Adam Ignacy Koc (31 August 1891 – 3 February 1969) was a Polish politician, MP, soldier, journalist and freemasoner. Koc, who had several noms de guerre (Witold, Szlachetny, Adam Krajewski, Adam Warmiński and Witold Warmiński), fought in Polish units in World War One and in the Polish-Soviet War.
In his youth, he was a member of the Revolutionary Association of Nation's Youth, the Union of Active Struggle and the Riflemen's Association. He then became a commandant of the Polish Military Organisation, first in the Warsaw district, and then its Commandant-in-Chief. Adam Koc was one of the officers of the Polish Legions and a member of so-called Convent of Organisation A.
In the Second Polish Republic, Adam Koc first was incorporated into the Polish Armed Forces, in December 1919, where he was given command of the 201 Infantry Regiment of Warsaw's Defense, which later became a Volunteer Division (31 July - 3 December 1920). Afterwards, he served in the Ministry of Military Affairs, in different positions. A participant in the May Coup, he was promoted in 1926 to be chief of the Command of VI District of Corps in Lwów, a position he held until 1928.
Considered as part of Piłsudski's colonels group, he was elected MP to the Sejm three times and once to the Senate. He was also multiple times in office, mostly in financial positions (he was Vice-Minister of Treasury and head of the Bank of Poland). There, he was one of the negotiators of the loan talks of the II Polish Republic with the UK and France.
As a Sanational politician, he created the Gazeta Polska newspaper. He was editor-in-chief of its Sanational predecessor Głos Prawdy in 1929.[3]
After Piłsudski died in May 1935, Adam Koc joined the people close to Edward Rydz-Śmigły. He became commandant-in-chief of the Association of Polish Legionists.
In 1936-1937, Koc started co-creating a new political entity, the Camp of National Unity (OZN). He became its head a year later. He was supportive of the idea of OZN's approach towards the radical right National Radical Camp Falanga and right-wing National Democracy.
As World War II started, Koc coordinated the evacuation of the Bank of Poland's gold reserves. He served as Minister of Finance, Trade and Industry for a short period in 1939, before he fled to the US in 1940, where he died in 1969. There, he was one of the active members of the Józef Piłsudski Institute of America.
Early life
Adam Koc was born into an aristocratic family from Podlachia of Orthodox Ukrainian origin. It is possible that the family was forced to assimilate and derived itself from the area near Biała Podlaska.[1]
His grandfather, Leon, was a veteran of the January uprising and mayor of Filipów and Sereje, both near Suwałki, Koc's hometown, while his grandmother, Waleria, was part of the Polish National Government. Adam's father, Włodzimierz (1848-1925) was a teacher of ancient languages. His marriage with Helena (née Pisanko) brought three children: Stefan (1889-1908), Adam Ignacy himself and Leon Wacław, the youngest of them (1892-1954).[4][5]
After the death of Adam's mother in 1894, his aunt, Elżbieta Pisanko, took care of them. Five years later, the family moved to a rented flat in Suwałki. He started school in 1900 and he attended the Russian Boys' Gymnasium in Suwałki. It is there, most probably,[4] that Koc became involved in the pro-independence activities, participating in self-taught additional lectures, in 1901.[6]
During the 1905 revolution he was part of the strike action gymnasium committee. As a result, he and future politician and MP Aleksander Putra were expelled from the school.[7] At the time, he was a member of the National Workers' Union, an organisation with close ties with the National Democracy. He continued his education in January 1906 in the newly opened Polish Private Seven-class Trade School in Suwałki (now School Union nr. 4).[8] Later on, his father sent Adam to Kraków, where he attended the Philosophical College of the Jagiellonian University. In order to do so, he had to pass final exams in one of the Kraków's gymnasiums. He did so on 20 June 1912, in then named IV classical gymnasium (now IV Tadeusz Kościuszko Lyceum), located in Podgórze (then a separate city), on quite a low level (mostly, he received a "satisfactory" grade, with only Greek and Latin passed on a "good" one), which was enough, however, to start Polish studies there.[4]
Pro-independence activity (1909-1914)

Before World War I

Koc had been in Kraków for three years when he wrote his Matura exam in 1912. At the time he committed to pro-independence conspiracy organisations,[1] and was listed among the radical youth. Władysław Studnicki was his mentor, while Aleksander Putra, Bolesław Kunc and Bolesław Dąbrowski were his closest cooperators. In the fall of 1909, Koc joined the newly created Revolutionary Association of Nation's Youth (ZRMN),[9] which was introduced into the conspirative Union of Active Struggle (ZWC) by Studnicki,[9] despite fears that the organisation bore a socialist character. There, Koc received his first pseudonym, Witold. His brother, Leon, joined the organisation in 1911, after Adam introduced him.[4]

Koc was engaged in the Riflemen's Association, a legal organisation related to ZWC. Initially he was responsible for the financial state of the Kraków branch,[6] but Koc was sent to Grodno in late May 1910 by Kazimierz Sosnkowski and Józef Piłsudski (where his retired father lived), so as to make a detailed description of the fortress.[1] The task was done well, while the maps and sketches were sent via Aleksander Prystor. It is probable that it was the reason Koc could complete the officer’s course, organized by the Union of Active Struggle in Stróża near Limanowa, in Austrian Galicia, in 1912, and therefore promoted to a higher rank in the ZWC a year later. In spring 1914, he passed an exam that gave him an officer's rank in the ZWC and an Officer's Star "Parasol" award.[10] Simultaneously, Koc was an adjutant of the main headquarters of Riflemen's Organisation for the Russian partition affairs, starting from October 1913.[4]
Polish Military Organisation (1914-1919)
On 10 August 1914, Koc came to Warsaw from Druskininkai on the order of Walery Sławek, to take command of the local branch of the Union of Active Struggle in the Russian partition.[11] Soon afterwards, the Union of Active Struggle and the Riflemen's Association in Congress Poland united under leadership of Karol Rybasiewicz, formerly commandant of the Polish Rifle Squads. Koc became his deputy, and in August 1914, the new body was named the Polish Military Organisation (POW), led by Piłsudski's emissary, Tadeusz Żuliński.[12] The main target of the new organisation was to create sabotage actions behind the Russian army. Koc was one of the members of the Chief Commandment of POW. In addition, Koc commanded the Warsaw district of the organisation from the beginning of 1915. In February 1915 he was advanced to Podporuchik by Żuliński.[13]
Koc desperately wanted to fight Russians on the front, among Piłsudski's Legions, an occasion that could have been possible unless the front stabilized by spring 1915. Then, Żuliński sent him to Piłsudski (then actively in fight) with reports on POW's activity. Normally, such a person could cross the frontline to the 1st Brigade of Polish Legions, but it proved to be impossible. To fulfill the task, Koc had to use the northern route, via Finland and Sweden. Alias Adam Krajewski, Koc left Warsaw on 25 May 1915,[4] giving up his POW's position.[10]

He arrived in Petrograd, and started to move towards Helsinki, illegally crossing the border between Russia and the Great Duchy of Finland.[1] Then, Koc was transported to Stockholm, in agreement with Finnish pro-independence organisations.[11] There, he met another messenger from POW, Aleksander Sulkiewicz. Problems with getting an Austro-Hungary visa, both had to wait for them in Kopenhagen. Having received the documents, Koc arrived in Piotrków Trybunalski (then occupied by the Triple Alliance militia), where he met with Adam Skwarczyński. He then finally reached Annopol, then Piłsudski's headquarters.[11] The reports were given, and, on Koc's will, he was allowed to participate in the Legions.[4]
Polish Legions (1915-1918)

Having completed the task given by Żuliński, he joined the 5th Infantry Regiment, which was part of the 1st Brigade of the Polish Legions.[1] It almost coincided with the Central Powers countries' occupation of Lublin in summer 1915.[14]
He received a task coinciding with his earlier life experience: supporting the newly summoned Lublin's National Department - an organisation aiming at the propagation of Piłsudski's policies (to counteract the Commandment of Legions, controlled by Central Powers). By doing so, he raised suspicions among the Austro-Hungarian militia, so he was sent to the front line. Koc struggled with pneumonia and malaria, which was aggravated by his sight issues. Koc commented on his state:
While executing my duties, I had some problems, because my sight was weak. I saw nothing at night, whilst the attacks sometimes took place, when we were sent to patrol the areas near the front line. Which was why it was needed to find a deputy soldier who could substitute the weakened sight, while conducting in the dark—Koc, Adam, "Wspomnienia" [Memories]. Wrocław: Towarzystwo Przyjaciół "Ossolineum", 2005.

On 18 September 1916, Koc was severely wounded in the Battle of Sitowicze, in Volhynia. He was shot near his liver, while on a spy mission. Sulkiewicz was shot dead. Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski  cared for him at the battlefield. The wounded Koc was transported to the Legions' clinic in Lublin, and then to Kraków.[4]
He finished his treatment at the clinic on 31 January 1917. Koc returned to political life in the Legions, where he became one of the founders of the so-called Analphabet Association - a conspirative military organization in the 5th Infantry Regiment supporting Piłsudski's pro-independence policy.[15] By that time he was one of the piłsudczyk (a supportwe of Piłsudski) who has already been a decent authority in the Legions.[16]
His actions did not remain unnoticed by the Austro-German generals, so Koc was sent to Ostrów Mazowiecka for additional schooling, as a punishment. Additional trouble came to Koc after the oath crisis (9-11 July 1917), when, as one of the officers of the Legions, he was imprisoned at the camp in Beniaminów, while his brother Leon was imprisoned at Szczypiorno (now part of Kalisz).[17] At Beniaminów, Koc  worked to convince other prisoners to join Piłsudski and to continue resistance. Koc was released on 22 April 1918, with his health deteriorating.[18]
Polish Military Organisation (1918)

After he was freed from the prisoner-of-war camp, Koc rejoined the Polish Military Organisation. Jan Zdanowicz-Opieliński, who was then the Main Commandant of POW district numbe. 1 (the one that ruled over the German occupied territory from its headquarters in Warsaw), convinced the then head of POW, Edward Rydz-Śmigły, to transfer his command to Koc.[4]
As POW's Main Commandant, Koc reorganized his Command, and created fast-moving squads for sabotage actions, on the order of Edward Rydz-Śmigły. He initiated protests against the German police and coordinated POW activity with the Armed Squads of the Polish Socialist Party. His successes increased his authority in the military organisations.[4] While Main Commandant, he made close ties with Bogusław Miedziński (who was responsible for correspondence with the political constituencies, mostly Polish political parties[19]) and Rydz-Śmigły. The latter soon gave over his functions to Koc, in September 1918.[20]
At the same time, Koc substituted for Tadeusz Kasprzycki in the Convent of Organisation A, which was created in summer 1917, as a conspiratorial group of Piłsudski supporters.[4]
As the process of the so-called Lublin government advanced (early November 1918), German-led military councils were organized in Warsaw. Koc initiated the demilitarisation of some part of them.[4]
On 10 November 1918, together with Prince Zdzislaw Lubomirski, part of the Regency Council of the Kingdom of Poland, he welcomed Józef Piłsudski and one of his fellow warriors, Kazimierz Sosnkowski, who returned by train to Warsaw from internment in Magdeburg.[1][11] Then, Koc ordered his subordinates to disarm German soldiers in Warsaw.[21] This done, Józef Piłsudski and the Provisional People's Government of the Republic of Poland could then peacefully enter Warsaw to start governing the newly created Polish Republic.[4]
Polish Army (1918-1930)

Independence (1918-1920)
Even though Koc was busy as Main Commandant, he served as a referent for the I Department (Organisational) of the Polish Armed Forces on the affairs of POW incorporation, until mid-December 1918.[5] The POW division was then merged with the VI Section (Informational) of the General Staff with Koc at its head.[22] On 11 May 1919, its name changed to the Second Department of Polish General Staff. At first, he served in the Intelligence Bureau of the Second Department. He was afterwards directed to the Wojenna Szkoła Sztabu Generalnego (Military School of the General Staff) for additional schooling, from 13 June to 1 December 1919.[4]

Later, on 17 January 1920, by decree of the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Armed Forces, Józef Piłsudski, Koc was officially accepted in the Polish Armed Forces as a captain[23] (he had been informally advanced to the rank on 17 December 1918[24]). On the same date, another decree (dated 1 January 1920) was published he was awarded the Silver Cross of Virtuti Militari.[25] By that time, he had been nominated as head of the VI Section (of Propaganda and Soldiers' Care).[26] Nevertheless, he continued his duties as POW Main Commandant. It is unclear, however, which of his actions there were part of his official duties.
As Koc received the most prestigious military award in Poland, he became secretary of the Temporary Council of the Virtuti Militari Award[27] (as one of the 11 first recipients of the award since its restoration in August 1919,[28] on 21 January 1920[11]). He was as well part of the Statute Commission.[27] He had to leave shortly, however, since he was to go to Ukraine in May until June 1920 to aid Symon Petlura in communication issues and, later on, the POW soldiers who remained alive.[29]
War with Union of Soviet Socialists' Republic (1920)
On 11 June 1920, on the order of the Ministry of Military Affairs, Koc was promoted to lieutenant colonel, together with other Polish Legion officers.[30] Soon he was given command of the 201st Infantry Regiment (18 July 1920), which consisted mainly of POW soldiers. The regiment was subordinated to Władysław Sikorski's, and then, as the regiment was incorporated into the 22nd Infantry Division, over it as well. All of the militia were created as part of the Volunteer Army, which itself was a result of mobilisation to the Polish Armed Forces.[31]
At first, in late July, Koc and his regiment were stationed in Suraż near Białystok. The regiment began fighting against Soviet forces. As the regiment was incorporated into the Volunteer Division, Koc continued fighting on the Northern Front. The successes of his army started only after the turning point of the conflict. For example, on 15/16 August 1920, his soldiers took over Nasielsk,[32] after Sikorski's counterattack a day earlier. Koc was unable to fully destroy the 3rd Cavalry Corps, led by Hayk Bzhishkyan, as the Soviet cavalry escaped encirclement.[32]
Soon after, Koc's Division was incorporated into the 3rd Army of Edward Rydz-Śmigły, where Koc participated in the successful attack on Grodno. Part of the 22nd Division took part in Żeligowski's mutiny,[4] while the rest (Koc included)  fought until 3 December 1920, when his division was dissolved.
Peace (1921-1925)
As the Polish-Soviet conflict waned, Koc came to Warsaw, where he took a course of informational lectures for higher rank officers, starting from 20 January 1921.[4]
Service in the III Department
As the war officially finished, Piłsudski gave Koc command of the newly summoned III Department of the General Staff for the Preparation of Reserves affairs. His task was to support organizations that were to prepare the population for possible military conflict. The Department controlled military education of Polish youth and the reserves.[33]
Koc participated in the International Riflemen's Organisation councils on the behalf of Ministry of Military Affairs.[34] He was an advocate for the democratisation of relationships inside the military and for stronger ties between the people and the army,[35] which won him esteem among his subordinates. Simultaneously, he was regularly published in the Strzelec, Rząd I Wojsko and Bellona military magazines. These facts resulted in a positive opinion of Koc's work by his boss in the III Department, Colonel Marian Kukiel, but in the highest military circles, namely, of Stanisław Szeptycki, then Minister of Military Affairs.[4] On 3 May 1922, Koc was given an advantage in placement.[36] He was placed in 135th place of senior infantry soldiers..[37]
While serving in the III Department, Koc was part of a conspiracy organisation called "Honor i Ojczyzna" (1921–23), which was to train new soldiers, maintain morale and depoliticise the army's structure.[38][39] Together with Kazimierz Młodzianowski, Koc, as the representative of the Polish Military Organisation and the Legions, was part of the chapter.[40] The organisation was created by Władysław Sikorski, himself a right-of-center politician, nevertheless, Koc received consent from Józef Piłsudski and Kazimierz Sosnkowski, both on the left.
At the time, Koc was writing poetry (alias Adam Warmiński). His book of poetry and prose was published in 1921.[41]
First attempt of Socialist takeover

In mid-December 1922, as Gabriel Narutowicz was assassinated, Koc took part in the Piłsudski's officers meeting in the II Department's headquarters. The meeting aimed at calming the created situation by Piłsudski's military intervention (albeit Piłsudski had no formal power to do so) and, eventually, at taking over power in Poland.[42] The officers present (including Koc, Bogusław Miedziński, Ignacy Matuszewski, Ignacy Borner, Konrad Libicki, Kazimierz Stamirowski and Henryk Floyar-Rajchman) contacted the headquarters of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in order to organise a general strike, a plan that did not come to life because Ignacy Daszyński refused to cooperate.[43]
Pre-May Coup activity
From 2 November 1923, Koc attended another schooling course in the Wyższa Szkoła Wojenna.[44] Having completed his military studies, he was accepted as the I referent in the II Army Inspectorate in Warsaw (under  Łucjan Żeligowski). Even though he worked at the Army Inspectorate, in addition, he was made head of 5th Legions' Infantry Regiment.
On 1 December 1924, Koc was promoted to colonel, his highest military rank, with 17th place on the list of seniority among Polish infantry.[44] Two months later, colonel Koc was nominated as a deputy of the commandant of the Center of Practical Army Schooling in Rembertów (then a separate town).[45]
Koc became a freemason before 1921 demitted on 23 March 1928.[46] In 1925-1926, while serving in Rembertów, Koc was part of the National Grand Lodge of Poland,[47] on Piłsudski's recommendation.[48][49]
Koc-group
From mid-1924 until winter of 1925, meetings took place in Koc's apartment and in the Mała Ziemiańska cafe on Mazowiecka street in Warsaw. The participators from the piłsudczycy circles (including Józef Beck, Ignacy Matuszewski, Bogusław Miedziński, Kazimierz Stamirowski, Kazimierz Świtalski, Henryk Floyar-Rajchman and the Starzyńscy brothers (Roman and Stefan) supported a coup d'état, so the meetings were mostly about preparing for the event. Preparations were interrupted, however, by Piłsudski, in December 1925.[50] Despite their suspension, they had some impact on the future May 1926 events.
May Coup and beyond (1926-1930)
May Coup

On 11 April 1926, Koc began serving as head of the Department for Non-Catholic Religions in the Ministry of Military Affairs. The position had taken him to Warsaw for the month preceding the coup, time Koc used to help Piłsudski organize it.[4] His role was to inform some of the piłsudskiite officers about the upcoming power takeover just before the event. He fulfilled his mission on 11/12 May, he, Anatol Minkowski, Feliks Kwiatek (both lieutenant colonels) and Karol Lilienfeld-Krzewski (major), visited Kazimierz Sawicki, commandant of the 36th Infantry Regiment and contacted Tadeusz Piskor, commandant of the 28th Infantry Division, to signal Piłsudski's readiness for action. While the coup was in process, Koc was most probably negotiating the strike action announcement on the Polish rail service.[51] He could not, however, know about Stanisław Wojciechowski's location, a fact that upset Piłsudski.[50]
First "sanation" years
After the May coup, he was nominated as Head of Staff of the Commandment of VI Military District in Lwów, on 14 September 1926 (the office he held until 4 March 1928).[52][53] The purpose of his nomination is subject to controversy. According to Marian Romeyko, he was to "supervise" his boss, Władysław Sikorski,[54] a version rejected by Bogusław Miedziński, who claimed Koc, along with other officers from the so-called Koc-group, were eliminated from Warsaw, even though Marszałek did not explain why and how that happened.[43] It might be possible that Piłsudski was disappointed in Koc after his request to locate Wojciechowski during the coup. Another version was that Piłsudski was afraid of a financial scandal, caused by Jan Lechoń's behaviour. The editor of Cyrulik Warszawski (Koc was an initiator and an organiser of the comical journal)[55] was using Koc's generosity to support the magazine, which might cast a shadow over the new political system, on the grounds that budget money was used for political purposes.[4]
After serving in Lwów for 1,5 years, he became Commandant of Infantry Officers Staff. By then, Koc decided to enter the political scene. In effect, Koc retired from military service while serving as an MP.[56] He fully retired from military affairs on 30 April 1930.[57]
Political career (1927-1938)
Initial activity
Koc's political career started in 1927 when he took part in the Cabinet of the Head of the Council of Ministers. There, decisions upon Sanation policies were made.[58] He entered the Lwów Regional Voivodership Committee, one of several structures that coordinated the electoral campaign of Piłsudskiite party.
In the 2nd Sejm convocation, in December 1928, Koc was invited to the Main Awarding Commission of the Cross of Independence (commemorating the 10th anniversary of Polish independence), becoming one of its first recipients.[59]
MP and journalist
In the March 1928 parliamentary elections, Koc was elected to the Sejm from the all-state list from the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) constituency.[5]
Koc is claimed to be one of Piłsudski's colonels, which implies that he was one of the closest MPs to Piłsudski and that he was among the ruling class of the BBWR and Poland. Some authors question this statement: Andrzej Chojnowski writes that "Koc and Miedziński were somewhat removed (from the main positions) by Piłsudski",[60] while historian Antoni Czubiński claimed that Koc never belonged to that group.[61]
As an MP from the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the government, he was an informal head of a group of BBWR deputies (from both houses of parliament) from the so-called Eastern Małopolska (i.e. territories of Lwów, Stanisławów and Tarnopol voivoderships) from 1928-1929, and again from 1930 on. At the same time, he was Director of Propaganda Section of BBWR, which, on 30 October 1929, helped him create a new pro-sanation newspaper - Gazeta Polska, where he briefly served as editor-in-chief.[62] merging Epoka into Głos Prawdy newspapers (Koc  directed the latter from January 1929).[3] The main reason Koc was nominated for the newspaper edition was to get rid of Wojciech Stpiczyński's radical leftist views,[3] which were not favourable for Walery Sławek, part of Piłsudski's colonels and head of BBWR. BBWR was trying to find support in the conservative parties,[63] partly to fight the opposition's Centrolew influences, and partly to make a future coalition with the right-wing parties (mainly National Democracy), which was necessary to retain majority in parliament and government.
Even though he was an MP and formally ceased executing his military duties, he was still active in the military organizations where he had been participating for a long time. He was nominated as vice-director of the Riflemen's Association's Council. Koc became head of the Peowiak Association, uniting the veterans of POW, in March 1928.[64]
Vice-minister of Treasury (1930-1935)
On 23 December 1930, Mościcki nominated the colonel for Vice-Minister of Treasury.[65] At the time the first finance minister was Ignacy Matuszewski, later succeeded by Jan Piłsudski and Władysław Zawadzki. Koc controlled the organisation of stock exchanges and banks (both the central Bank of Poland and private financial institutions), debt and foreign financial relations, during the Great Depression. According to Janusz Mierzwa, Koc's biographer, he had been summoned to such a position despite his lack of experience, thanks to his humble and honest character. Piłsudski could not have trusted other people, as rumours of bribery in the Bank of Poland came to him.[4] Another factor that might have aided his nomination was Matuszewski's fear of the statist ambitions of Stefan Starzyński.[1] Additionally, Koc was passionate about economic issues.[66] At first, Koc was seen to espouse moderately liberal views on the economy,[67] but he evolved as an advocate of mainly interventionist or even statist actions.[4]

At the beginning of 1932, Koc became State Commissioner for the Bank of Poland.[68] He served for 4 years.
French and British railroad loans

As Koc was responsible for international financial relations with his foreign counterparts, Koc actively engaged in discussions over a loan from France for finishing the so-called coal trunk-line - a strategically important communication railroad that was to connect Polish Silesia's coal mines with Gdynia, a fast-developing seaport.
In mid-February 1931, Koc arrived to Paris to discuss the financial aspects of the loan, on behalf of the Ministry of Communication.[69] According to the decision signed in France (which was to be valid until 31 December 1975), the French-Polish Rail Association was given rights to the parts of the line under construction (Herby Nowe - Inowrocław and Nowa Wieś Wielka-Gdynia), as well as to exploit the infrastructure on the Częstochowa-Siemkowice section (close to the line). The treaty was the first case when a part of railway line was given for use to a foreign private enterprise, a step lauded by the government (by e.g. showing the importance of Polish loans for Polish-French relations), but equally criticised by the opposition.[70][71] Koc served as vice-director of the rail association for more than three years.
Koc vainly attempted to negotiate another loan from French officials - this time to electrify the Warsaw Rail Knot. He succeeded, however, while continuing  talks with British partners. On 8 July 1933, a treaty between English Electric Ltd. and Metropolitan Vickers Electrical Co. Ltd., on one side, and the Ministry of Treasury, on another, was signed providing a ₤1.98 million loan (then approx. 60 mln zł).[1]
The conditions of the loan were much more favorable than the French terms: the project had to be finished in 3–4 years, using materials made in Poland and building additional electrotechnical facilities as well as a power plant near Warsaw, using British capital.[72] The agreement was signed on 2 August 1933,[73] the fact Koc was very content:
The electrification of the Warsaw rail knot will not only have its communicational importance but as well it will positively influence the state of our industry and our working force. I am very content with my visit to London. It gave me the possibility to create new contacts and get to know a lot of influential people from the (British) industry and financial sectors in person. I reckon that these contacts which will be supported by both entities, will increase the mutual self-understanding and will allow achieving the further development of economic cooperation (...)—Adam Koc, "Wywiad u wiceministra Adama Koca" [Interview with vice-minister Adam Koc], Gazeta Polska, p. 1, from 3 August 1933

Another railroad modernisation loan was signed on 24 April 1934 - this time, with The Westinghouse Brake and Saxiby Co. Ltd., to install air brakes on Polish freight trains. The quote of the loan was the same ₤1.98 million.[74][75]
International economic conference in London (1933)
Koc worked to get Poland out of the Great Depression. In June and July 1933, Koc was head of the Polish delegation to the international economic conference in London. Koc presented his views on combating the Depression. He claimed that the main target was to stabilise the currencies via trade liberalisation and customs decrease or abolition.[76] Koc favored the gold standard, signing a "gold countries" declaration with France, Italy, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Belgium, on July 3. The declaration stated, "the will of retaining the free gold standard according to the today's parity [of currencies towards gold] in their own countries, as [written] in the existent monetary laws".[77]
1935

1935 was a turning point for Poland. On 12 May 1935, Piłsudski died. To commemorate his death, Koc entered the Main Committee of Józef Piłsudski Commemoration.[58] The place of the General Inspector of the Armed Forces (GISZ) became vacant (no longer occupied by Piłsudski), several candidates were proposed. Koc preferred Kazimierz Sosnkowski, but Mościcki chose Edward Śmigły-Rydz, a person who he thought was absent-minded, especially when compared to Sosnkowski.[78] After the nomination Koc united with Walery Sławek, expecting him to take up power in the havoc caused by Piłsudski's death. Sławek, however, was unable to convince Mościcki to step down, despite evidence that Piłsudski had informally nominated him as his successor,[79] and eventually Sławek was ostracized from the Polish political scene.[80] This deepened the decomposition of the piłsudskiite parties. Koc had to change his orientation, accepting the increasing importance of Edward Rydz-Śmigły. With Bogusław Miedziński and Wojciech Stpiczyński, he co-created the so-called GISZ group, attempting to counterbalance the increasing influence of another informal group - grupa zamkowa (the castle group, named after the residence of Mościcki - the Royal Castle in Warsaw[81]), headed by Mościcki and his protégé - Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski.[4] At the same time, he and Ignacy Matuszewski were considered as the rightmost politicians from the Piłsudski's colonels group.[1]

Legislative elections were due in September 1935. This was a smaller problem, as Koc was reelected for the second time, with an overwhelming 67,408 votes.[82]
In mid-September 1935, he went to one of his last foreign trips as Vice-Minister in the US. His purpose was to gain a missionary loan (i.e. a loan from another country to introduce more money mass into the economy). Arriving in the US, Koc met with Polonia representatives and with Franklin Delano Roosevelt.[83] Later, Koc visited the New York Stock Exchange and some representatives from economic circles. Despite that, the main goal of the visit was not achieved.[4]
When Koc returned to Poland, Walery Sławek's government was dissolved by Mościcki[84] on 12 October 1935. The next day, Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski was nominated as Minister of Treasury and deputy PM.[85] Kwiatkowski was known as an autarkist, while Koc belonged to the classical school, and the two could not coexist. Mościcki declined Śmigły's proposal to install Koc as Prime Minister.[1] Koc resigned in December. with a warm farewell from Kwiatkowski.[86]
Bank of Poland (1936)
On 7 February 1936, Mościcki nominated Koc as Head of the Bank of Poland.[87] After his nomination, Koc traveled abroad, managing Poland's international loan issues. In France, he met his French counterpart, Jean Tannery, as well as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pierre-Étienne Flandinand the Minister of Finances, Marcel Régnier. He also traveled to Great Britain to meet Montagu Norman, then Governor of the Bank of England.[4]
Koc advocated support for profitable enterprises and close cooperation between the Bank of Poland and private financial institutions. As in 1933, Koc protected the gold standard and tried to protect the immense Polish gold reserves. While Koc was in office, the Bank of Poland was not supportive of stock and currency manipulations.[88] The policy, however, could not solve the problem of a sudden drop in foreign exchange reserves at the end of March 1936.
Mościcki summoned a meeting of various officials (including Prime Minister Zyndram-Kościałkowski, Rydz-Śmigły, Tadeusz Kasprzycki,Władysław Raczkiewicz,Roman Górecki,Juliusz UlrychandJuliusz Poniatowski). Koc proposed a presidential decree to devalue the national currency, but this was rejected by Mościcki. The Head of the Bank of Poland was definitely against such solution, leading Koc to resign on 8 May.[89] Before leaving, Koc convinced Mościcki to transfer 20 mln zł ($3.77M) from the Bank of Poland for combating unemployment by hiring people to work on road construction.[90]
The nomination of Koc as head of the Bank of Poland, while Kwiatkowski, his boss, was in office, is subject to controversy. Mierzwa claimed that neither Kwiatkowski nor Mościcki had a better choice,[1] which implies that the politicians from the "castle group" were searching for a better one, so Koc gave them some time.
Koc joined Bank Handlowy in 1938, becoming its vice-director on 30 March 1939,[91][92] while continuing his government service. Until 1939, Koc served only as a legislator.[1]
Camp of National Unity (OZN) activity (1936-1938)

Prehistory

With the death of Piłsudski, most right-wing politicians gathered around Edward Śmigły-Rydz. Walery Sławek lost support. On 30 October 1935, Walery Sławek dissolved the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government.[93] Śmigły-Rydz and his partners started working upon its replacement. Śmigły-Rydz was trying to assure control over a Legionist organization - The Association of Polish Legionists (ZLP). On 24 May 1936, Koc took Sławek's position.[94] The same day, Śmigły-Rydz made a speech highlighting the need to protect Poland and to develop its military forces.[95]
By that time, Koc was known as one of Śmigły-Rydz' closest cooperators, which was why the future Marshal chose him to supervise the creation of a new political entity. Miedziński took up that task in December 1936.[4]

Miedziński supported cooperation with right-wing parties. At the beginning of 1937, Miedziński wrote an article in Gazeta Polska, which was essentially a declaration by the Śmigły-Rydz camp that it would create a new political entity. In the same article, Miedziński advocated cooperating with the right (mentioning National Democracy).[96] Simultaneously, Miedziński and Koc were making pertractations with the young nationalist party - National Radical Camp Falanga (ONR "Falanga").[96][97] While talks were in progress, Miedziński drafted the party's declaration, which was accepted by neither Śmigły-Rydz nor Koc. Miedziński mentioned little about agricultural reform, which was one of the reasons why talks with agricultural parties Maciej Rataj and Jan Dąbski failed, apart from lack of consensus on the subject of Wincenty Witos's return and on a new electoral system.[96]
Śmigły-Rydz decided to create his own draft. The draft paralyzed the already uneasy talks with the agricultural parties because it did not consider agricultural reform. Miedziński warned that he was about to quit the Sanation camp if nothing changed.[43]
To achieve consensus, in January 1937, Koc, Miedziński and Śmigły-Rydz met in Zakopane to provide corrections to the Marshal's project. After two days of discussions, Koc received a final draft, which contained some vague points on agricultural reform.[96]
Creation
On 21 February 1937,[98] Koc made a radio broadcast to declare a new political entity.[99] The party affirmed the 1935 constitution's statement of the primary role of the state and civil solidarity. The declaration featured the need for military protection of the state (including militia heading the country) and maintaining distance from communism. An important part of this statement was the appeal to support Śmigły-Rydz. The program included passages about the importance of the Roman Catholic church. The declaration advocated tolerance towards ethnic minorities, excepting Jews.
The Camp of National Unity (OZN) was attacked as right-wing and antisemitic.[100] Some National Democracy representatives argued that OZN had committed ideological plagiarism.[96] Criticism came from opposition newspapers (e.g. right-wing Kurier Poznański)[101] and some left-wing pro-piłsudskiite representatives.[58] On the other hand, government newspapers such as Gazeta Polska praised the declaration and accented the enthusiasm of other political organisations.[102]
Head of OZN

The creation of a new political entity (colloquially called "OZON", Polish for ozone) interested the government itself, leading Koc to visit the president three days after his declaration.
On 22 June 1937, a youth organization of OZN, Union of Young Poland (ZMP), was created. Formally, Adam Koc became director of it, but it was de facto controlled by Jerzy Rutkowski, his deputy. Eventually, on 28 October, Rutkowski took command.[103] Rutkowski was from the radical-right political scene (ONR), but Koc denied any ties between him and ONR "Falanga".[103] The step was a product of cooperation between Koc and ONR's leader, Bolesław Piasecki. It was widely condemned in Legionist and POW circles, for example, on the XIV General Congress of ZLP in Kraków.[4] As criticism grew, OZN ended cooperation with the Union of Young Poland on 22 April 1938.[104] Koc had already stepped down from as leader in favour of Stanisław Skwarczyński. The impulse to do so was Rutkowski's declaration to create an independent organisation and his resignation from OZN.[105]
Assassination attempt
On 18 July 1937 at 10.15 p.m.,[106] an assassin attempted to execute Koc[106][107][108] while Koc was sitting in his small house in Świdry Małe (now in Józefów near Warsaw). The assassin was instead killed by his own bomb, as it exploded earlier than expected.
The results of the subsequent investigation revealed that the culprit was Wojciech Bieganek from Różopole near Krotoszyn, together with his co-conspirator and brother, Jan, who was arrested the day following the failed attempt.[109] Some pro-Sanation publications suggested that Bieganek was part of a conspiracy among politicians opposing him.[110]
Plan for a coup d'état
According to some reports, the assassination attempt, as well as OZN's decreasing popularity, were a signal for both OZN and ONR "Falanga" to attempt a second military coup, on 25/26 October 1937 (days when Śmigły-Rydz was to be in Romania).[111] The reports claim that Koc was planning some kind of "St. Bartholomew's massacre" or "Night of the Long Knives", allegedly, with Śmigły-Rydz's support, which was supposed to physically eliminate the Sanational politicians opposing OZN.[111] The plan was to assassinate 300-1500 people[104] and to imprison an equal number, including: Mościcki; Sławek; Kwiatkowski; Janina Prystorowa, wife of then Marshal of Senate, Aleksander Prystor; and Aleksandra Piłsudska, widow of Józef Piłsudski,[111] with Jerzy Paciorkowski and Zygmunt Wenda leading the massacre.
Supporters of the idea claim that a prelude to the action was Śmigły-Rydz's official proposal to change the government to install Witold Grabowski as PM (remembered for his hardline policies), an idea condemned by Stanisław Car, an influential Marshal of Sejm.[104] Moreover, rumours were circulating: right-of-centre Front Morges (Ignacy Jan Paderewski as leader), the delegalised Communist Party of Poland, leftist Sanation faction and the so-called "castle group".[104]
Historians opposed to the notion object that no concrete evidence documenting the plan exists.[111] Moreover, Koc, one of the ostensible organizers, was nominated as Vice-Minister of Treasury by Mościcki, one of the proposed victims. In addition, Władysław Sikorski, a person alienated from Sanation, called Koc for cooperation as Minister of Treasury, Minister of Industry and Trade and, later on, Vice-Minister of Treasury.[4] According to them, the rumours may be classified as "a successful political provocation", addressed to Śmigły-Rydz.[104]
One of the main consequences of the coup was Koc's declaration that he had nothing in common with ONR "Falanga".[103][104]
Resignation
Rydz-Śmigły clalied that Koc was unfit for ruling OZN. Koc was not a public person, unlike, say, Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski. This fact made it difficult for Koc to lead. Furthermore, Koc was "tired of quarrels with Kwiatkowski, his health was failing", and "he took up the party's position [treating it] as an order from his boss".[1] Also, Koc was neglecting or underestimating the importance of the opposition.[97] To aggravate matters, OZN under Koc was widely seen as approaching fascism (mainly because of Piasecki's influence, despite claiming that "OZN and Falanga had nothing in common"[103]), contrary to Sławek's perfectionism and over-democratization.[112] Finally, on 10 January 1938, Koc resigned from his position as head of OZN, formally because of poor health.[113] Despite the official version, historians claim that Koc was forced to resign by Śmigły-Rydz, in favour of Stanisław Skwarczyński.[96]
On 25 June 1938, Koc's position as Commandant-in-Chief of the Association of Polish Legionists (ZLP)  was terminated (although Koc had de facto quit ruling the organization by January 1938[114]). In this way, Koc became an ordinary MP.
Before World War II (1938-1939)
In Polish parliamentary elections in November 1938, Koc was elected to the Senate. He served on the Statute Commission of the Senate. Additionally, Koc was head of the chamber's Military Commission.[5]

Koc was an employee of Bank Handlowy in 1938-1939, where he became vice-director on 30 March 1939.[115]
In March 1939 Koc went to London for the second time for negotiations to receive an export credit for his employer. Unofficially, he was working to maintain Poland's image in the United Kingdom, which was devastated by the annexation of Zaolzie the previous year. Koc met representatives from the government and economists to prepare for the visit of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Józef Beck.[116] Having returned, with Śmigły-Rydz's consent, Koc convinced the government to start talks about a material and a financial loan from the British. On 10 June 1939, Koc received informal instructions from Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski and was nominated as head of the official loan delegation to London.[116] Initially, the delegation estimated the need at ₤50-60 mln (approximately 1.24-1.49 bln zł), which was later reduced to ₤24 million (ca. 600 mln zł).[117] The talks were uneasy. The main problem within the Polish delegation was the question of sterling area accession, one of the conditions of the loan submittance. Contrary to Kwiatkowski, Koc liked the idea of such a monetary union.[92] At the end, the Polish delegation did not manage to receive the loan in June 1939 (although talks were to be continued in autumn). The only money received from Britain before the war broke out was an ₤8 million materials loan on 2 August 1939.[118]
World War II (1939-1945)
Polish gold evacuation and escape to France
At the dawn of the September campaign, Koc was an advocate of the transfer of gold from Poland's reserves to finance the purchase of the military equipment needed by the Polish army. Two days after the conflict started, Koc asked Aleksander Litwinowicz, Vice-Minister of Military Affairs and chief of Army Administration, to be employed in the financial department of the General Staff, which the general accepted.[116] Koc was thereby reactivated in military service. Later, he coordinated preparations for the gold evacuation by bus from Warsaw.[119] He departed with one of the convoys on 5 September to Łuck, where he handed over the cargo to Ignacy Matuszewski and Henryk Floyar-Rajchman.[1]
On 10 September 1939, Koc was nominated by Mościcki as Vice-Minister of Treasury. The next day, Koc fled from Poland to Czerniowce. There, he, together with the ambassador of Poland in Bucharest, Roger Raczyński, tried to obtain permission to transit the gold via Romania. At the same time, Koc was ordered to terminate the British loan talks, in order to use the money for the military. A few days later, Koc moved to Bucharest, where he convinced Henryk Gruber, an important businessman, to send a request to the Powszechna Kasa Oszczędności (PKO) branch in New York (or Paris) to pay him a 2 mln zł loan, which, apparently, was needed for the Army.[120] "Apparently" is used, because Koc did not inform the PKO about the purpose of this transaction, which was why it never happened.[121]
Having arrived to Paris (somewhere between 16 and 18 September[116][120][122]), Koc started organising the structures of the Polish Ministry of Treasury. At the time, the Polish government was interned and Mościcki had resigned, leaving Koc as the highest-ranking representative of the Polish government in France. For some time, he was part of the council acting as the government, together with the ambassador to France, Juliusz Łukasiewicz; Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jan Szembek and Stanisław Burhardt-Bukacki.[4] Knowing that a coalition government was necessary, he kept contact with the opposition (for example, Władysław Sikorski).[123]
Work for Sikorski's government (1939-1941)
Minister of Industry and Trade and Minister of Treasury
On 30 September 1939, Koc, one of two piłsudskiites in Władysław Sikorski's cabinet (with August Zaleski, Minister of Foreign Affairs), became Minister of Treasury, his first ministerial post, and added the Minister of Industry and Trade ten days later.[124] While in Sikorski's cabinets, Koc was trying to preserve the nation's loans, gold, money and securities,[125] all of which was a problem because of the Polish government's legal status. In addition, Koc was attempting to help Polish refugees in Romania, France and Hungary. Koc tried to cut expenditures to the minimum (by e.g. giving out unpaid leaves to most government workers via a declaration on 10 October 1939),[126] in order to preserve as much gold as possible for post-war restoration.[126] His policy could be summed up as: "I will fly over the possessions as if I were a vulture".[127] At the same time, Koc was trying to minimise interest expenditures. To realise the policy, Koc convinced the British to give a ₤5 million loan, before completely spending the earlier ₤8 million loan.[128]
While in office, Ignacy Matuszewski became ensnared in a scandal. The colonel, while making a report on the gold transport, was criticised for inappropriate financial expenditures on services and some other minor "unnecessary" purchases, e.g. of headache powder.[129] Having heard the charges, Matuszewski attacked his friend Koc for his lack of reaction on them and then suggesting that Koc was the instigator of the criticism.[130]
Perhaps the worst attack, however, came from Stanisław Kot, Vice-PM in the Sikorski government and an ardent enemy to everything connected with the Sanation. Kot accused him of attempting to speculate on Polish loans, monopolizing the Polish export for Koc's own profit and influencing others in order to give more power to piłsudskiites. In addition, Kot tried to prove that Koc was wasting government money, for example, while giving ₤30 thousand in financial support to Aleksandra Piłsudska; Kot was also unhappy with the slow pace of Koc's work.[4] Koc thereupon resigned both of his offices, on 9 December 1939.[131]
II Vice-Minister of Treasury
Koc then served as II Vice-Minister of Treasury, most probably at the insistence of Henryk Strasburger. The work with the new Minister of Treasury did not cause problems for either party.[4] Koc was responsible for the organization of the military industry with the help of Polish immigrants in France (where the Polish government-in-exile was located). The action's purpose was to increase the resources of the government and to develop the Polish army, while helping the refugees to find jobs (in Turkey, if not in France).[4]
The disposition of Polish gold remained unresolved. The Bank of Poland wanted to transfer the gold from Beirut to either Great Britain or United States, a request which did not find support in the Treasury. Koc was later attacked by the Bank of Poland because he (presumably) was the only person in the ministry against gold evacuation[132] from North Africa, where it was trapped in the pro-German Vichy France colonies. The dispute cost Koc his position. Pragier suggests that Koc resigned "a few weeks before April 1940",[125] while Mierzwa proposes a later date when Sikorski's government was under reorganization.[4] Accepting the later version, another reason for Koc to leave the ministry was that he evacuated from France too early (on 18 June 1940 from Bordeaux, aboard on HMS "Nylon").[133] Three days later, Koc welcomed Władysław Raczkiewicz, President of Poland, on London Paddington, a fact recorded in his diary.[134]
Polish gold vindication
Already in Great Britain, after Raczkiewicz convinced Sikorski that Koc was innocent in the gold reserves loss,[4] Koc was given the mission of Polish gold vindication, which had relocated to Dakar. As Vichy France was a puppet state of the Axis, it was impossible to get permission to transport gold outside the French colonies from either Nazi Germany or Italy. At the same time, the Bank of France possessed gold reserves in New York worth a few hundred million dollars. Thus, Koc decided to convince the US to confiscate the French reserves while seeking an immediate loan (since the Polish gold could not be returned yet).[4] He sent to assess the possible engagement of American financial institutions in his country's future reconstruction.
In mid-September 1940, Koc sailed out of Liverpool to the USA, arriving in early October. There, he revealed that Belgian officials had also  requested confiscation of the French gold. Koc was named head of the Gold Vindication Committee, a nomination protested by Henryk Strasburger, Minister of Treasury, and Bohdan Winiarski, a right-wing politician and then head of the Bank of Poland. In June 1941, Sikorski suspended the committee's activity.[4]

Later life
After the war, he became a chef at a pension in Sea Cliff, New York and at the Waldorf Astoria New York. He also served on the board of the Jozef Pilsudski Institute of America.
Koc died on 3 February 1969 in New York. He was buried in grave L2-245 at Wolvercote Cemetery in England; his symbolic grave (marked kw. A12-7-29) is located in Warsaw’s Powazki Cemetery
Honours and awards
Silver Cross of the Virtuti Militari
Officer's Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta
Cross of Valour - four times
Cross of Independence
Officer's Star "Parasol"
Officer's Cross of the Legion of Honour (France)
See also
Aleksander Sulkiewicz

 (in Polish)
 in the 20th Century Press Archives of the ZBW

When did Adam Ignacy Koc join the military?


The 2011 National census lists 123 Nepalese languages spoken as a mother tongue (first language) in Nepal.[2] Most belong to the Indo-Aryan and Sino-Tibetan language families.
The official language of Nepal is Nepali, formerly called Khaskura then Gorkhali. According to the 2011 national census, the percentage of Nepali speaking people is about 44.6%.[3] Maithili is the second largest Nepalese language and according to 2011 Census, the percentage of Maithil people is 11.57%.[4]
Most of their languages are written using the Devanagari script including their indigenous languages.
Classification
Three quarters of the 123 languages native to Nepal belong to the Tibeto-Burman language family; this includes Nepalbhasa (Newa) (the original language of Kathmandu), the Limbu, Tamang, Magar, Gurung and various sunuwar, Rai languages.
However, the official and numerically most important language, Nepali, belongs to the Indo-Aryan (Indic) branch of the Indo-European family, so that Indic languages constitute 79% of the population to Tibeto-Burman's 18%, even though most languages of both families are spoken by small numbers of people.
The small declining number of Dravidian languages are represented by Kurux, and the Munda languages of the Austroasiatic family by Santali and Mundari.
The indigenous languages of Nepal that predated the influx of Indic, Tibeto-Burman, and other families barely survive in the Kusunda language, which is nearly extinct today.
Nepal also has at several indigenous village sign languages, Jhankot Sign Language, Jumla Sign Language, and Ghandruk Sign Language, in addition to the Nepali Sign Language designed for national use.
Constitution
Part 1 of the Constitution of Nepal 2015 (2072 B.S.) contains these provisions about the languages of Nepal:[5]
Article 6: All native languages spoken in Nepal are National languages of Nepal.
Article 7a: Nepali language in Devanagari script is used for Nepal government work.  (Indigenous languages also are to be written using Devanagari.)
Article 7b: Beside Nepali language, the Provinces can choose one or more other languages spoken by majority population of that province for government work.
Languages in Nepal by numbers of native speakers
(Their percents are assumed to add to 100.)

See Also
Ethnic groups in Nepal


Dog fighting is a type of blood sport generally defined as two or more game dogs against one another in a ring or a pit for the entertainment of the spectators or the gratification of the dogfighters, who are sometimes referred to as dogmen.[1]
In rural areas, fights are often staged in barns or outdoor pits; in urban areas, fights may occur in garages, basements, warehouses, abandoned buildings, back alleys, neighborhood playgrounds, or in the streets.[2][3] Dog fights usually last until one dog is declared a winner, which occurs when one dog fails to scratch, one dog dies, or one dog jumps out of the pit.[4] Sometimes dog fights end without declaring a winner; for instance, the dog's owner may call the fight.[4]
Dog fighting generates revenue from stud fees, admission fees and gambling. Worldwide, several countries have banned dog fighting, but it is still legal in some countries like Japan, Honduras, and parts of Russia.[2]
European history

Blood sports in general can be traced back to the Roman Empire.[5] In 13 BC, for instance, the ancient Roman circus slew 600 African beasts.[6] Likewise, under Emperor Claudius's reign, as spectators cheered, 300 bears and 300 Libyan beasts were slain in the Colosseum.[6] Dog fighting, more specifically, can also be traced to ancient Roman times. In 43 AD, for example, dogs fought alongside the Romans and the British in the Roman Conquest of Britain.[5] In this war, the Romans used a breed that originated from Greece called Molossus; the Britons used broad-mouth Mastiffs, which were thought to descend from the Molossus bloodline and which also originated from Greece.[7] Though the British were outnumbered and ultimately lost this war, the Romans were so impressed with the English Mastiffs that they began to import these dogs for use in the Colosseum, as well as for use in times of war.[5] While spectators watched, the imported English Mastiffs were pitted against animals such as wild elephants, lions, bears, bulls, and gladiators.[5]
Later, the Romans bred and exported fighting dogs to Spain, France and other parts of Europe until eventually these dogs made their way back to England.[5] Though bull baiting and bear baiting were popular throughout the Middle Ages up to the 19th century in Germany, France, Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands, the British pitted dogs against bulls and bears on a scale like no other.[7] In 12th century England during the feudal era, the landed aristocracy, who held direct military control in decentralized feudal systems and thus owned the animals necessary for waging war, introduced bull baiting and bear baiting to the rest of the British population.[7] In later years, bull baiting and bear baiting became a popular source of entertainment for the British royalty.[7] For instance, Queen Elizabeth I, who reigned from 1558–1603, was an avid follower of bull and bear baiting; she bred Mastiffs for baiting and would entertain foreign guests with a fight whenever they visited England.[7] In addition to breeding Mastiffs and entertaining foreign guests with a fight, Queen Elizabeth, and later her successor, King James I, built a number of bear gardens in London.[8] The garden buildings were round and roofless, and housed not only bears, but also bulls and other wild animals that could be used in a fight.[8] Today, a person can visit the Bear Garden museum near the Shakespeare Global Complex in Bankside, Southwark.
With the popularity of bull and bear baiting, bears needed for such fights soon became scarce.[7] With the scarcity of bear population, the price of bears rose and, because of this, bull baiting became more common in England over time.[7] Bulls who survived the fights were slaughtered afterwards for their meat, as it was believed that the fight caused bull meat to become more tender.[7] In fact, if a bull was offered for sale in the market without having been baited the previous day, butchers were liable to face substantial fines.[7] Animal fights were temporarily suspended in England when Oliver Cromwell seized power, but were reinstated again after the Restoration.[8] Dog fighting, bear baiting, and bull baiting were officially outlawed in England by the Humane Act of 1835.[2] The official ban on all fights, however, actually served to promote dog fighting in England.[8] Since a small amount of space was required for the pit where a dog fight took place, as compared to the ring needed for bull or bear baiting, authorities had a difficult time enforcing the ban on dog fighting.[8]
U.S. history
In 1817, the Staffordshire Bull Terrier dog breed was brought to America and dog fighting slowly became part of American culture.[1] Yet, though historical accounts of dog fighting in America can be dated back to the 1750s, it was not until the end of the Civil War (1861–1865) that widespread interest and participation in the blood sport began in the United States.[3] For instance, in 1881, the Mississippi and Ohio railroads advertised special fares to a dog fight in Louisville; public forums such as Kit Burns' Tavern, "The Sportman's Hall," in Manhattan regularly hosted matches.[1] Many of these dogs thrown into the "professional pits" that flourished during the 1860s came from England and Ireland—where citizens had turned to dogs when bear-baiting and bull-baiting became illegal in their countries.[3]
In twentieth century America, despite the expansion of laws to outlaw dog fighting, dog fighting continued to flourish underground.[3] Aiding in the expansion of dog fighting were the police and firemen, who saw dog fighting as a form of entertainment amongst their ranks.[3] In fact, the Police Gazette served as a "go to" source for information about where one could attend a fight.[3] When Henry Bergh, who started the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA), witnessed police involvement in these fights, he was motivated to seek and receive authority for the ASPCA Humane Law Enforcement Agents to have arresting power in New York.[3] Additionally, Bergh's 1867 revision to New York's animal cruelty law made all forms of animal fighting illegal.[3] However, According to the ASPCA website, the Humane Law Enforcement department of ASPCA has been disbanded and NYPD has taken over its duty.[3] As laws were passed to outlaw the activity, high-profile organizations, such as the United Kennel Club, who once endorsed the sport by formulating rules and sanctioning referees, withdrew their endorsement.[1]
On July 8, 2009, the ASPCA also participated in one of the largest federal dog fighting raids in U.S. history. Most of the dogs rescued were pit bulls (over 400 of them). This raid took place in eight states and had 26 arrests, of which two defendants are required to spend at least 10 years in prison.[9]
Breed origins

According to one scholar, Richard Strebel, the foundation for modern fighting dogs came from: 1. The Tibetan Mastiff; 2. The English Mastiff, out of which came the French Mastiff, the English Bulldog, and the Pug; 3. The Great Dane, out of which came the Danish Mastiff and the Boxer; 4. The Newfoundland; and 5. The Saint Bernard, out of which came the Leonberger.[8] However, Dieter Fleig disagreed with Strebel and offered the following list as composing of the foundation for modern fighting dogs: 1. The Tibetan Mastiff; 2. The Molossus; 3. The Bull Biter; 4. The Great Dane; 5. The English Mastiff; 6. The Bulldog; 5. The Bull and Terrier; and 6. The Chincha Bulldog.[8]
The foundation breed of the fighting dog was, in its outward appearance, a large, low, heavy breed with a powerful build and strongly developed head, and tremendously threatening voice.[8] Additionally, these foundation breeds were also bred for a powerful jaw that would enable them to defend and protect humans, to overpower and pull down large animals on a hunt, and to control large, unmanageable domestic animals.[8] These dogs were also sometimes equipped with metal plates, chains, and collars with sharp spikes or hooked knives in order to be used in wars throughout history.[8]
When bullbaiting became popular in England due to the shortage of bears, bull baiters soon realized that large fighting dogs were built too heavy and too slow for this type of combat.[7] When fighting a bull, dogs were trained to grab onto the bull's nose and pin the bull's head to the ground.[7] If the dog failed to do this, the bull would fling the dog out of the ring with its horns.[7] The British therefore decided to selectively breed fighting dogs for shorter legs and a more powerful jaw.[7] These efforts resulted in the Old English Bulldog.[7]
However, when countries started outlawing bull and bear baiting, dog fighters started pitting dogs against other dogs.[7] With the prevalence of such combat, dogfighters soon realized bulldogs were inadequate and began to breed bulldogs with terriers for more desired characteristics.[7] Terriers were most likely crossbred with bulldogs due to their "generally rugged body structure," speed, aggression, and "highly developed gameness."[7] Yet, there is a debate over which type of terrier was bred with bulldogs in order to create the Bull and Terrier. For instance, Joseph L. Colby claimed that it was the old English White Terrier that the Bull and Terrier is descended from, while Rhonda D. Evans and Craig J. Forsyth contend that its ancestor is the Rat Terrier.[7] Carl Semencic, on the other hand, held that a variety of terriers produced the Bull and Terrier.[7]
Eventually, out of cross breeding bulldogs and terriers, the English created the Staffordshire Bull Terrier.[3] When the Staffordshire Bull Terrier came to America in 1817, Americans began to selectively breed for gameness and created the American Pit Bull Terrier (originally known as the Pit Bull Terrier), which is a unique breed due to its absence of threat displays when fighting and its docility towards humans.[7] Staffordshire Bull Terriers, American Pit Bull Terriers, American Staffordshire Terriers, and Bull Terriers are all breeds that are commonly labeled as pit bulls.[10] The fact that "pit bulls" were historically bred to fight bulls and bears has been used as justifications in some U.S. cities to implement Breed Specific Legislation.[11]
Societal aspects
After interviewing 31 dogmen and attending 14 dog fights in the Southern United States, Evans, Gauthier, and Forsyth theorized on what attracts men to dog fights.[12] In their study, Evans, et al., discussed dog fighting's attractiveness in terms of masculinity and class immobility.[12] In the United States, masculinity embodies the qualities of strength, aggression, competition, and striving for success. By embodying these characteristics, a man can gain honor and status in his society.[12] Yet, working class occupations, unlike middle or upper class occupations, provide limited opportunities to validate this culturally accepted definition of masculinity.[12] So, working class men look for alternative ways to validate their masculinity and obtain honor and status. One way to do this is through dogfighting.[12] This is supported by the Evans, et al. findings: the majority of committed dogmen were mostly drawn from the working class, while the middle and upper classes were barely represented.[12] Men from middle and upper classes have opportunities to express their masculinity through their occupations; dog fighting, therefore, is just a hobby for them while it plays a central role in the lives of working class men.[12] Those from the higher classes are drawn in by the thrill and excitement of the fight.
Aside from enjoyment of the sport and status, people are also drawn to dog fighting for money.[3] In fact, the average dog fight could easily net more money than an armed robbery, or a series of isolated drug transactions.[13]
Bait animals

"Bait" animals are animals used to test a dog's fighting instinct; they are often mauled or killed in the process. Many of the training methods involve torturing and killing of other animals.[13] Often "bait" animals are stolen pets, puppies, kittens, rabbits, small dogs and even stock (pit bulls acquired by the dogfighting ring which appear to be passive or less dominant).[14] Other sources for bait animals include wild or feral animals, animals obtained from a shelter, or animals obtained from "free to good home" ads.[15] The snouts of bait animals are often wrapped with duct tape to prevent them from fighting back and they are used in training sessions to improve a dog's endurance, strength or fighting ability.[16] A bait animal's teeth may also be broken to prevent them from fighting back.[14] If the bait animals are still alive after the training sessions, they are usually given to the dogs as a reward, and the dogs finish killing them.[13]
Types of dog fighters
Street fighters
Often associated with gang activity, street fighters fight dogs over insults, turf invasions, or simple taunts like "my dog can kill your dog."[3] These type of fights are often spontaneous; unorganized; conducted for money, drugs, or bragging rights; and occur on street corners, back alleys, and neighborhood playgrounds.[3] Urban street fighters generally have several dogs chained in backyards, often behind privacy fences, or in basements or garages.[2] After a street fight, the dogs are often discovered by police and animal control officers either dead or dying.[3] Due to the spontaneity and secrecy of a street fight, they are very difficult to respond to unless reported immediately.[3]
Hobbyists and professionals often decry the techniques street fighters use to train their dogs.[3] Such techniques include starving, drugging, and physically abusing the dog.[3]
Hobbyists
Hobbyists fight dogs for supplemental income and entertainment purposes.[3] They typically have one or more dogs participating in several organized fights and operate primarily within a specific geographic network.[3] Hobbyists are also acquainted with one another and tend to return to predetermined fight venues repeatedly.[2]
Professionals
Professional fighters breed generations of skilled "game dogs" and take a great pride in their dogs' lineage.[2] These fighters make a tremendous amount of money charging stud fees to breed their champions, in addition to the fees and winnings they collect for fighting them.[2] They also tend to own a large number of dogs—sometimes 50 or more.[3] Professionals also use trade journals, such as Your Friend and Mine, Game Dog Times, The American Warrior, and The Pit Bull Chronicle, to discuss recent fights and to advertise the sale of training equipment and puppies. Some fighters operate on a national or even international level within highly secret networks.[2] When a dog is not successful in a fight, a professional may dispose of it using a variety of techniques such as drowning, strangulation, hanging, gunshot, electrocution or some other method.[3] Sometimes professionals and hobbyists dispose of dogs deemed aggressive to humans to street fighters.[3]
Gang and criminal activities

Dog fighting is a felony in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands.[2] While dog fighting statutes exist independently of general anti-cruelty statutes and carry stiffer penalties than general state anti-cruelty statutes, a person can be charged under both or can be charged under one, but not the other—depending on the evidence.[2] In addition to felony charges for dog fighting, forty-eight states and the District of Columbia, have provisions within their dogfighting statutes that explicitly prohibit attendance as a spectator at a dogfighting exhibition.[2] Since Montana and Hawaii do not have such provisions, a person can pay an entrance fee to watch a dog-fight in either state and not be convicted under these statutes. Additionally, forty-six states, and the District of Columbia, make possessing, owning or keeping a fighting dog a felony.[2]
While dog fighting was previously seen as isolated animal welfare issues—and therefore rarely enforced, the last decade has produced a growing body of legal and empirical evidence that has revealed a connection between dog-fighting and other crimes within a community, such as organized crime, racketeering, drug distribution, and/or gangs.[2] Within the gang community, fighting dogs compete with firearms as the weapon of choice; indeed, their versatile utility arguably surpasses that of a loaded firearm in the criminal underground. Drug dealers distribute their illicit merchandise, wagers are made, weapons are concealed, and the dogs mutilate each other in a bloody frenzy as crowds cheer on.[2] Violence often erupts among the usually armed gamblers when debts are to be collected and paid.[2] There is also a concern for children who are routinely exposed to dogfighting and are forced to accept the inherent violence as normal.[2] The routine exposure of the children to unfettered animal abuse and neglect is a major contributing factor in their later manifestation of social deviance.[2]
Animal welfare and rights
Animal advocates consider dog fighting to be one of the most serious forms of animal abuse, not only for the violence that the dogs endure during and after the fights, but because of the suffering they often endure in training, which ultimately can lead to death.
According to a filing in U.S. District Court in Richmond by federal investigators in Virginia, which was obtained under the Freedom of Information Act and published by the Baltimore Sun on July 6, 2007, a losing dog or one whose potential is considered unacceptable faces "being put to death by drowning, strangulation, hanging, gun shot, electrocution or some other method".[17]
Some of the training of fighting dogs may entail the use of small animals (including kittens) as prey for the dogs.
Status by region
Dog fighting has been popular in many countries throughout history and continues to be practiced both legally and illegally around the world.
In the 20th and 21st centuries, dog fighting has increasingly become an unlawful activity in most jurisdictions of the world, despite in cultural practice it may be common.
Africa
Morocco
Dog fighting is now illegal in Morocco, with dogs previously being imported from France on the black market.[18]
South Africa
Dog fighting has been declared illegal in the Republic of South Africa. However, it is still very popular in the underground world, with dog fighting being a highly syndicated and organized crime. The NSPCA (National Council of SPCAs) is the largest animal welfare organization in Africa, and has been the organization that has conducted the most raids and busts, of which the most recent was in 2013, where 18 people were arrested, and 14 dogs were involved. Dog fighting is mostly practiced in the Western Cape, in the townships area where gangs and drugs are mostly associated with dog fighting.
Dog fighting has been well documented in South Africa, particularly in the Western Cape region of Stellenbosch. The Stellenbosch Animal Welfare Society (AWS) frequently responds to complaints of night-time dog fighting in the town of Cloetesville in which hundreds of dogs fight. Young children may be used to transport fighting dogs to avoid arrest of the owners.[19][20]
Asia
Afghanistan
Previously banned by the Taliban during their rule, dog fighting has made a resurgence throughout Afghanistan as a common winter weekend pastime.
Especially in Kabul, where the fights are public and often policed to maintain safety to the spectators. Dogs are not fought to the death, but to submission. Top dogs are worth as much as a new car.[21]
China
Dog fighting is allowed under Chinese law, although gambling remains illegal.[22]
India
Dog fighting is extremely rare, but it can be found in some very small parts of Eastern India. The practice is illegal as defined by Indian law.
Japan
According to historical documents, Hōjō Takatoki, the 14th shikken (shōgun's regent) of the Kamakura shogunate was known to be obsessed with dog fighting, to the point where he allowed his samurai to pay taxes with dogs. During this period dog fighting was known as inuawase(犬合わせ).
Dog fighting was considered a way for the Samurai to retain their aggressive edge during peaceful times. Several daimyōs (feudal lords), such as Chōsokabe Motochika and Yamauchi Yōdō, both from Tosa Province (present-day Kōchi Prefecture), were known to encourage dog fighting. Dog fighting was also popular in Akita Prefecture, which is the origin of the Akita breed.
Dog fighting evolved in Kōchi to a form that is called tōken(闘犬). Under modern rules, dogs fight in a fenced ring until one of the dogs barks, yelps, or loses the will to fight. Owners are allowed to throw in the towel, and matches are stopped if a doctor judges if is too dangerous. Draws usually occur when both dogs will not fight or both dogs fight until the time limit. There are various other rules, including one that specifies that a dog will lose if it attempts to copulate. Champion dogs are called yokozuna, as in sumo. Dog fighting is not banned at a nationwide level, but the prefectures of Tokyo, Kanagawa, Fukui, Ishikawa, Toyama and Hokkaidō all ban the practice.[23] Currently, most fighting dogs in Japan are of the Tosa breed which is native to Kōchi.[24]
Pakistan
Dog fighting and other forms of animal fighting are extremely popular in all parts of rural Pakistan, and is deeply rooted in the rural culture, where some 70 percent of the population resides. It has been a way for tribes, clans and the rural people to socialize while being entertained.[25]
Even though it has recently been banned by law, it is still being practiced in rural Pakistan, especially in provinces such as Punjab, Azad Kashmir, Sindh and Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa. Now Karachi.Sindhi is the most popular city about Pitbull fighting with the proper rules There can apparently be as much as millions of rupees at stake for the owners of winning dogs,[26] so different breeds have carefully been bred and selected specifically for the purpose, such as the Bully Kutta.
Philippines
Dog fighting is illegal in the Philippines, with those involved being convicted under animal cruelty laws.[27]
Australia
Dog fighting and the possession of any fighting equipment designed for dog fighting is illegal in all Australian states and territories.[28] The illegal nature of dogfighting in Australia means that injured dogs rarely get veterinary treatment placing the dog's health and welfare at even greater risk.[28] "Restricted Breed Dogs" cannot be imported into Australia. These include the Dogo Argentino, the Japanese Tosa, the Fila Brasileiro, the Perro de Presa Canario and the American Pit Bull Terrier. Of these, the Pit Bull Terrier and the Perro de Presa Canario are the only breeds currently known to exist in Australia and there are strict regulations on keeping these breeds, including a prohibition on transferring ownership.[29]
Europe
Ireland
Dog fighting has been illegal in Ireland for over 150 years, although the sport is still popular in underground circles.[30]
Russia
Although animal cruelty laws exist in Russia, dog fighting is widely practiced. Laws prohibiting dogfights have been passed in certain places like Moscow by order of that city's mayor. In much of Russia dogfights are legally held generally using Caucasian Shepherd Dog, Georgian shepherd, Central Asian Shepherd Dog. Temperament tests, which are a common and relatively mild form of dog fighting used for breeding purposes, are fairly commonplace. Most dog fights are traditional contests used to test the stamina and ability of working dogs used to protect livestock. Unlike fights with pit bulls and other fighting breeds, a veterinarian is always on hand and the contests are never to the death, and serious injuries are very rare. Most fights are over in minutes when its clear which dog is superior. At the end of three rounds the contest is declared a draw.[31]
United Kingdom
Dog fighting remains illegal under UK law.[32] Despite periodic dog-fight prosecutions, however, illegal canine pit battles continued after the Cruelty to Animals Act 1835 of England and Wales.[33] The Protection of Animals Act 1911 was specific in outlawing "the fighting or baiting of animals", however the sport remains popular in underground circles.[34]
Sporting journals of the 18th and 19th centuries depict the Black Country and London as the primary English dog fight centres of the period.[35]
New Zealand
In accordance with the Animal Welfare Act 1999, dog fighting is illegal within New Zealand. Breeding, training or owning dogs for fighting is also illegal.[36]
North America

Dog fighting has been illegal in Canada since 1892; however, the current law requires police to catch individuals during the unlawful act, which is often difficult.[37]
Dog fighting is a felony in all 50 U.S. states as well as the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands.[2]  In most of the United States a spectator at a dog fight can be charged with a felony while some areas only consider it a misdemeanor offense.
In addition, the federal U.S. Animal Welfare Act makes it unlawful for any person to knowingly sell, buy, possess, train, transport, deliver, or receive any dog for purposes of having the dog participate in an animal fighting venture. The act also makes it unlawful for any person to knowingly use the mail service of the United States Postal Service or any instrumentality of interstate commerce for commercial speech for purposes of advertising a dog for use in an animal fighting venture, promoting or in any other manner furthering an animal fighting venture except as performed outside the limits of the States of the United States.[38]
In the second largest dog fighting raid in U.S. history in August 2013, the United States District Court for the Middle District of Alabama handed down the longest prison term ever handed down in a federal dog fighting case: eight years.[39]
According to a study by the College of Law of Michigan State University published in 2005, in the United States, dog fighting was once completely legal and was sanctioned and promoted during the colonial period through the Victorian and well into the 20th century. In the second half 19th century dog fighting started to be criminalized in the United States.
There is a US$5,000 reward for reporting dog fighting to The Humane Society of the United States[40] From the HSUS: How to spot signs of dogfighting in your community: An inordinate number of pit bull-type dogs being kept in one location, especially multiple dogs who are chained and seem unsocialized; Dogs with scars on their faces, front legs, and stifle area (hind end and thighs); Dogfighting training equipment such as "breaking sticks" or "break sticks" used to pry apart the jaws of dogs locked in battle which are foot long, flat on one side, appearing to be sharpened; tires or "spring poles" (usually a large spring with rope attached to either end) hanging from tree limbs; or unusual foot traffic coming and going from a location at odd hours.
CNN estimated that in the United States more than 100,000 people are engaged in dog fighting on a non-professional basis and roughly 40,000 individuals are involved as professionals in the sport of dog fighting as a commercial activity. Top fights are said to have purses of $100,000 or more.[41]
In Costa Rica, dogfights were illegal for decades as a misdemeanor, since 2014 and after a legal reform became a felony and is punished with up to three years of imprisonment.[42][43]
South America
Dog fighting is illegal in much of South America. The American Pit Bull Terrier is by far the most common breed involved in the bloodsport. The Dogo Argentino was also used as fighting dog. The Dogo Cubano and Cordoba Fighting Dog were used for fighting a century ago, but have become extinct.
Dog Fighting terms
Cur - Cowardly dog[44][45]
Gamesness - willingness to fight[46]
Rollin - Practice fight
See also
Cockfight
Cricket fighting
List of dog fighting breeds
Spider fighting

General information

News articles
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What is the most common dog used for dog fighting?