced the establishment of the Turkish Republic. On 10 November 1924, the People's Party renamed itself the "Republican People's Party" (CHP) as Turkey moved into a one-party period.
During the one-party period, the CHP became the major political organisation of a one-party state. However, CHP faced two opposition parties during this period, both established upon the request of CHP leader and founder of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in efforts to kick-start a multi-party democracy in Turkey. The first one was the Progressive Republican Party established in 1924 by famous generals such as Kazım Karabekir and Ali Fuat Cebesoy, who both served during the Turkish War of Independence, and the second was the Liberal Republican Party founded by Ali Fethi Okyar in 1930. Both parties, however, were banned within a few months of their establishment by the state for veering too closely to Islamism. This experience was followed by the founding of the National Development Party by Nuri Demirağ in 1945.
The current structure of the party was established within the transition to the multi-party period. After World War II, the leader of the CHP, İsmet İnönü, introduced democratic elections to Turkish society. There was widespread dissatisfaction with the CHP in the four years after its victory at the first multi-party general election. The party lost the following elections in 1950, and Celâl Bayar replaced İnönü as president.
During the interim "multi-party periods" in between the military coups of 1960, 1971, and 1980, the CHP was regarded as being social-democratic (a member of Socialist International),[10] civic nationalist and secularist/laicist.
The CHP, along with all other political parties of the time, was suspended for a brief period by the military junta of 1980. An inheritor party which still participates in Turkish democratic life as a separate party was established in 1984 by the name of the Democratic Left Party (DSP), created by the former leader of the CHP, Bülent Ecevit. The CHP was re-established with its original name on 9 September 1992, with the participation of a majority of its members from the pre-1980 period.
Current position

The Republican People's Party is a centre-left political party with traditional ties to the middle and upper-middle classes such as white-collar workers, retired generals, government bureaucrats, academics, college students, left-leaning intellectuals and labour unions such as DİSK. Nevertheless, the loose relationship between CHP and some trade unions, business chambers and most non-governmental organisations has alienated many voters. The distance between the party administration and many leftist grassroots, especially left oriented Kurdish voters, contributed to the party's shift away from the political left.
Despite heavy criticism from liberal and libertarian socialist interest groups, the CHP still holds a significant position in the Socialist International and is an associate member of the Party of European Socialists. The CHP urged the Socialist International to accept the Republican Turkish Party of Northern Cyprus as an observer member.
At the 2007 general election, CHP ran in alliance with the Democratic Left Party. The CHP suffered a heavy defeat, getting 7,300,234 votes (20.85% of the total). The CHP, DSP, and YTP combined received 21.77% of the votes in the 2002. The party finished first only in the three provinces of Edirne, Tekirdağ, Kırklareli, as well as two provinces on the Aegean coast which were İzmir and Muğla. With these results, 112 candidates (13 being DSP candidates) were elected to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey from the CHP electoral sheet, compared to 178 in 2002.
The CHP increased its vote share from 20.9% to 23.1% in the 2009 local elections. The party gained considerable ground by winning over Antalya, Giresun, Zonguldak, Sinop, Tekirdağ, and Aydın, despite losing Trabzon municipality. In 20 provinces of Turkey, the party received less than 3% of the votes.[11]
At the general elections held in June 2011, the CHP was able to increase its number and percentage of voters to 11,155,972 and 25.98% respectively. At the 2014 local elections, the CHP's total votes went down to 10,835,876 yet it received 26.34% of the overall vote. CHP-backed candidate Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu was able to get only 38.44% of the votes during the presidential election five months later. In the June 2015 general elections where the ruling AKP lost its parliamentary majority for the first time, the party received 11,518,139 votes, or 24.95%. A coalition government was not formed and snap elections were held in November 2015, where the CHP received 12,111,812 votes, or 25.32%.
The party has not won overall against the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 12 consecutive elections since 2002.
History

Atatürk period (1923–1938)

During the Turkish War of Independence, 1919–1923, the parliament in Ankara was composed of different types of deputies. To have harmony among his followers, Mustafa Kemal and his colleagues formed Müdafaa-ı Hukuk grubu (the "group for Defence of the Law"). The opposition to Mustafa Kemal or to the commissars elected by the parliament united under the name of "second group for Defence of the Law", often shortened simply to "second group" (the followers of Mustafa Kemal were later called "first group"). Although the second group was always in the minority, it could create active opposition within the parliament. In January 1923, Mustafa Kemal announced that first group would be transformed into a party named Halk Fırkası (People's Party). In May 1923, the parliament called a bill for new elections, most probably because Mustafa Kemal and his colleagues wanted to guarantee the Treaty of Lausanne's approval by a more unanimous parliament. The People's Party was formally founded only after the 1923 elections. The 1923 elections were definitely the victory of the forthcoming party, because of its leader's reputation after the military victory of the War of Independence and the liquidation of the second group. Because of the unanimity of this second parliament, the republic was proclaimed, the Treaty of Lausanne was accepted and the Caliphate was abolished.
However, in 1924, after the short-period of one-party rule, many of Mustafa Kemal's ex-colleagues, for many reasons (their growing loss of power, their opposition to the short period of a one-party rule's revolutionary activities, etc.), including Rauf Orbay, Kâzım Karabekir, Ali Fuat Cebesoy and many others founded an opposition party called Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet Fırkası (Progressive Republican Party). After the foundation of an opposition party, the People's Party changed its name to "Republican People's Party". The life of the Progressive Republican Party was short. In 1925, the Sheikh Said rebellion was sparked in the east of Turkey. The party faced allegations of involvement with rebellion and assassination attempts against Mustafa Kemal and was closed on 5 June by the government. As a consequence, Karabekir and many members of the party were court-martialled and imprisoned. Karabekir was released after being found innocent. From 1925 until 1946, Turkey was under one-party rule, with one interruption; Serbest Fırka (Liberal Party), which had been founded by Atatürk and was led by one of his closest friends, Ali Fethi Okyar. This party was closed down by its founders shortly after the İzmir meeting, which was a huge demonstration against the Republican People's Party. In the period of 1925–1930, the Republican People's Party introduced measures transforming Turkey into a modern state. In the period of 1930–1939, the party transformed itself and tried to broaden its ideology (for instance, the 'six arrows' were adopted in 1930).
The day after Atatürk's death, his ally İsmet İnönü was elected the second president and assumed leadership of the CHP. During the general nationwide congress of the CHP on 26 December 1938, İsmet İnönü was elected as "everlasting CHP leader". The delegates awarded Atatürk the title "eternal chief", and awarded İnönü the title "national chief".
İnönü period (1938–1972)

Soon after being elected as President, İsmet İnönü adopted a policy of neutrality despite attempts by the Allies and Axis powers to bring Turkey into World War II. A general election was held in Turkey on 21 July 1946 - the first multi-party elections in the country's history. The result was a victory for the Republican People's Party, which won 395 of the 465 seats, amid criticism that the election did not live up to democratic standards. However, four years later, Turkey's first free general election was held on 14 May 1950 and led to the CHP losing power to the Democrat Party (DP) led by Celal Bayar. İnönü presided over a peaceful transition of power, after which Bayar became the third President of Turkey while Adnan Menderes became Prime Minister. The 1950 elections marked the end of the CHP's last majority government. The party has not been able to regain a parliamentary majority in any subsequent election.
During the 1940s, the CHP established Village Institutes, which were part of an enlightenment project developed in order to reduce the gap that existed between urban and rural areas. Various scientists, writers, teachers, and doctors graduated from Village Institutes; and supported Turkey's modernization efforts, before the program was ended by Adnan Menderes's DP government. UNICEF regards the Village Institutes project as exemplary and has placed its curriculum under protection.[12][13]
On 26 November 1951, during the ninth CHP Congress, the youth branch and the women's branch of the CHP were formed. On 22 June 1953, the establishment of trade unions and vocational chambers was proposed, and the right to strike for workers was added to the party program. On 2 May 1954, the CHP lost a second consecutive general election to the DP, gaining only 31 seats with 35.4% of the total vote. The DP captured 505 seats with 57.6% vote, due to the winner-take-all system in place. Following this defeat, the CHP began intensifying its opposition tactics and increased its share of the votes to 41%, gaining 178 seats, in the 27 October 1957 elections. The DP gained 424 seats with 47.9% vote amid growing concerns about the DP's authoritarian tendencies in government.
Following the military coup of 1960, a "National Unity Committee" was formed by higher-ranking soldiers led by Cemal Gürsel. The National Unity Committee abolished the Democratic Party and started trials to punish Democratic Party leaders for their alleged dictatorial regime. As a result, on 16 and 17 September 1961, ousted Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, Foreign Minister Fatin Rüştü Zorlu, and Finance Minister Hasan Polatkan were hanged in the İmralı island prison. President Celal Bayar was forgiven due to his old age, but sentenced to life imprisonment. CHP leader İsmet İnönü sent a letter to Gürsel raising concerns regarding the legal process, calling on the death sentences of the ousted government ministers to be commuted in order to calm social tensions following the coup. Nevertheless, right-wing parties have since continuously attacked the CHP for their perceived involvement of the party in the hanging of Adnan Menderes.[14]
In 1961, the Justice Party (AP) was established, claiming to be the successor to the Democratic Party. In the meantime, the National Unity Committee established an interim House of Representatives instead of the Grand National Assembly, in order to prepare a new constitution for Turkey. In the new constitution, the Constitutional Court was to be established, to prevent the government from violating the constitution. The 1961 constitution is accepted as the most liberal and democratic constitution in Turkish history. Also, the winner-take-all electoral system was immediately abolished, and a proportional representation system was introduced. The new constitution brought Turkey a bicameral parliament, composed of the Senate of the Republic as the upper chamber, and the National Assembly as the lower chamber. The National Unity Committee chairman General Cemal Gürsel was elected as the fourth president of Turkey.
The CHP emerged as the first party in the general election of 1961, gaining 173 seats with the 36.7% of the vote. The AP gained 158 seats with 34.8% of the vote. CHP leader İsmet İnönü formed a grand coalition with the Justice Party (AP) and became Prime Minister for a third and final time. This was the first coalition government in Turkey, lasting until 1962 when a split between the CHP and the AP on the issue of amnesty for former DP members resulted in the government's dissolution. İnönü formed a three-party coalition government with the New Turkey Party (YTP) and the Republican Villagers Nation Party (CKMP), though the loss of support for the two junior parties in the 1963 local elections resulted in the government being disbanded in 1963. İnönü was forced to form a fragile minority government supported by Independents, though the government was able to survive a vote of confidence due to outside support from the YTP. The government was overthrown in February 1965 after the opposition parties in parliament united to block the CHP's budget, causing İnönü to resign as Prime Minister. The 29th government of Turkey was formed by Independent MP Suat Hayri Ürgüplü, who had the support of the AP, YTP, CKMP and the Nation Party (MP). Ürgüplü's government presided over the 1965 general election, in which the AP won a parliamentary majority.
İnönü remained as opposition leader and the leader of the CHP until 8 May 1972, losing a second general election in 1969 to the AP. He was succeeded as leader by Bülent Ecevit and died a year later in 1973. He is the most recent President of Turkey to have served as an active member of the CHP during his term.
Ecevit period (1972–1980)

In 1971, the army brought down the AP government of Süleyman Demirel. The secretary general of CHP Bülent Ecevit protested against military intervention and resigned from his post. He also criticized İnönü for not criticizing the intervention. By his quick and energetic reactions, he gained support from the intellectuals and in 1972, he succeeded İsmet İnönü as the leader of the party. Following some interim governments, CHP won 1973 elections with 33% of the vote and formed a coalition with the National Salvation Party (MSP) of Necmettin Erbakan. Bülent Ecevit began to take on a distinct left wing role in politics and, although remaining staunchly nationalist, tried to implement socialism into the ideology of CHP. The support of the party also increased after Turkish intervention in Cyprus following a coup which had been staged by the Cypriot National Guard led by Nikos Sampson.
However, the CHP and the MSP had very diverged ideologies, especially on secularity and in 1975 a new coalition government led by Süleyman Demirel was formed by four parties.  Nevertheless, the CHP was still the most popular party and won the 1977 elections with 41% of the vote, which is a record for the party. Although the CHP couldn't gain the majority of seats and from 1977 to 1979, the CHP was the main party of two brief coalition governments. But in 1980, the AP returned with Demirel. The political switching between the CHP and the AP came to an end when the military performed a coup and banned all political parties.
Recovery period (1980–1992)
After the 1980 military coup, the name "Republican People's Party" and the abbreviation CHP were banned from use by the military regime. Until 1998, Turkey was ruled by the centre-right Motherland Party (ANAP) and the True Path Party (DYP), unofficial successors of the Democrat Party.
CHP followers also tried to establish parties. But they were not allowed to use the name CHP and were not allowed to elect the well known pre-1980 politicians to party posts. So they had to introduce new politicians.
The three parties of CHP followers were the Populist Party (Turkish: Halkçı Parti, HP) of Necdet Calp, the Social Democracy Party (Turkish: Sosyal Demokrasi Partisi, SODEP) of Erdal İnönü and the Democratic Left Party (Turkish: Demokratik Sol Parti, DSP) of Rahşan Ecevit. These names were chosen to remind people of the CHP. Necdet Calp was the late İsmet İnönü's secretary while he was prime minister. Erdal İnönü was İsmet İnönü's son and Rahşan Ecevit was Bülent Ecevit's wife.
The ban on pre-1980 politicians was lifted in 1987 and the ban on pre-1980 parties was lifted in 1992. Both of these normalization steps were largely due to Erdal İnönü's efforts. He also tried to unify the three parties; SODEP and HP merged in 1985 to form the Social Democratic Populist Party (SHP), but DSP remained separate.
Baykal period (1992–2010)

The CHP was re-established after the 1987 referendum and a legislation in 1993 which allowed the re-establishment of older parties.
In 1991, since Turkey's election system had two large election thresholds post-1980 (10% nationwide and 15% local thresholds) and since the centre-left was divided into two parties (SHP and DSP), social democrats and democratic left groups had little power in parliament. Between 1991 and 1995, Turkey was ruled by the coalition of centre-right DYP and center-left SHP (later, the SHP joined the CHP). The Islamists returned with a new party, the Welfare Party (Refah), while the nationalist MHP took advantage of the disillusionment felt by former supporters of the Refah Party and the constant bickering of ANAP and DYP.
In 1995, the Islamist Welfare Party (Refah) entered parliament, and the CHP's share of the vote dropped further to 10% and it received only 49 of the 550 MPs. It now seemed as if the CHP had been replaced as the main left-wing party.
But the Welfare Party was banned in 1998, and during the 1990s the Democratic Left Party led by former CHP leader Bülent Ecevit gained popular support. In 1998, after the resignation of the Refah-DYP coalition following the 28 February "post-modern coup", ANAP formed a coalition government with the DSP and the small centre-right party Democratic Turkey Party (DTP), along with the support of CHP.
However, due to big scandals, corruption and some illegal actions of this coalition, the CHP withdrew its support from the coalition and helped bring down the government with a "no confidence" vote. Just before the elections of 1999, the DSP formed an interim minority government with the support of the DYP and ANAP. Notably, terrorist PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was captured in Kenya during this Ecevit period.
Therefore, in the elections of 1999, the CHP failed to pass the 10% threshold (8.7% vote), winning no seats in parliament. Baykal resigned in 1999 and Altan Öymen became the new leader. But one year later, Baykal became the leader of the party again.
About a month after the 1999 general election, a coalition government between the DSP, MHP and ANAP was formed under the leadership of the DSP. This government passed many important laws, including banking reform, unemployment insurance, a law to ensure the autonomy of the Central Bank, qualified industrial zones, tender law, employment incentive law, to name a few. The government also changed 34 articles of the Constitution to widen fundamental rights and freedoms, and did this with the approval of all the parties in parliament. Turkey became a candidate country to the European Union (without any political preconditions and with equal treatment as all other candidate countries). Three major EU harmonisation packages were passed during this government, including the most comprehensive package of 3 August 2002, which included the removal of the death penalty and many changes in fundamental rights and freedoms. An economic crisis which resulted from long overdue problems from previous governments caused a drop in the currency in February 2001. But 2 months later, the government passed a series of very comprehensive economic reforms which enabled the high growth of 2002–2007.
Because the DSP opposed the US invasion of Iraq, a campaign to divide the DSP and force a change of government in Turkey was started. When its coalition partner MHP called for early elections in the summer of 2002, it faced the electorate before the results of economic reforms could be felt. As a result, none of the coalition parties were able to pass the 10% national threshold.
In the 2002 parliamentary elections, the CHP won 178 seats in parliament, and only it and the AKP (Justice and Development Party) entered parliament. The CHP became the main opposition party again and Turkey's second largest party. It had begun the long road to recovery.
However, that this had very little to do with voters supporting CHP. Many were former DSP supporters who were angry at the economic crisis that many blamed on the Ecevit government. Also, many DSP and ANAP supporters left these parties for AKP as did many MHP and Fazilet (now Saadet party) members.
Many on the left were very critical of the leadership of CHP, especially Deniz Baykal, who they complained was stifling the party of young blood by turning away the young who turn either to apathy or even vote for the AKP. While the AKP boasted a young leadership who have lived through many of the difficulties of many in Turkey, the CHP were seen as an 'old guard' that did not represent modern Turkey. The leftists also are very critical of the party's continuous opposition to the removal of Article 301 of the Turkish penal code; which caused people to be prosecuted for "insulting Turkishness" including Nobel Prize winner author Orhan Pamuk, Elif Şafak, and the conviction of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, its attitude towards the minorities in Turkey, as well as its Cyprus policy.
Despite this recovery, since the dramatic 2002 general election, the CHP has been racked by internal power struggles, and has been outclassed by the AKP government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In the local elections of 2004, its overall share of the vote held, largely through mopping up anti-Erdoğan votes among former supporters of smaller left-wing and secular right-wing parties, but was badly beaten by the AKP across the country, losing former strongholds such as Antalya.
Much of the blame was put on CHP leader Deniz Baykal. After the local elections, the CHP was racked by defections of several key members of the party all claiming a lack of democratic structure within the party and the increasingly authoritarian way in which Deniz Baykal ran the party. Even those who supported Deniz Baykal would admit that the party would be much more successful with a different leader.
In October 2004, the New Turkey Party (Yeni Türkiye Partisi, YTP) merged into the CHP. Lately, Baykal was bidding for fusing the DSP and the CHP together under one roof, namely CHP, under his leadership.
In order to present a strong alternative to the AKP in the 2007 general election, the DSP showed a sacrifice and entered the elections together with the CHP. The CHP and DSP alliance received 20.9% of the votes and entered the parliament with 112 MPs.
In the 2009 local elections, the party tried to attract conservative and devout Muslims to the party by allowing women who wear the hijab to become party members including promises to introduce Koran courses if requested in every district.[15] However, the allowing of women wearing hijab into the party received a severe blow when a normally non-headscarved member of CHP (Kıymet Özgür) committed a provocation by wearing a black hijab and tried to get into an election bus in Istanbul. The incident raised questions about the CHP's initiatives in favor of religious freedoms.[16] The new initiatives introduced were surprising inside and outside the party, and with military leaders.
On 10 May 2010, Deniz Baykal announced his resignation as leader of the Republican People's Party after a clandestinely made video tape of him, sitting on a bed where a woman is also eminent (identified as Nesrin Baytok, his former private secretary and a member of parliament) was leaked to the media.[17]
Although Baykal has stepped down from the chair of his party leadership, he is still active in politics for CHP as a parliament member.
Kılıçdaroğlu period (2010–present)

On 22 May 2010 the convention of the Republican People's Party elected Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu to be the new party leader. Kılıçdaroğlu set about immediately to reform the party and many critics of the day commented positively how the Kılıçdaroğlu period would see the People's Republican Party move more to the left as in the time of Bülent Ecevit, in contrast to the Baykal period which had moved CHP more closer to centre politics to such an extent that left-wing intellectuals had started to claim how the CHP was becoming a right-wing party. Kılıçdaroğlu saw an immense rise in popularity and support throughout the country and for the first time in twenty years, the party became directly active in the eastern parts of the country. In late 2010, the party held a Great Election where the Party Leader's cabinet was reformed. It marked the complete end of the 'Baykal - Önder Sav' era where all opposition to the changing policy of the CHP was swiftly removed.
Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu's efforts seemed to work since elections held on 12 June 2011, CHP was able to increase the number & the percentage of voters to 11,155,972 and 25.98% respectively.
Yet, in 2012, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu faced an attempted rebellion by the old guard in his own party, reportedly supported by Baykal. However, the attempt failed and at the party congress held in 2012, Kılıçdaroğlu remained the CHP leader. This paved the way for him into following his plans for what he considers renovating the party to becoming a social democratic party in the European context.
Muharrem İnce, a member of parliament for Yalova, was announced as the presidential candidate of the Republican People's Party (CHP) on 3 May 2018.[18] On the following day, 4 May, party leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu formally proclaimed the CHP's support for İnce.[19] Shortly thereafter, the CHP began preparations for the campaign season, launching the production of campaign material and merchandise. It was revealed in early May that İnce's campaign would adopt the slogan “Türkiye’ye güvence Muharrem İnce”, roughly translating to "Muharrem İnce, an assurance to Turkey",[20] and that it would be kicked off with an election rally in his home city of Yalova on 5 May.[21]
Electorate
The CHP usually draw much of their support from secular and liberally religious voters with a stable electorate from voters of big cities, coastal regions, the professional middle-class, and minority groups such as Alevis. According to The Economist, "to the dismay of its own leadership the CHP’s core constituency, as well as most of its MPs, are Alevis."[22] However, the party's leader, Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, is also an Alevi himself.[23]
The party's strongholds are the Aegean region (İzmir, Aydın, Muğla), the Thrace region (Edirne, Kırklareli, Tekirdağ) the Eastern black sea region (Ardahan, Artvin and Rize Province) and the Anatolian college town of Eskişehir.
Historical leaders

Election results
General elections

Presidential elections

Senate elections

Local elections

See also

Independent Group (Turkey)
List of political parties in Turkey
SODEP
Ulus (newspaper)
The Six Arrows (flag of CHP)

 Media related to Republican People's Party (Turkey) at Wikimedia Commons
 (in Turkish)

When was the Republican People's Party formed in Turkey?


The 2019 Rose Bowl was a college football bowl game played on January 1, 2019 at the Rose Bowl Stadium in Pasadena, California.[5] It was the 105th edition of the Rose Bowl Game, and one of the 2018–19 bowl games concluding the 2018 FBS football season. The game matched the Big Ten champion Ohio State Buckeyes against the Pac-12 champion Washington Huskies. Ohio State won the game, 28–23, to capture its 8th Rose Bowl championship in program history. Ohio State head coach Urban Meyer announced retirement from coaching the month before, marking the 2019 Rose Bowl his final game.[6] Sponsored by the Northwestern Mutual financial services organization, the game was officially known as the Rose Bowl Game presented by Northwestern Mutual.
Pre-game activities
"The Melody of Life" was the theme chosen by Pasadena Tournament of Roses president Gerald Freeny. The game was presided over by Grand Marshal Chaka Khan, the "Queen of Funk.".
George Halas (Great Lakes Navy), Randall McDaniel (Arizona State), Pop Warner (Stanford), and Vince Young (Texas) were inducted into the Rose Bowl Hall of Fame prior to the game.
The 130th Rose Parade was held in downtown Pasadena the morning of the game, with floats from both conferences. The bands and cheerleaders from both schools also participated.
Teams
The teams playing in the Rose Bowl Game were the highest ranking teams from the Pac-12 Conference and Big Ten Conference that were not selected to play in a College Football Playoff (CFP) semifinal game; Washington and Ohio State, respectively. This game marks the first time those two programs met in a bowl game.[7] This was the schools' 12th meeting; Ohio State led the all-time series, 8–3.[7] Both teams arrived in Los Angeles by December 26 and participated in the Disneyland welcome at Disney California Adventure. Their practices were held at the Dignity Health Sports Park (formerly the StubHub Center) in nearby Carson.[8]
Washington Huskies

Washington secured its berth in the Rose Bowl with a victory over Utah in the Pac-12 Football Championship Game on November 30.[9] The Huskies entered the Rose Bowl with a 10–3 record (7–2 in conference).  This was Washington's 15th appearance in the Rose Bowl Game, with a record of 7–6–1 entering the game.
Ohio State Buckeyes

Ohio State, winner of the Big Ten Football Championship Game, became the Big Ten representative in the Rose Bowl when the team was not selected for the College Football Playoff.[10] The Buckeyes entered the Rose Bowl with a 12–1 record (8–1 in conference). This was Ohio State's last game under head coach Urban Meyer, who announced his intent to retire on December 4.[11]  This was Ohio State's 15th appearance in the Rose Bowl Game, with a record of 7–7 entering the game.
Game summary
Game information

Scoring summary

Statistics

 at ESPN

When is the next game between OSU and UT?


Part of a series onFacebook
History
Timeline
Acquisitions
Criticism
FeaturesvtFacebook is a social networking company that has acquired 1 other companies, including WhatsApp. The WhatsApp acquisition closed at a steep $16 billion; more than $40 per user of the platform. Facebook also purchased the defunct company ConnectU in a court settlement and acquired intellectual property formerly held by rival Friendster. The majority of the companies acquired by Facebook are based in the United States, and in turn, a large percentage of these companies are based in or around the San Francisco Bay Area. Facebook has also made investments in LuckyCal and Wildfire Interactive.
Most of Facebook's acquisitions have primarily been "talent acquisitions" and acquired products are often shut-down. Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg has stated in 2010 that "We have not once bought a company for the company. We buy companies to get excellent people... In order to have a really entrepreneurial culture one of the key things is to make sure we're recruiting the best people. One of the ways to do this is to focus on acquiring great companies with great founders."[1]  The Instagram acquisition, announced on 2012-04-09, appears to have been the first exception to this pattern.[2] While continuing with a pattern of primarily talent acquisitions, other notable product focused acquisitions include the $19 billion WhatsApp acquisition and the $2 billion Oculus VR acquisition.
Acquisitions

See also
List of mergers and acquisitions by Alphabet
List of mergers and acquisitions by Apple
List of_mergers and acquisitions by Amazon
List of acquisitions by eBay
List of mergers and acquisitions by IBM
List of mergers and acquisitions by Microsoft
List of mergers and acquisitions by Twitter
List of mergers and acquisitions by Yahoo!
Mergers and acquisitions

List of mergers and acquisitions by Facebook


Main Page
The Most Assassinated Woman in the World (French: La femme la plus assassinée du monde) is a 2018 French mystery thriller and the debut feature film directed and produced by Franck Ribière.[2] It stars Anna Mouglalis, Niels Schneider, Eric Godon, Sissi Duparc, André Wilms, Michel Fau. The leading lady of Grand Guignol Theatre in Paris, Paula Max (Anna Mouglalis), is known for being murdered in every show on stage. Someone starts to notice that there's a link between these murders and a series of murders in real-life.[3] The film is the first Belgian movie made for Netflix.[4] It was shot in a 1.85: 1 screen ratio through Spherical lens. It is loosely inspired by the work and life of actual French actress Paula Maxa.[5] Filmed over the course of a month and a half on an estimated budget of €4,500,000,[6] the film was released straight to Netflix after a premiere at the Brussels International Fantasy Film Festival in April 2018.[7]
Plot
In the early 1930s, Paula Maxa is one of the leading actresses at the Grand Guignol Theatre in Paris. Maxa is self-defined as the "most assassinated woman in the world" having become famous for being violently murdered on stage more than 10 000 times. The theater director at the Grand Guignol is known for his gruesome stories and realistic gory special effects that leave audience members shocked and at times disgusted. Journalist "Jean" from Le Petit Journal is tasked with writing a critique of Maxa's performances. He arrives at the theater one night and seeks Maxa after her performance. On the way to her dressing room, he is given a bouquet of flowers by one of her costars to deliver to Maxa, apparently on behalf of one of her admirers. When he arrives in her dressing room, Maxa notices the flowers and asks him to throw them away. The two are intrigued by each other, both noting they are not what either expected of a typical journalist or actress. After Maxa leaves for her next performance, Jean begins to look around her dressing room, and notices the note attached to the flowers he brought her, which expresses her admirers love for her performances on stage, notably her deaths, and how they cannot wait to murder her in real life. Jean reads that the note is from a J. After Jean leaves, an unknown man is seen entering Paula's dressing room, and stealing the postcard on her mirror. The next morning, Paula awakes with a scream from a nightmare in which a man wearing a mask and using a cane has followed her to a cafe and killed her. She then has a vision of a girl in her bathtub, playing with dolls. The girl looks visibly deceased, with pale skin and blue lips. Paula takes medication, and the girl disappears. Jean is seen next at work with a stab wound on his hip. When a coworker tells Jean to have it checked by a doctor, Jean ignores him. He goes to see his boss, who asks him how his story is coming along. Although Jean wants to focus his story on the people of the theater, his boss reveals that he has been sent to investigate the link between numerous murders that have occurred in town recently and those portrayed on stage. He believes killers have been drawing inspiration from the fictitious murders for their real-life killings. Later that day, Jean goes to see Paula and asks her on a date.
Paula arrives at work the next day and continues to have visions of the same girl from the bathtub, who is now on a beach, calling out to her by the name Marie-Therèse. Paula receives a package that night containing the new dress she is to wear for her performance, with a note that reads "This is the end, I am going to kill you one final time!" from the same sender. Her date with Jean arrives and she is visibly distraught. At the same time, the unknown man from her dressing room is seen there again, this time smelling her perfume and trying on her wigs and makeup. The special effects director Paul finds the man there and asks him to leave. The man explains that he and Paul have a deal in which he delivers him dead bodies to use for the special effects in his plays, and in return he is allowed to admire Paula. He explains that he has come to finally kill her. After their date, Paula and Jean go back to her apartment. She asks him how he got the wound on his hip, and he explains that he was caught in an affair with a married woman, and her husband delivered the stab wound to him when he caught them in the bathroom. Now that he has told her his secret, he asks her what secrets she has been keeping from him. Paula reveals that her sister Aimee ran away from home when she was younger to become an actress, and they would meet in secret as to not alert their parents of her whereabouts. She tells him that during this time she began courting with a man named Jean, who had a limp and used a cane, due to a case of polio when he was younger. One day, Jean offered to take her and her sister to the beach. When they arrived at the dunes, he became violent and tried to rape Paula. As she tried to fight him, he beat her unconscious, with the last thing she remembers being him turning to rape her sister Aimee. When she awoke, Aimee's throat was slit and the man was gone. Paula reveals that she blames herself for not being able to save her sister or catch her killer, as she explains the man allegedly committed suicide before the police could arrest him. She tells Jean that she still hears the click of his cane when she is walking home at night, as though he is there. The two kiss and it is assumed that Jean spends the night at Paula's apartment.
A woman named Violette is seen at a bar, flirting with the same man from Paula's dressing room, in hopes of having sex. The man accepts her advances and the two go back to his apartment. Once there, the man tries to kill her and Violette desperately tries to escape. The man slices her throat and Violette dies. The special effects director, Paul, is seen the next morning reluctantly picking up Violette's body from the man.  At Le Petit Journal, Jean's coworker tells him that Marie-Therese Beau, who is best known under her stage name Paula Maxa, was raped by a man named Jean De Lancry, who also killed her sister. Jean remembers a fan of Paula's that he met the first at the theater, named Eugene De Lancry, and connects him to the murders and the threats that Paula has received. He tells his boss that he is finished his story and uncovered the identity of the man behind the murders, but in exchange, wishes for three months salary, and two tickets to Los Angeles. Jean then rushes to the theater in an attempt to save Paula, but is confronted by the theater director Andre, who tells him that no one can save Paula, as she is his property and the property of the theater, revealing that those working in the theater are complicit in the murders. Jean is forced out into a cab, and he watches as Paula enters the theater, unknowingly to her death. Paula finds Paul, who has created a special effects piece for her, that will make it appear as though her throat has been sliced for tonight's appearance. During the performance, the real Jean De Lancry steps in just as Paula is to be murdered on scene, and slices her throat with a real knife. The audience at first erupts in applause, but later realize it is real blood that has spattered onto them and begin to panic. Before the paramedics find Paula's body, Paul switches the body of dead Violette with "supposedly dead" Paula's. He is arrested for the murder of Paula Maxa, and the theater closes. Paula, alive and well, is seen at the cemetery where her tomb lies with the body of Violette inside. Jean joins her, and the two enter a car and leave. Jean De Lancry now roams the streets missing Paula, who he believes to have finally killed, and continues to murder women who resemble the actress.
Cast

Anna Mouglalis as Paula[2]
Niels Schneider as Jean[2]
Eric Godon as Georges
Sissi Duparc as Rose
André Wilms as Eugène
Michel Fau as André
Constance Dollé as Violette
Jean-Michel Balthazar as Paul
Michel Ferracci as Dominique
Renaud Rutten as Louis
Jean-Jacques Rausin as Alexandre
Christian Crahay as Dupuis
Vérane Frédiani as Sylviane
Bruno Blairet as Roger
Production
The film's director, Franck Ribière explained that he wished to create an authentic story that captured francophone culture. When he received the script, Ribière  was intrigued by the character of Paula, who is based on real-life french actress Paula Maxa.[8] Ribière also expressed his excitement to bring the arrival of color cinema and the first american horror films to screen. Ribière began looking for ways to create a French film to cinema through his work on his last project, Alex of Iglesia, in which a majority of Spanish actors were cast for an authentically Spanish film. He sought out Netflix due to their success as a "new wave in film" by bringing modern stories to large audiences, and the autonomy they give to creators to tell their stories as they choose.[9]
Casting
The film cast mostly Belgian actors for the film, of which most had backgrounds in theater and dramatic arts. Anna Mouglalis was specifically chosen for the role because of her deep voice and appearance, which Ribière said emulated the French Star Paula Maxa perfectly and helped bring the story to life.[10]
Filming
The Most Assasinated Woman in the World was filmed over a one month period in 2017. Most of the scenes were shot in Liège, Belgium. The film was notably praised for casting multiple Belgian actors as main characters.[11]
Release
The film was released by Netflix internationally and by Fontana in Belgium. Fontana, in partnership with Wallimage funded the project through a tax shelter, a government-approved tax incentive designed to encourage the production of audiovisual works in Belgium. The budget for the film is estimated to be €4,500,000.
Reception
On Rotten Tomatoes, the film received an approval rating of 83% based on six reviews.[12]

 on IMDb