The Maluku Islands or the Moluccas (/məˈlʌkəz/) are an archipelago within Banda Sea, Indonesia. Tectonically they are located on the Halmahera Plate within the Molucca Sea Collision Zone. Geographically they are located east of Sulawesi, west of New Guinea, and north and east of Timor.
The islands were known as the Spice Islands due to the nutmeg, mace and cloves that were originally exclusively found there, the presence of which sparked colonial interest from Europe in the 16th century.[2]
The Maluku Islands formed a single province from Indonesian independence until 1999, when it was split into two provinces. A new province, North Maluku, incorporates the area between Morotai and Sula, with the arc of islands from Buru and Seram to Wetar remaining within the existing Maluku Province. North Maluku is predominantly Muslim, and its capital is Sofifi on Halmahera island. Maluku province has a larger Christian population, and its capital is Ambon. Though originally Melanesian,[3] many island populations, especially in the Banda Islands, were massacred in the 17th century during the spice wars. A second influx of immigrants primarily from Java began in the early twentieth century under the Dutch and continues in the Indonesian era.
Between 1999 and 2002, conflict between Muslims and Christians killed thousands and displaced half a million people.
Etymology
The name Maluku is thought to have been derived from the term used by Arab traders for the region, Jazirat al-Moluk ("the island of the kings"), from the word malik (pl. moluk).[4] However, since the name itself has been mentioned in a 14th-century Majapahit eulogy, Nagarakretagama, that predates the arrival of Islam in Maluku at the late fifteenth century, other sources claim that the name comes from a local language with the meaning the head of a bull or the head of something large.[5]
Administrative divisions
The Maluku Islands were a single province from Indonesian independence until 1999 when they were split into North Maluku and Maluku.
North Maluku province includes Ternate (the former site of the provincial capital), Tidore, Bacan and Halmahera (the largest of the Maluku Islands).[6]
History

Early history
Arab merchants began to arrive in the 14th century, bringing Islam. Peaceful conversion to Islam occurred in many islands, especially in the centres of trade, while aboriginal animism persisted in the hinterlands and more isolated islands. Archaeological evidence here relies largely on the occurrence of pigs' teeth, as evidence of pork eating or abstinence therefrom.[7]
Portuguese

The most significant lasting effects of the Portuguese presence was the disruption and reorganization of the Southeast Asian trade, and in eastern Indonesia—including Maluku—the introduction of Christianity.[8] The Portuguese had conquered the city state of Malacca in the early 16th century and their influence was most strongly felt in Maluku and other parts of eastern Indonesia.[4] After the Portuguese annexed Malacca in August 1511, one Portuguese diary noted 'it is thirty years since they became Moors'.[9]
Afonso de Albuquerque learned of the route to the Banda Islands and other 'Spice Islands', and sent an exploratory expedition of three vessels under the command of António de Abreu, Simão Afonso Bisigudo and Francisco Serrão.[10] On the return trip, Francisco Serrão was shipwrecked at Hitu island (northern Ambon) in 1512. There he established ties with the local ruler who was impressed with his martial skills. The rulers of the competing island states of Ternate and Tidore also sought Portuguese assistance and the newcomers were welcomed in the area as buyers of supplies and spices during a lull in the regional trade due to the temporary disruption of Javanese and Malay sailings to the area following the 1511 conflict in Malacca. The spice trade soon revived but the Portuguese would not be able to fully monopolize nor disrupt this trade.[4]
Allying himself with Ternate's ruler, Serrão constructed a fortress on that tiny island and served as the head of a mercenary band of Portuguese seamen under the service of one of the two local feuding sultans who controlled most of the spice trade. Both Serrão and Ferdinand Magellan, however, perished before they could meet one another.[4]
The Portuguese first landed in Ambon in 1513, but it only became the new centre for their activities in Maluku following the expulsion from Ternate. European power in the region was weak and Ternate became an expanding, fiercely Islamic and anti-European state under the rule of Sultan Baab Ullah (r. 1570–1583) and his son Sultan Said.[11]
Following Portuguese missionary work, there have been large Christian communities in eastern Indonesia through to contemporary times, which has contributed to a sense of shared interest with Europeans, particularly among the Ambonese.[11]

Dutch

The Dutch arrived in 1599 and competed with the Portuguese in the area for trade.[12]

After Indonesian independence
With the declaration of a single republic of Indonesia in 1950 to replace the federal state, a Republic of South Maluku (Republik Maluku Selatan, RMS) was declared and attempted to secede. and led by Chris Soumokil (former Supreme Prosecutor of the Eastern Indonesia state) and supported by the Moluccan members of the Netherlands special troops. This movement was defeated by the Indonesian army and by special agreement with the Netherlands the troops were transferred to the Netherlands.
Maluku is one of the first provinces of Indonesia, proclaimed in 1945 until 1999, when the Maluku Utara and Halmahera Tengah Regencies were split off as a separate province of North Maluku. Its capital used to be Ternate, on a small island to the west of the large island of Halmahera, but has been moved to Sofifi on Halmahera itself. The capital of the remaining part of Maluku province remains at Ambon.
1999–2003 inter-communal conflict

Religious conflict erupted across the islands in January 1999. The subsequent 18 months were characterized by fighting between largely local groups of Muslims and Christians, the destruction of thousands of houses, the displacement of approximately 500,000 people, the loss of thousands of lives, and the segregation of Muslims and Christians.[13]
Geology and geography

The Maluku Islands have a total area of 850,000km2, 90% of which is sea.[14] There are an estimated 1027 islands.[15] The largest two islands, Halmahera and Seram are sparsely populated, while the most developed, Ambon and Ternate are small.[15]
The majority of the islands are forested and mountainous. The Tanimbar Islands are dry and hilly, while the Aru Islands are flat and swampy. Mount Binaya (3027 m) on Seram is the highest mountain. A number of islands, such as Ternate (1721 m) and the TNS islands, are volcanoes emerging from the sea with villages sited around their coasts. There have been over 70 serious volcanic eruptions in the last 500 years and earthquakes are common.[15]

The geology of the Maluku Islands share much similar history, characteristics and processes with the neighbouring Nusa Tenggara region. There is a long history of geological study of these regions since Indonesian colonial times; however, the geological formation and progression is not fully understood, and theories of the island's geological evolution have changed extensively in recent decades.[16] The Maluku Islands comprise some of the most geologically complex and active regions in the world,[17] resulting from their position at the meeting point of four geological plates and two continental blocks.
Biota and environment
Biogeographically, all of the islands apart from the Aru group lie in Wallacea, the region between the Sunda Shelf (part of the Asia block), and the Arafura Shelf (part of the Australian block). More specifically, they lie between Weber's Line and Lydekker's Line, and thus have a fauna that is rather more Australasian than Asian. Malukan biodiversity and its distribution are affected by various tectonic activities; most of the islands are geologically young, being from 1 million to 15 million years old, and have never been attached to the larger landmasses. The Maluku islands differ from other areas in Indonesia; they contain some of the country's smallest islands, coral island reefs scattered through some of the deepest seas in the world, and no large islands such as Java or Sumatra. Flora and fauna immigration between islands is thus restricted, leading to a high rate of endemic biota evolving.[16]
The ecology of the Maluku Islands has fascinated naturalists for centuries; Alfred Wallace's book, The Malay Archipelago was the first significant study of the area's natural history, and remains an important resource for studying Indonesian biodiversity. Maluku is the subject of two major historical works of natural history by Georg Eberhard Rumphius: the Herbarium Amboinense and the Amboinsche Rariteitkamer.[18]
Rainforest covered most of northern and central Maluku, which, on the smaller islands has been replaced by plantations, including the region's endemic cloves and nutmeg. The Tanimbar Islands and other southeastern islands are arid and sparsely vegetated, much like nearby Timor.[15] In 1997 the Manusela National Park, and in 2004, the Aketajawe-Lolobata National Park, were established, for the protection of endangered species.

Nocturnal marsupials, such as cuscus and bandicoots, make up the majority of the mammal species, and introduced mammals include Malayan civets and wild pigs.[15] Bird species include approximately 100 endemics with the greatest variety on the large islands of Halmahera and Seram. North Maluku has two species of endemic birds of paradise.[15] Uniquely among the Maluku Islands, the Aru Islands have a purely Papuan fauna including kangaroos, cassowaries, and birds of paradise.[15]
While many ecological problems affect both small islands and large landmasses, small islands suffer their particular problems. Development pressures on small islands are increasing, although their effects are not always anticipated. Although Indonesia is richly endowed with natural resources, the resources of the small islands of Maluku are limited and specialised; furthermore, human resources in particular are limited.[19]
General observations[20] about small islands that can be applied to the Maluku Islands include:[19]
a higher proportion of the landmass will be affected by volcanic activity, earthquakes, landslips, and cyclone damage;
Climates are more likely to be maritime influenced;
Catchment areas are smaller and degree of erosion higher;
A higher proportion of the landmass is made up of coastal areas;
A higher degree of environmental specialisation, including a higher proportion of endemic species in an overall depauperate community;
Societies may retain a strong sense of culture having developed in relative isolation;
Small island populations are more likely to be affected by economic migration.
Climate
Central and southern Maluku Islands experience the dry monsoon between October to March and the wet monsoon from May to August, which is the reverse of the rest of Indonesia. The dry monsoon's average maximum temperature is 30°C while the wet's average maximum is 23°C. Northern Maluku has its wet monsoon from December to March in line with the rest of Indonesia. Each island group have their own climatic variations, and the larger islands tend to have drier coastal lowlands and their mountainous hinterlands are wetter.[15]
Demographics

Maluku's population is about 2 million, less than 1% of Indonesia's population.[15]
Over 130 languages were once spoken across the islands; however many have now switched to the creoles of Ternate Malay and Ambonese Malay, the lingua franca of northern and southern Maluku respectively.[15]
A long history of trade and seafaring has resulted in a high degree of mixed ancestry in Malukans.[15] Austronesian peoples added to the native Melanesian population around 2000BCE.[21] Melanesian features are strongest in the islands of Kei and Aru and amongst the interior people of the islands Seram and Buru. Later added to this Austronesian-Melanesian mix were some Indian and Arab strain. More recent arrivals include Bugis trader settlers from Sulawesi and Javanese transmigrants.[15]
Economy
Cloves and nutmeg are still cultivated, as are cocoa, coffee and fruit. Fishing is a big industry across the islands but particularly around Halmahera and Bacan. The Aru Islands produce pearls, and Seram exports lobsters. Logging is a significant industry on the larger islands with Seram producing ironwood and teak and ebony are produced on Buru.[15]
See also
Maluku culture
List of Maluku Governors
List of Moluccan Lastnames

Notes

General
Andaya, Leonard Y. (1993). The World of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modern Period. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN0-8248-1490-8.
Bellwood, Peter (1997). Prehistory of the Indo-Malaysian archipelago. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN0-8248-1883-0.
Donkin, R. A. (1997). Between East and West: The Moluccas and the Traffic in Spices Up to the Arrival of Europeans. American Philosophical Society. ISBN0-87169-248-1.
Milton, Giles (1999). Nathaniel's Nutmeg.  London: Sceptre. ISBN978-0-340-69676-7.
Monk, Kathryn A., Yance De Fretes, Gayatri Reksodiharjo-Lilley (1997). The Ecology of Nusa Tenggara and Maluku. Singapore: Periplus Press. ISBN962-593-076-0.
Van Oosterzee, Penny (1997). Where Worlds Collide: The Wallace Line. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN0-8014-8497-9.
Wallace, Alfred Russel (2000; originally published 1869). The Malay Archipelago. Singapore: Periplus Press. ISBN962-593-645-9.
Further reading
George Miller (editor), To The Spice Islands And Beyond: Travels in Eastern Indonesia, Oxford University Press, 1996, Paperback, 310 pages, ISBN967-65-3099-9
Severin, Tim The Spice Island Voyage: In Search of Wallace, Abacus, 1997, paperback, 302 pages, ISBN0-349-11040-9
Bergreen, Laurence Over the Edge of the World, Morrow, 2003, paperback, 480 pages
Muller, Dr. Kal Spice Islands: The Moluccas, Periplus Editions, 1990, paperback, 168 pages, ISBN0-945971-07-9

 from 1760 (in English) (in French)

Coordinates:

When were the Maluku Islands discovered?


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Lebanese women are considered to have more rights and freedom compared to women elsewhere in the Arab World. Women in Lebanon are able to dress more liberally and move around with relative ease in certain parts of the country, unlike other countries in the region. Lebanese women enjoy almost equal civil rights as men. However, due to the large number of officially recognized religions in Lebanon, Lebanese family matters are governed by at least 15 personal statute codes.[2] Lebanese women have legal protection that varies depending on their religion.[3] In Muslim families, marriageable age can be as soon as the child reaches puberty and polygamy is allowed. Muslim women can legally marry Christian or Jewish men; for example a Lebanese Catholic man can marry a Muslim lady on the condition of getting their children baptised, otherwise, the couple may opt for civil marriage performed abroad, which can be registered at any Lebanese Embassy, thus giving it official recognition (this is a particularly popular option, with Cyprus usually acting as the destination of choice).[4]
Children born to a Lebanese woman and a man from another country will not have their children granted Lebanese nationality.[5]
Local and regional NGOs have helped to increase awareness of violence against women in Lebanon.[6][7] Government policies regarding this are poor however, and attempts to improve this area have been met with resistance.[8] Lebanon's laws do not recognize the concept of spousal rape,[2] and attempt to add this to law have been attacked by Lebanese clerics.[9]
The family in Lebanon, as elsewhere in the Middle East region, assigns different roles to family members on the basis of gender. The superior status of men in society and within the narrow confines of the nuclear family transcends the barriers of sect or ethnicity. Lebanese family structure is patriarchal. The centrality of the father figure stems from the role of the family as an economic unit. This notion prevails in rural regions of Lebanon where women participate in peasant work. However, it is noticed that the percentage of women working in the labor force has increased. Since, 1970, Arab societies have allowed women to play a more active role socially and in the work force, basically as a result of the manpower shortage caused by heavy migration of men to Persian Gulf countries.
Notwithstanding the persistence of traditional attitudes regarding the role of women, Lebanese women enjoy equal civil rights and attend institutions of higher education in large numbers (for example, women constituted 41 percent of the student body at the American University of Beirut in 1983). Although women in Lebanon have their own organizations, most exist as subordinate branches of the political parties.
Political representation of women in Lebanon
Women's suffrage

France confirmed the electoral system of the former Ottoman Mount Lebanon province in setting up a Representative Council for Greater Lebanon in 1922. Two stage elections, universal adult male suffrage, and multimember multi-communal constituencies continued the situation that prevailed in Mount Lebanon up to 1914.[10] Women in Lebanon gained suffrage in 1952, only five years after men did in the new Republic (in the year 1947). The Lebanese constitution — specifically Article 7, proclaimed that "All Lebanese are equal under the law, enjoying equally civil and political rights, and performing duties and public responsibility without any discrimination among them." This however did not protect against gender discrimination and thus women were not equally protected. Women were refused the right to vote by early Lebanese government until they organized and began petitioning for equal rights. In 1952 the Women's Political Rights Agreement came about and guaranteed that women would be able to vote.[11] Women gained the right to vote but with a limitation, they had to have an elementary education. Women had to have documents that could prove that they had received at least an elementary level education. This limitation was lifted five years later in 1957 without much discourse or a fight.[12]
Women in politics

Women gained the right to vote halfway into the 20th century, thirty years after American women suffragists gained the right in the United States. Though the women of Lebanon garnered their right to vote fairly early on, there is still a huge lack of them in Lebanon's political sphere. The political field in Lebanon, like most of the rest of the world, is male dominated. That is not to say there are no women actors in Lebanon, they are just few and far between.
As of 2009 there had only been seventeen women to serve on parliament since suffrage. That number is rather dismal but paints the perfect picture of what the outlook of women in parliament is. The lack of women in politics is chalked up the political exclusivity that is bred in Lebanon, constricting societal norms and gender roles. The political arena in the country is mostly made of a small number of elite families that have been in power since the 1950s and 1960s and the beginning of suffrage. There is an extreme lack of women in elected and appointed political positions. To combat the low rate of women's participation in politics and government, the Lebanese Women's Council (LWC) planned a conference in 1998.[11] Along with other women's NGOs, the LWC proposed a quota system to the government to ensure women's equal representation in elections.[11]  NGOs or non-governmental organizations have been created in response to the lack of women's political representation. The government did not take heed to any of their suggestions.
According to Dr. Zeina Zaatari “Many women's NGOs have prioritized their missions toward the economic and social needs of women in rural areas and women with little access to resources. These organizations work toward achieving women's rights on the ground. A large number of women's organizations also focus on lobbying and aim to research and publish their findings on women to influence policy makers and the judicial system. The Lebanese Women's Council (LWC), established in the 1950s, serves as an umbrella entity for more than 140 organization
Political representation
One of the very important characteristics of Lebanese politics is the excess of political parties competing for power and control. There are eighteen political parties in total in the country, but seven currently dominate the sphere. These political parties are almost all men dominated, and the women that do head these parties are often only there because they are a part of one of the political families and have been put in place for power often because of a sudden death or lack of men left to run in the family. Men control the leadership of the country, often silencing the women’s voices.
The Lebanese constitution is a French system, which promotes equality between “all” citizens. However, in Lebanon the governmental power of the country is separated by the religious factions based on the size of each of their populations. These figures are extremely outdated and are based on a census of the country that was taken in the year 1943.[13] Lebanon formally identifies that there are eighteen religious acknowledgements of Muslim and Christian denominations in the country.
The major political parties thus include Hezbollah and Amal (Shi'a); Future Movement, led by MP Saad Hariri, the younger son of the assassinated former Prime Minister of Lebanon, Rafic Hariri (Sunni); Phalange Party and the Lebanese Forces (Maronite Christians); Progressive Socialist Party (Druze); and the Free Patriotic Movement which in theory has members from all confessions, but remains predominantly Christian. These religious based parties often discriminate against women and refuse to include them.
As of 2009 according to Don Duncan of Le Monde Diplomatique (English edition), “With only 3.1% of seats now occupied by women, Lebanon is at the bottom of the table of parliamentary representation of women in the Middle East, down with conservative Gulf states like Oman (none), Yemen (0.3%) and Bahrain (2.7%) (2). whereas neighboring Syria has 12.4%, Tunisia has 22.8% and Iraq has a 25% quota for women".[14]
Gender roles
Marriage/parental
Women's rights has become fairly progressive over the centuries in Lebanon compared to other Middle Eastern countries as Islamic Law (Sharia Law) is not used to implement laws (however different sects may uphold some traditions within their community). For example, Article 7 of the constitution of Lebanon asserts that all citizens should have equal rights and duties regardless of gender. They also have Article 8 of the constitution of Lebanon that individual liberty will be guaranteed and protected by law; however Lebanese women still face gender discrimination.[15] Though some laws are put into place in respect to women and their rights, officials are not frequent with enforcing specifically, gender equality. Not to mention there are still some discrimination laws and penal codes that have been put into place and these laws remain because Lebanon is based upon patriarchal social norms and majority of the men in Lebanon acquire the high positioned jobs within society. Because patriarchal social norms are enforced, women find the laws set to protect their women rights as ineffective and more restrictive than men in Lebanon, granted urban Lebanese women have more opportunities than rural Lebanese movement but both women alike still face restrictions on their actions.  Though Lebanese women have the right to attend school, get a job in society, etc. the expected norm is for them to still be subordinate, submissive, and make time for the home. Some discriminatory acts that women face as Lebanese women that heavily restrict their movement are rules on divorce and parental custody. Because it is still common in Lebanese culture (where many are Muslim) that woman shall submit to their husband, many salient rights are given to the husband/father first before the mother.
Motherhood
Raising children
Parenting was an important political act for some Lebanese in the aftermath of the First World War. This resulted in the reflection of critical transformations in French-Lebanese relations but also contributed significantly to the process of the state formation. Literature situating children in any historical context in Lebanon is also liable to frame childhood in highly static terms and to underestimate its significance in a matrix of other social, cultural, political, and economic forces.
Those identified as such were variously understood as infants, children, youth, adolescents, boys, or girls, mostly on account of the social and gender roles they played, rather than any other set of factors, but also sometimes by age, biology, and even class. One of the most conflicted domains, however, in which definitions of the child were called into question was the law. Also, for Islamic jurists, the age at which a woman received her first menses was important for several reasons. Not only did it signal her entry into adulthood biologically, but it also meant that her responsibilities as a Muslim increased significantly.[16]
Procedures for children
According to one treatise on the five schools of Islamic law, "There is consensus among the schools that menses and pregnancy are the proofs of female adulthood. “The strictures of acceptable behavior pertaining to a woman's menstrual cycle were not simple, and her ability to comply with them, especially to follow the proper schedule for ritual washing , meant that she could handle "adult" tasks. It was at this point, too, that she would typically begin to fast for the entire length of the day during the holy month of Ramadan, like an adult. However, "all the schools concur that any discharge that occurs before a girl reaches the age of nine years cannot possibly be menstrual; it is due to disease or injury." So, while nine was a technical minimum of legal adulthood for females, menstruation that early was unexpected. Fourteen or fifteen, for boys and girls, was a much more likely age at which to expect the onset of puberty.[16]
Draft law for descendants of Lebanese
Under the current Lebanese nationality law, descendants of Lebanese emigrants can only receive citizenship from their father and women cannot pass on citizenship to their spouse or children.[17]
On 7 November 2015, Gebran Bassil,  the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants, "refused to compromise on a draft law that would grant citizenship to the descendants of Lebanese expatriates by expanding it to include the foreign spouses and children of Lebanese women".[18]
Education
Education was on the colonial agenda from beginning to end and was awarded special attention on account of its perceived ability to effect the greatest change in the greatest number of Lebanese. It was also something that missionaries and colonial administrators believed they could collaborate on together, as they imagined a similar citizen-figure into which Lebanese children were to be crafted by the West. Young people were marked out by foreign missionaries for their potential to transform not just the next generation of Lebanese but also the present generation of parents, especially mothers.[16]
Marriage: women vs. men
Women and men are looked at differently based on their gender in Lebanon and the stipulations and norms are different for both. The penal code in Lebanon specifically in marriage used to be in favour of the man. However, it has witnessed some much needed reform. Article 562, which had  historically been used to reduce sentences awarded for a non-premeditated honour killing resulting from an "illegitimate" sexual intercourse, was scrapped by the Lebanese Parliament on August 4, 2011.[19] Moreover, in 2014, the Lebanese Parliament finally passed a full-fledged law targeting domestic violence.[20] Nevertheless, some existing laws still tend to favour men in some aspects. For example, if the male spouse is an adulterer before accused his adulterous act is questioned on whether it was done in the marital home or the adulterous relationship become public; however, the woman if accused of adulterous acts anywhere anytime no matter the circumstance is automatically convicted.  Moreover, if convicted the sentencing time is less for a male than female ( male: one month to one year; female: three months to three years).[21] Recently, there have been talks about decriminalising adultery altogether, and a draft law submitted by MP Samy Gemayel on the matter is still pending review.[22]
Single mothers in Lebanon
Mothers were described to be very alone in the process once they embarked on motherhood. The average thought of Lebanon woman, after she finds the news that she is carrying a child is, “My life stopped and my world was crushed when I found out that I was pregnant. … The whole world was against me. No partner by my side to support me, no family to acknowledge me after I had brought shame to our family’s name, as they say”.[23]
A woman by the name of Samar, made it very clear just how misunderstood she was and felt when it came to motherhood. A young man that she considered her friend, lured her into trusting him and then he raped her and left the country for work. He would not return any of the calls she made to reach out to him. This first reach in this situation in Lebanon is for the parents to make the young man marry their daughter. The second attempt was to convince the women to have an abortion.[23]
Common struggles for Lebanese women
There are so many stories regarding single mothers in Lebanon, but they all have one thing in common: None of them really chose this path, unlike women in more liberal countries, where single motherhood is now a choice and a path women can take without being rejected by society. However, things are different in Lebanon. Every single mother has already lived a horrible tragedy before getting to the birth phase and raising her child alone. Stories of rape, sexual assault, incest, partners leaving and many other tragedies mean that single mothers are rejected socially and economically for something that is often not even their fault.
There were single mother issues in Lebanon, which was also viewed as taboo. It was so bad that society's organizations would at all cost disregard providing any form of assistance in the area to avoid being seen as helpers of women who became pregnant without being married. There are few organizations for single mothers to turn to, and centers supported by official bodies to help them organize their affairs have yet to be established. The Maryam and Martha Organization, one of the few associations helping these women, has been receiving single mothers for many years, providing them with the support they need.[23]
Hospital practices in maternity wards in Lebanon
Eight out of thirty-nine hospitals in Lebanon had well established prenatal care classes, however only three actually enrolled all women in these classes. There were other forms of providing, such as information at a low, only having four hospitals giving written information regarding care during the labor as well as delivery. Six healthcare providers reported that inquiring women about their preferences. Furthermore, few gave women any opportunity for procedures such as shaving, enema or fetal monitoring application. Lastly, it was seen that all places had strict mobility for women in the delivery process, including eight who tied their arms and legs.[24]
Recommendations
There is a necessity to advance the work examining the health effects of maternity care, and the attempts made to enhance the healthcare providers policies and traditions practices. Where-best-practice is not in place. There has to be an intervention that takes place soon in Lebanon.[24]
Economy:Women
History
The Lebanese Civil War and the Israeli Invasion of Lebanon have affected Lebanon's economy tremendously. Since 2008 their economy has grown about 8 percent but not significantly enough as they are still a country highly in debt from war. Women in correlation with the economy have been able to participate since the 1970s but they are still underrepresented in the labor force and are the first to be negatively impacted when the economy fails. Currently in Lebanon, Article 215 of their Law of Contracts and Obligations allow men and women the same right to own and administer property. Married women can even own and manage their property separately regardless of their religious affiliation.[25] Although given the same rights there are still inequitable repercussions that negatively affect the women more than men. For example, if a woman's husband declare bankruptcy then there are restrictions that are put on the women's property but not the man's. Furthermore, there is some legal wording that makes it harder for women to stand completely independently economically because women's property, if married are considered purchases by the man's money and technically considered an asset of the man's unless proven otherwise. Here you see women though given equal opportunity to acquire property, still not completely equal to man as there is legal wording that gives women a harder time to be seen as an individual human being instead of a subordinate or an asset/accessory to her husband.
Work force
Women have the right to work in Lebanon. Though given the right more men are still seen in the work force than women (see figure 4 below by the Institute of Women's Policy research). More women especially those between the age 36 to 55 tend to stay in the home and tend to their family and raising children, playing into the social norms of women's role in Lebanon's patriarchal society. Although men are relatively represented more in the work force, women still work. Women are more likely to take on part-time jobs if they do work as they have to tend to their household duties as well. Article 29 of Lebanon's Employment Act was amended to increase maternity leave; however, Lebanon does meet the standard given by the ILO convention 103 granting women no less than 12 weeks. Not to mention Lebanon does not offer services to help with childcare making it hard for women to indulge themselves completely in the work force and paternity leave is not offered at all. Common jobs for women who do work are generally in the service area or do specialists work ( see figure 6 below by Institute of Women's Policy research to see other jobs women take part in) . Women's salaries compared to their male counterpart is drastically different. Men tend to make more than women causing a vast gender wage gap. Three times as many men as women make more than 1101 dollars per month while three times as many women as men earn less than 300 dollars a month. Although, women and men who work in the government/public sector make similar wages, women in the private sector do not and 86 percent of most workers in Lebanon work in the private sector and 80 percent of the women in the private sector make 700 or below (see figure 9 and 10 by Institute of Women's Policy research for wage gap). There is also a big gap between pay based on a woman's age. The younger the woman the more likely she is to be paid less ( 2 out of every 3 young women earn 500 dollars or less) as increase in pay comes with years of experience.[26]
Women's movements in Lebanon: women's rights and violence against women
Women in the Government
In order to understand the true importance of the women's movement in Lebanon, it is important to first understand the government and social norms prevalent within the Middle East. The government of Lebanon operates on a parliamentary scale which includes representatives of each recognized religious organizations in addition to one prime minister which determines the laws that regulate the country. This Parliament is composed entirely of people who openly practice patriarchal religion. Lebanese women won the right to vote in 1952. However, since that victory, only seventeen women have served in the Lebanese parliament. Not only do each of these religions have their own place in Parliament, they also have their own courts and codes of conduct. While Lebanon is often seen as a very liberal country, arguably the most liberal country within the Middle East, the systematic oppression of women is still prevalent. Currently, women are able to: marry freely while understanding that divorce may bring about a great deal of socioeconomic hardships, vote as long as they are able to prove that they have obtained an elementary education, have jobs as long as those jobs do not encroach on their domestic obligations, and walk around in public without having to wear hijabs. Unfortunately, even with all of those superficial rights, women are still subjected to unwanted advances and social discrimination. Constitutionally, Lebanese women and men are regarded as equals; however, they are not free from laws and publicly accepted socialized behaviors which encourage male intervention of those rights in the name of honor or family preservation.
Women in Lebanon
Lebanon is guided by 15 or more religious codes and courts including Shi'a, Sunni, Maronite Christians, and Druze parties, all of which "compete to preserve narrow sectarian interests, not those of a unified Lebanon".[27] Coincidentally, these all encourage the oppression of women. Founded in 1973, the Institute for Women's Studies in the Arab World was created by the Lebanese American University. While the IWSAW aims to educate Middle Eastern women, they have also been at the forefront of many women's movements. They contribute greatly to women's movements by virtue of their research and publications. One such project, Who is She, was designed after IWSAW conducted research to determine how many contemporary Lebanese women in professional positions are widely known to the public. This is a database that provides the public with "easy access to bibliographical information on a large number of contemporary women in one of the following categories: opinion leaders, senior managers, politicians, professionals, artists, researchers, and experts within a wide range of subjects".[28] Women who are engaged in political organizations often acquire social stigma. For example, many women within the Palestinian resistance movement live in Lebanese camps. These women "have political meetings at night and often sleep away from home. Many have been called prostitutes for doing so. But they have stood fast saying that their country comes before family".[29] Most of these women are educated and trained to fight, yet are still subject to discrimination and sexualization in post war Lebanon. In most Middle Eastern countries, Lebanese women are regarded as symbols of the nation, not necessarily as active members. As most contemporary Lebanese women are not known for their contributions outside of the world of scholars, many women's movements go undocumented and are brushed under the rug by the patriarchal government.
Legal contributions of women
Between 2006 and 2008, many Lebanese people protested in opposition of the Prime Minister, Fouad Siniora. Since the Prime Minister and parliament are the individuals approving laws, such protests were important especially for women. At the forefront of these protests were major women's organizations (NGOs). One feminist NGO which tackled exploitation and violence on women was Kafa. Kafa, which was founded in 2005, along with many other women's organizations, aims to diminish social, legal, and economic forms of patriarchy in order to stop violence against women and children. They proposed a law, which was drafted in 2009, that was to stop domestic violence against women, including marital rape. This NGO group wrote letters to the Cabinet of Ministers which later stated that they would vie for legal reform and protect women against family violence. After much lobbying and protesting, people within these NGOs succeeded in pushing the draft law to the parliament where it sat in arrest. Over time, while it was stuck at Parliament, this law was amended continuously due to objections of religious conservatives. The biggest disagreement regarding this law was one of the most prevalent issues for women: marital rape. Suggestions to amend the law included removal of the segment outlining marital rape as a crime. Although passing that law may lead to the decrease of many violent situations within the household, its proposed amendment will defeat the purpose of the law. Some women's activists would argue that the myriad of amendments within this law makes the law detrimental to the advancement of women in Lebanon. Because there are so many differences within each of the religious courts, domestic violence is handled in a different way depending on which region a woman is involved with. It is frowned upon for a woman to ever initiate a divorce, in mostly all of the religious sectors of the parliament. In some courts, a woman asking for a divorce must obtain a substantial amount of evidence regarding her husband's indiscretion. Likewise, if a man were seeking a divorce, in many courts he could obtain that divorce with very little evidence, and in the name of honor or family preservation. For example, if a woman who was a victim of spousal rape were to attempt to get a divorce from her husband, that effort would be dismissed in many courts by the socially accepted idea, which is supported by Judge Sheik Ahmad Al-Kurdi of the Sunni religious court, that such indictment “could lead to the imprisonment of the man, where in reality he is exercising the least of his marital rights.”.[30] This implies that the man, by virtue of being her husband, is therefore in full compliance with the laws and codes of conduct of Lebanon. In addition, a woman who goes to her family for support in filing for a divorce may be met with both opposition to her decision, and shame surrounding it. Such socially accepted beliefs actively contribute to the marginalization of women's voices in Lebanon. In December 2016, the Campaign Against Lebanese Rape Law - Article 522 was launched to abolish the article in the penal code that allowed a man to escape prison if he married his victim.
See also
Women in Islam
Women in Arab societies

 Media related to Women of Lebanon at Wikimedia Commons


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Yandhi is the upcoming ninth studio album by American rapper Kanye West. It was announced by West on his Instagram and Twitter on September 17, 2018.[2] Its minimalist album art, featuring a MiniDisc with purple tape, has been compared to that of West's sixth studio album Yeezus (2013), with speculation that it may be a follow-up to the album.[3][4][5][6]
The album is expected to feature an array of guest artists, including Ty Dolla Sign, 6ix9ine, Rihanna,[7] Kid Cudi, Young Thug,[8] Teyana Taylor, Lauryn Hill,[9] Migos,[10] Nicki Minaj,[11] and posthumous vocals from XXXTentacion.[7]
Background
In February 2017, Rick Rubin, who served as an executive producer for Yeezus, stated that multiple alternative versions of Yeezus existed with many unreleased songs. In August 2017, GOOD Music artist CyHi the Prynce quietly uploaded a Spotify playlist with six inaccessible tracks from an album titled Yeezus 2; this went unnoticed until first reported two months later.[12]
In July and August 2018, West released the non-album singles "XTCY", which was cut from his previous album Ye (2018), and "I Love It", a collaboration with American rapper Lil Pump.
Recording and production
First recording: Chicago
West first recorded Yandhi in his hometown of Chicago. On September 11, 2018, West confirmed an upcoming collaboration with American rapper 6ix9ine.[13] Later in September, West shared snippets of new music onto his recently-reactivated Instagram account,[14][15] with indications that he was working with Chance the Rapper, Taylor Bennett, G Herbo, and Ronny J. West also announced that he was working on a collaborative album with Chance titled Good Ass Job.[16][17]
Yandhi was initially scheduled to be released on September 29, 2018. West was the musical guest for the season 44 premiere of Saturday Night Live.[3] West performed a censored version of "I Love It" alongside Lil Pump, followed by a previously recorded song that was meant to be on K.T.S.E. alongside Teyana Taylor, titled "We Got Love", followed by a closing performance of "Ghost Town" alongside 070 Shake and Kid Cudi. For undisclosed reasons, none of the album's content was introduced or acknowledged and no indication was given of its official release.[18][19] West's wife Kim Kardashian later announced a rescheduled date of November 23, 2018.[20]
Second recording: Uganda
Three days after the initial delay, West was interviewed by TMZ and announced that he would be going to Africa in two weeks to continue recording for Yandhi, admitting that the album wasn't actually finished yet. West talked about recording in Chicago and how he "felt the roots" but wanted to go to further his energy by touching African soil and recording in nature. West said the previous five albums he released in 2018 as the Wyoming Sessions were "superhero rehabilitation" and declared that Yandhi was a "full Ye album", comparing it to Watch the Throne (2011) and 808s & Heartbreak (2008), and that "the alien Ye is like, fully back in mode, off of medication." After that interview, West recorded the music video for the remix of Teyana Taylor's "We Got Love" in the TMZ parking lot.[21]
On October 12, 2018, West arrived in Uganda and restarted work on the album in a dome-shaped studio set up in a safari lodge at the Murchison Falls National Park.[22][23] West played new music, including a studio recording of the "We Got Love" remix, for a group of about 100 Ugandan schoolchildren during a charity event.[24][25]
Third recording: Undetermined release date
Following a Kids See Ghosts performance at Tyler the Creator's Camp Flog Gnaw Carnival, West tweeted that he felt the album wasn't finished, and that he would "announce the release date once it's done", delaying the album indefinitely.[26] In January 2019, West began splitting time between Los Angeles and his newly purchased house in Miami, being seen in the latter city recording with artists such as Lil Wayne, 2 Chainz, Timbaland, Migos, Tee Grizzley, and YNW Melly.[27]
In January 2019, West and a choir performed two unreleased songs titled "The Storm", which had been previously leaked with vocals from Ty Dolla Sign and XXXTentacion, and "The Garden" sung by collaborator Ant Clemons during a Sunday service.[28] Later in the month, a representative for West denied a rumor that Yandhi wasn't being released due to a label dispute.[29]
Confirmed tracks
The following tracks have been part of West's Sunday Service performances starting in January 2019. Titles of the tracks have been confirmed by Tony Williams.[30]
"The Storm" (featuring Ty Dolla Sign and XXXTentacion)
"The Garden" (featuring Ant Clemons)

When is Kanye West's new album dropping?