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The gender pay gap or gender wage gap is the average difference between the remuneration for men and women who are working.  Women are generally paid less than men. There are two distinct numbers regarding the pay gap: unadjusted versus adjusted pay gap. The latter takes into account differences in hours worked, occupations chosen, education and job experience.  For example, someone who takes time off (e.g. maternity leave) will likely not earn as much as someone who does not take time off from work. Factors like this contribute to lower yearly earnings for women; while the pay gap has narrowed over time, a gender pay gap still exists, even when controlling for these external factors.[1][2] Unadjusted pay gaps are much higher. In the United States, for example the unadjusted average female's annual salary has commonly been cited as being 78% of the average male salary, compared to 80-98% for the adjusted average salary.[3][4]
The reasons for lower pay include both individual choice and other innate and external factors. An example of a voluntary choice is choosing to work part-time when full-time employment is available.  An example of an involuntary choice is working a low-skill job because of an inability to access higher education.  An example of an external factor is discrimination.
The gender pay gap can be a problem from a public policy perspective even when the reason for the gap is entirely voluntary, because it reduces economic output and means that women are more likely to be dependent upon welfare payments, especially in old age.
Historical perspective
A 2005 meta-analysis by Doris Weichselbaumer and Rudolf Winter-Ebmer of more than 260 published pay gap studies for over 60 countries found that, from the 1960s to the 1990s, raw wage differentials worldwide have fallen substantially from around 65% to 30%. The bulk of this decline, was due to better labor market endowments of women (i.e. better education, training, and work attachment).[5]
Another meta-analysis of 41 empirical studies on the wage gap performed in 1998 found a similar time trend in estimated pay gaps, a decrease of roughly 1% per year.[6]
A 2011 study by the British CMI revealed that if pay growth continues for female executives at current rates, the gap between the earnings of female and male executives would not be closed until 2109.[7]
Calculation
The gender pay gap, or gender wage gap is the median or mean average difference between the remuneration for all working men and women in the sample chosen.  It is typically represented as either a percentage or a ratio of the "difference between average gross hourly [or annual] earnings of male and female employees as % of male gross earnings".[8]
National gender gaps are typically based on a sample from the entire working population of a country.
[9][8][10][11][12][13]
Non-governmental organizations apply the calculation to various samples. For example, the gender pay gap by ethnicity,[14] within a single organization [15][16] or within organization to compare men and women on the same pay grade.[17]
Calculating the different causes
Comparing salary 'within rather than across' data sets helps to focus on a specific factor by controlling for other factors. For example to eliminate the role of horizontal and vertical segregation in the gender pay gap compare salary by gender within; a specific job functions. Focusing on a single geography eliminates transnational differences in the job market and cost of living differences.[18]
Reasons
The reasons for lower pay include both individual choice and other innate, and external environmental factors.
An example of a voluntary choice is choosing to work part-time when full-time employment is available.  An example of an involuntary choice is working a low-skill job because of an inability to access higher education.  An example of an external factor is discrimination.

Both gender-specific factors, including gender differences in qualifications and discrimination, and overall wage structure, the rewards for skills and employment in particular sectors, importantly influence the gender pay gap.[19]
Discrimination
Claims that women are less willing and having less ability to negotiate salaries and battlesexual discrimination[20][21][1] are often attributed to being the cause of 25% to 40% of the unadjusted wage gap. A 2018 audit study found that high-achieving men are called back more frequently by employers than equally high-achieving women (at a rate of nearly 2-to-1).[22]
The European Commission divides discrimination, as it impacts the EU wage gap, into several categories.  While direct discrimination, when a woman is paid less than a man for the same job, exists, a more persistent problem is the undervaluing of women's work, with women being paid less for a job of equal value due to careers dominated by women being undervalued as a whole.[23][24]
Industry sector
Occupational segregation[25] or horizontal segregation[26] refers to inequality in pay associated with occupational earnings.
In Jacobs (1995), Boyd et al. refer to the horizontal division of labor as "high-tech" (predominantly men) versus "high-touch" (predominantly women) with high tech being more financially rewarding.[27]  Men are more likely to be in relatively high-paying, dangerous industries such as mining, construction, or manufacturing and to be represented by a union.   Women, in contrast, are more likely to be in clerical jobs and to work in the service industry.
A study of the US labor force in the 1990s suggested that these factors explain an estimated 53% of the wage gap.[1] A 2017 study in the American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics found that the growing importance of the services sector has played a role in reducing the gender gap in pay and hours.[28] In 1998, adjusting for both differences in human capital and in industry, occupation, and unionism increases the size of American women's average earnings from 80% of American men's to 91%.[29]
Science. A 2017 study by the US National Science Foundation's annual census revealed pay gaps in different areas of science: there is a much larger proportion of men in higher-paying fields such as mathematics and computer science, the two highest-paying scientific fields. Men accounted for about 75% of doctoral degrees in those fields (a proportion that has barely changed since 2007), and expected to earn $113,000 compared with $99,000 for women. In the social sciences the difference between men and women with PhDs was significantly smaller, with men earning ~$66,000, compared with $62,000 for women. However, in some fields women earn more: women in chemistry earn ~$85,000, about $5,000 more than their male colleagues.[30]
Motherhood
Studies have shown that an increasing share of the gender pay gap over time is due to children.[31][32] The phenomenon of lower wages due to childbearing has been termed the motherhood penalty.
Motherhood can affect job choices as well. In a traditional role, women are the ones who leave the workforce temporarily to take care of their children. As a result, women tend to take lower paying jobs because they are more likely to have more flexible timings compared to higher-paying jobs. Since women are more likely to work fewer hours than men, they have less experience,[33] which will cause women to be behind in the work force.
Gender roles
Another social factor, which is related to the aforementioned one, is the socialization of individuals to adopt specific gender roles.[34][35] Job choices influenced by socialization are often slotted in to "demand-side" decisions in frameworks of wage discrimination,[36] rather than a result of extant labor market discrimination influencing job choice.[37] Men that are in non-traditional job roles or jobs that are primarily seen as a women-focused jobs, such as nursing, have high enough job satisfaction that motivates the men to continue in these job fields despite criticism they may receive.[38]
Additionally, in the eyes of employees, women in middle management are perceived to lack the courage, leadership, and drive that male managers appear to have, despite female middle managers achieving results on par with their male counterparts in terms of successful projects and achieving results for their employing companies.[39] These perceptions, along with the factors previously described in the article, contribute to the difficulty of women to ascend to the executive ranks when compared to men in similar positions.[40]
Societal ideas of gender roles stem somewhat from media influences.[41] Media portrays ideals of gender-specific roles off of which gender stereotypes are built.[42] These stereotypes then translate to what types of work men and women can or should do.[41]  In this way, gender plays a mediating role in work discrimination, and women find themselves in positions that do not allow for the same advancements as males.[41]
Some research suggests that women are more likely to volunteer for tasks that are less likely to help earn promotions,and that they are more likely to be asked to volunteer and more likely to say yes to such requests.[43]
Consequences
The gender pay gap can be a problem from a public policy perspective because it reduces economic output and means that women are more likely to be dependent upon welfare payments, especially in old age.
For economic activity
A 2009 report for the Australian Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs argued that in addition to fairness and equity there are also strong economic imperatives for addressing the gender wage gap.  The researchers estimated that a decrease in the gender wage gap from 17% to 16% would increase GDP per capita by approximately $260, mostly from an increase in the hours females would work. Ignoring opposing factors as hours females work increase, eliminating the whole gender wage gap from 17% could be worth around $93 billion or 8.5% of GDP. The researchers estimated the causes of the wage gap as follows, lack of work experience was 7%, lack of formal training was 5%, occupational segregation was 25%, working at smaller firms was 3%, and being female represented the remaining 60%.[44]
An October 2012 study by the American Association of University Women found that over the course of 47 years, an American woman with a college degree will make about $1.2 million less than a man with the same education.[45] Therefore, closing the pay gap by raising women's wages would have a stimulus effect that would grow the United States economy by at least 3% to 4%.[46]
For women's pensions
The European Commission argues that the pay gap has significant effects on pensions.  Since women's lifetime earnings are on average 17.5% (as of 2008) lower than men's, they have lower pensions.  As a result, elderly women are more likely to face poverty: 22% of women aged 65 and over are at risk of poverty compared to 16% of men.[47]
For learning
Analysis conducted by the World Bank and available in the 2019 World Development Report on The Changing Nature of Work[48] connects earnings with skill accumulation, suggesting that women also accumulate less human capital (skills and knowledge) at work and through their careers. The report shows that the payoffs to work experience is lower for women across the world as compared to men. For example, in Venezuela, for each additional year of work, men's wages increase on average by 2.2 percent, compared to only 1.5 percent for women. In Denmark, by contrast, the payoffs to an additional year of work experience are the same for both men and women, at 5 percent on average. To address these differences, the report argues that governments could seek to remove limitations on the type or nature of work available to women and eliminate rules that limit women's property rights. Parental leave, nursing breaks, and the possibility for flexible or part-time schedules are also identified as potential factors limiting women's learning in the workplace.
Economic theories
Neoclassical models
In certain neoclassical models, discrimination by employers can be inefficient; excluding or limiting employment of a specific group will raise the wages of groups not facing discrimination. Other firms could then gain a competitive advantage by hiring more workers from the group facing discrimination. As a result, in the long run discrimination would not occur. However, this view depends on strong assumptions about the labor market and the production functions of the firms attempting to discriminate.[49] Firms which discriminate on the basis of real or perceived customer or employee preferences would also not necessarily see discrimination disappear in the long run even under stylized models.[50]
Monopsony explanation
In monopsony theory, wage discrimination can be explained by variations in labor mobility constraints between workers. Ransom and Oaxaca (2005) show that women appear to be less pay sensitive than men, and therefore employers take advantage of this and discriminate in their pay for women workers.[51]
Policy measures
Anti-discrimination legislation
According to the 2008 edition of the Employment Outlook report by the OECD, almost all OECD countries have established laws to combat discrimination on grounds of gender. Examples of this are the Equal Pay Act of 1963 and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[52] Legal prohibition of discriminatory behavior, however, can only be effective if it is enforced. The OECD points out that:
herein lies a major problem: in all OECD countries, enforcement essentially relies on the victims' willingness to assert their claims. But many people are not even aware of their legal rights regarding discrimination in the workplace. And even if they are, proving a discrimination claim is intrinsically difficult for the claimant and legal action in courts is a costly process, whose benefits down the road are often small and uncertain. All this discourages victims from lodging complaints.[53]
Moreover, although many OECD countries have put in place specialized anti-discrimination agencies, only in a few of them are these agencies effectively empowered, in the absence of individual complaints, to investigate companies, take actions against employers suspected of operating discriminatory practices, and sanction them when they find evidence of discrimination.[53][54]
In 2003, the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) found that women in the United States, on average, earned 80% of what men earned in 2000 and workplace discrimination may be one contributing factor. In light of these findings, GAO examined the enforcement of anti-discrimination laws in the private and public sectors. In a 2008 report, GAO focused on the enforcement and outreach efforts of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the Department of Labor (Labor). GAO found that EEOC does not fully monitor gender pay enforcement efforts and that Labor does not monitor enforcement trends and performance outcomes regarding gender pay or other specific areas of discrimination. GAO came to the conclusion that "federal agencies should better monitor their performance in enforcing anti-discrimination laws."[55][56]
In 2016, the EEOC proposed a rule to submit more information on employee wages by gender to better monitor and combat gender discrimination.[57] In 2018, Iceland enacted legislation to reduce the country's pay gap.[58]
Awareness campaigns
Civil society groups organize awareness campaigns that include activities such as Equal Pay Day or the equal pay for equal work movement to increase the public attention received by the gender pay gap. For the same reason, various groups publish regular reports on the current state of gender pay differences. An example is the Global Gender Gap Report.
Job flexibility
The growth of the "gig" economy generates worker flexibility that, some have speculated, will favor women. However, the analysis of earnings among more than one million Uber drivers in the United States surprisingly showed that the gender pay gap between drivers is about 7% in favor of men. Uber's algorithm does not distinguish the gender of its workers, but men get more income because they choose better when and in which areas to work, and cancel and accept trips in a more lucrative way. Finally, men drive 2.2% faster than women, which also allows them to increase their income per unit of time.[59][60][61] The study concludes the "gig" economy can perpetuate the gender pay gap even in the absence of discrimination.[59][60][61]
By country

Overview

This is a list of unadjusted pay gaps (median earnings of full-time employees) according to the OECD (2008).[62]

Moreover, the World Economic Forum provides data from 2015 that evaluates the gender pay gap in 145 countries. Their evaluations take into account economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment scores.[63]
Australia

In Australia, the gender pay gap is calculated on the average weekly ordinary time earnings for full-time employees published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics. The gender pay gap excludes part-time, casual earnings and overtime payments.[64]
Australia has a persistent gender pay gap. Between 1990 and 2009, the gender pay gap remained within a narrow range of between 15 and 17%.[44] In August 2010, the Australian gender pay gap was 16.9%.[65]
Ian Watson of Macquarie University examined the gender pay gap among full-time managers in Australia over the period 2001–2008, and found that between 65 and 90% of this earnings differential could not be explained by a large range of demographic and labor market variables. In fact, a "major part of the earnings gap is simply due to women managers being female". Watson also notes that despite the "characteristics of male and female managers being remarkably similar, their earnings are very different, suggesting that discrimination plays an important role in this outcome".[66] A 2009 report to the Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs also found that "simply being a woman is the major contributing factor to the gap in Australia, accounting for 60 per cent of the difference between women's and men's earnings, a finding which reflects other Australian research in this area". The second most important factor in explaining the pay gap was industrial segregation.[44] A report by the World Bank also found that women in Australia who worked part-time jobs and were married came from households which had a gendered distribution of labor, possessed high job satisfaction, and hence were not motivated to increase their working hours.[67]
Brazil

The Global Gender Gap Report ranks Brazil at 90 out of 144 countries on pay equality for like jobs. The World Economic Forum, that created this report, takes into consideration economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. It gives a score of 0.684 (1.00 being equality) to Brazil, which is a little below 2017's global index. Within the Latin American and the Caribbean, Brazil is only ahead of Paraguay and Guatemala in the ranking index. In 2017, Brazil was one of the 6 countries that fully closed their gaps on both the Health and Survival and Educational Attainment subindexes. However, Brazil saw a setback in the progress towards gender parity this year, with its overall gender gap standing at its widest point since 2011. This is due to an enlargement of Brazil's Political Empowerment gender gap, which measures the ratio of females with seats in the parliament and at ministerial level, that is too large to be counterbalanced by a range of modest improvements across the country's Economic Participation and Opportunity subindex.[68]
According to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, or IBGE, women in Brazil study more, work more and earn less than men. On average, combining paid work, household chores and caring for people, women work three hours a week more than men. In fact, the average women work 54.4 hours a week, and the average man only 51.4. Despite that, even with a higher educational level, women earn, on average, less than men do. Although the difference between men's and women's earnings has declined in recent years, in 2016 women still received the equivalent of 76.5% of men's earnings. One of the factors that may explain this difference is that only 37.8% of management positions in 2016 were held by women. Finally, according to IBGE, occupational segregation and the wage discrimination of women in the labor market also have an important role in the wage difference between men and women.[69]
According to data from the Continuous National Household Sample Survey, done by IBGE on the fourth quarter of 2017, 24.3% of the 40.2 million Brazilian workers had completed college, but this proportion was of 14.6% among employed men. As reported by the same survey, women who work earn 24.4% less, on average, than men. It also cited that 6.0% of working men were employers, while the proportion of women employers was only 3.3%. The survey also pointed out that 92.3% of domestic workers, a job culturally known as "feminine" and that pays low wages, are women.  While high paying occupations like civil construction employed 13% of the employed men and only 0.5% of the employed women.[70] Other reason that might explain the gender wage gap in Brazil are the very strict labor regulations that increase informal hiring. In Brazil, under law, female workers may opt to take 6 months of maternity leave that must be fully paid by the employer. Many researches are concerned with this regulations. They question if these regulations may actually force workers into informal jobs, where they will have no rights at all. In fact, women who work on informal jobs earn only 50% of the average women in formal jobs. Between men the difference is less radical: men working on informal jobs earn 60% of the average men in formal jobs.[71]
Canada
A study of wages among Canadian supply chain managers found that men make an average of $14,296 a year more than women.[72] The research suggests that as supply chain managers move up the corporate ladder, they are less likely to be female.
Women in Canada are more likely to seek employment opportunities which greatly contrast the ones of men. About 20 percent of women between the ages of 25 and 54 will make just under $12 an hour in Canada. The demographic of women who take jobs paying less than $12 an hour is also a proportion that is twice as large as the proportion of men taking on the same type of low-wage work. There still remains the question of why such a trend seems to resonate throughout the developed world. One identified societal factor that has been identified is the influx of women of color and immigrants into the work force. These groups both tend to be subject to lower paying jobs from a statistical perspective.[73]
Each province and territory in Canada has a quasi-constitutional human rights code which prohibits discrimination based on sex. Several also have laws specifically prohibiting public sector and private sector employers from paying men and women differing amounts for substantially similar work. Verbatim, the Alberta Human Rights Act states in regards to equal pay, "Where employees of both sexes perform the same or substantially similar work for an employer in an establishment the employer shall pay the employees at the same rate of pay."[74]
China
Using the gaps between men and women in economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment, The Global Gender Gap Report 2015 ranks China's gender gap at 91 out of 145 countries (the lower the ranking, the narrower the gender gap), which is four rankings below 2014's global index. China's 2015 gender gap score was 0.681 (1.00 being equality). As an upper middle income country, as classified by the World Bank, China is the "third-least improved country in the world" on the gender gap. The health and survival subindex is the lowest within the countries listed; this subindex takes into account the gender differences of life expectancy and sex ratio at birth (the ratio of male to female children to depict the preferences of sons in accordance with China's One Child Policy).[75]:4,26 In particular, Jayoung Yoon, a researcher, claims the women's employment rate is decreasing. However, several of the contributing factors might be expected to increase women's participation. Yoon's contributing factors include: the traditional gender roles; the lack of childcare services provided by the state; the obstacle of childrearing; and the highly educated, unmarried women termed "leftover women" by the state. The term "leftover women" produces anxieties for women to rush marriage, delaying employment. In alignment with the traditional gender roles, the "Women Return to the Home" movement by the government encouraged women to leave their jobs to alleviate the men's unemployment rate.[76]
Dominican Republic
Dominican women, who are 52.2% of the labor force, earns an average of 20,479 Dominican pesos, 2.6% more than Dominican men's average income of 19,961 pesos.[77] The Global Gender Gap ranking, found by compiling economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment scores, in 2009 it was 67th out of 134 countries representing 90% of the globe, and its ranking has dropped to 86th out of 145 countries in 2015. More women are in ministerial offices, improving the political empowerment score, but women are not receiving equal pay for similar jobs, preserving the low economic participation and opportunity scores.[78][75]:15–17, 23
European Union

At EU level, the gender pay gap is defined as the relative difference in the average gross hourly earnings of women and men within the economy as a whole. Eurostat found a persisting gender pay gap of 17.5% on average in the 27 EU Member States in 2008. There were considerable differences between the Member States, with the unadjusted pay gap ranging from less than 10% in Italy, Slovenia, Malta, Romania, Belgium, Portugal, and Poland to more than 20% in Slovakia, the Netherlands, Czech Republic, Cyprus, Germany, United Kingdom, and Greece and more than 25% in Estonia and Austria.[2] However, taking into account the hours worked in Finland, men there only earned 0.4% more in net income than women.[79][80]
A recent survey of international employment law firms showed that gender pay gap reporting is not a common policy internationally. Despite such laws on a national level being few and far between, there are calls for regulation on an EU level. A recent (as of December 2015) resolution of the European Parliament urged the Commission to table legislation closing the pay gap. A proposal that is substantively the same as the UK plan was passed by 344 votes to 156 in the European Parliament.[81]
The European Commission has stated that the undervaluation of female work is one of the main contributors to the persisting gender pay gap.[82]
Germany
Women earn 22–23% less than men, according to the Federal Statistical Office of Germany. The revised gender pay gap was 6–8% in the years 2006–2013.[83] The Cologne Institute for Economic Research adjusted the wage gap to less than 2%. They reduced the gender pay gap from 25% to 11% by taking in account the work hours, education and the period of employment. The difference in revenue was reduced furthermore if women hadn't paused their job for more than 18 months due to motherhood.[84][85]
The most significant factors associated with the remaining gender pay gap are part-time work, education and occupational segregation (less women in leading positions and in fields like STEM).[86]
Luxembourg
In Luxembourg, the total gender income gap represents 32.5%.[87] The gender pay gap of full-time workers regarding monthly gross wages has narrowed over the past few years. According to the data from OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) the gender pay gap dropped over 10% between 2002 and 2015.[88] The gap is also dependent on the age group. Females between the ages of 25-34 years are getting higher wages than males in this time period. One of the reasons for that is that they have a higher level of education during this age. From the age of 35 years males earn higher salaries than females.[89]
The current extent of gender pay gap refers to different factors such as varying working hours and diverse participation in the labor market.[90] More females (30.4%) than males (4.6%) are working part-time,[91] due to this fact the overall working hours for females are lowered.[92] The labor force participation represents 60.3% for females and 76% for males, because most women will take advantage of the maternity leave.[93] Males participate more often in higher payed jobs, for instance in executive positions (93.7%), what affects the scale of the gender pay gap as well.[94]
There is also a gender gap in vocational degree (12%) and apprentice training (3.4%) in Luxembourg.[95]
Netherlands
In the Netherlands, recent numbers from the CBS (Centraal Bureau voor statistieken; English: Central Bureau of Statistics) claim that the pay gap is getting smaller. Adjusted for occupation level, education level, experience level, and 17 other variables the difference in earnings in businesses has fallen from 9% (2008) to 7% (2014) and in government from 7% (2008) to 5% (2014). Without adjustments the gap is for businesses 20% (2014) and government 10% (2014). Young women earn more than men up until the age of 30, this is mostly due to a higher level of education. Women in the Netherlands, up until the age of 30, have a higher educational level on average than men; after this age men have on average a higher educational degree. The chance can also be caused by women getting pregnant and start taking part-time jobs so they can care for the children.[96]
United Kingdom
In April 2018 the aggregate gender pay gap declined to 8.6%[97], and even reversed for certain categories[98]. The gap varies considerably from -4.4% (women employed part-time without overtime out earn men) to 26% (for UK women employed full-time aged 50 - 59) [99]. In 2012 the pay gap officially dropped below 10% for full-time workers.[100][101] The median pay, the point at which half of people earn more and half earn less, is 17.9% less for employed women than for employed men.[102]
The most significant factors associated with the gender pay gap are full-time/part-time work, education, the size of the firm a person is employed in, and occupational segregation (women are under-represented in managerial and high-paying professional occupations).[103] When comparing full-time roles, men in the UK tend to work longer hours than women in full-time employment. Depending on the age bracket and percentile of hours worked men in full-time employment work between 1.35% and 17.94% more hours than women in full-time employment.[104] In part-time roles women out-earn men by 4.4% in 2018[105] (6.5% in 2015, 5.5% in 2014).[106] Women workers qualified to GCSE or A level standard, experienced a smaller pay gap in 2018. (Those qualified to degree level have seen little change). [107] A 2015 study compiled by the Press Association based on data from the Office for National Statistics revealed that women in their 20s were out-earning men in their 20s by an average of £1,111, showing a reversal of trends. However, the same study showed that men in their 30s out-earned women in their 30s by an average of £8,775. The study did not attempt to explain the causes of the gender gap.[108]

In October 2014, the UK Equality Act 2010 was augmented with regulations which require Employment Tribunals to order an employer (except an existing micro-business or a new business) to carry out an equal pay audit where the employer is found to have breached equal pay law.[109]  The then prime minister David Cameron announced plans to require large firms to disclose data on the gender pay gap among staff.[110] Since April 2018, employers with over 250 employees are legally required to publish data relating to pay inequalities. Data published includes the pay and bonus figures between men and women, and includes data from April 2017.[111][112]
A BBC analysis of the figures after the deadline expired showed that more than three-quarters of UK companies pay men more on average than women.[113]
Employment barrister Harini Iyengar advocates more flexible working and greater paternity leave to achieve economic and cultural change.[114]
India

For the year 2013, the gender pay gap in India was estimated to be 24.81%.[115] Further, while analyzing the level of female participation in the economy, a report slots India as one of the bottom 10 countries on its list. Thus, in addition to unequal pay, there is also unequal representation, because while women constitute almost half the Indian population (about 48% of the total), their representation in the work force amounts to only about one-fourth of the total.[116]
Japan

Jayoung Yoon analyzes Japan's culture of the traditional male breadwinner model, where the husband works outside of the house while the wife is the caretaker. Despite these traditional gender roles for women, Japan's government aims to enhance the economy by improving the labor policies for mothers with Abenomix (2013), an economy revitalization strategy. Yoon believes Abenomix represents a desire to remedy the effects of an aging population rather than a desire to promote gender equality. Evidence for the conclusion is the finding that women are entering the workforce in contingent positions for a secondary income and a company need of part-time workers based on mechanizing, outsourcing and subcontracting. Therefore, Yoon states that women's participation rates do not seem to be influenced by government policies but by companies' necessities.[76] The Global Gender Gap Report 2015 said that Japan's economic participation and opportunity ranking (106th), 145th being the broadest gender gap, dropped from 2014 "due to lower wage equality for similar work and fewer female legislators, senior officials and managers".[75]:25–27
Jordan
From a total of 145 states, the World Economic Forum calculates Jordan's gender gap ranking for 2015 as 140th through economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment evaluations. Jordan is the "world's second-least improved country" for the overall gender gap.[75]:25–27 The ranking dropped from 93rd in 2006.[78]:9 In contradiction to Jordan's provisions within its constitution and being signatory to multiple conventions for improving the gender pay gap, there is no legislation aimed at gender equality in the workforce.[117] According to The Global Gender Gap Report 2015, Jordan had a score of 0.61; 1.00 being equality, on pay equality for like jobs.[75]:25, 222
Korea
As stated by Jayoung Yoon, South Korea's female employment rate has increased since the 1997 Asian financial crisis as a result of women 25 to 34 years old leaving the workforce later to become pregnant and women 45 to 49 years old returning to the workforce. Mothers are more likely to continue working after child rearing on account of the availability of affordable childcare services provided for mothers previously in the workforce or the difficulty to be rehired after taking time off to raise their children.[76] The World Economic Forum found that, in 2015, South Korea had a score of 0.55, 1.00 being equality, for pay equality for like jobs. From a total of 145 countries, South Korea had a gender gap ranking of 115th (the lower the ranking, the narrower the gender gap). On the other hand, political empowerment dropped to half of the percentage of women in the government in 2014.[75]:26, 228
North Korea, on the other hand, is one of few countries where women earn more than men. The disparity is due to women's greater participation in the shadow economy of North Korea.[118]
New Zealand
Although recent studies have shown that the gender wage gap in New Zealand has diminished in the last two decades, the gap continues to affect many women today. According to StatsNZ, the wage gap was measured to be 9.4 percent in September 2017. Back in 1998, it was measured to be approximately 16.3 percent. There are several different factors that affect New Zealand's wage gap. However, researchers claim that 80 percent of these factors cannot be elucidated, which often causes difficulty in understanding the gap.[119]
In order to calculate the gap, New Zealand makes use of several different methods. The official gap is calculated by Statistics New Zealand. They use the difference between men and women's hourly revenue. On the other hand, the State Services Commission examine the average income of men and women for their calculation.[119] Over the years, the OECD has and continues to track New Zealand's, along with 34 other countries', gender wage gap. In fact, the overall goal of the OECD is to fix the wage gap so that gender no longer plays a significant role in an individual's income.[120] Although it has been a gradual change, New Zealand is one of the countries that has seen notable progress and researchers have predicted that it will continue to do so.
Russia

A wage gap exists in Russia (after 1991, but also before) and statistical analysis shows that most of it cannot be explained by lower qualifications of women compared to men. On the other hand, occupational segregation by gender and labor market discrimination seem to account for a large share of it.[121][122][123][124][125][126]
The October Revolution (1917) and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, have shaped the developments in the gender wage gap. These two main turning points in the Russian history frame the analysis of Russia's gender pay gap found in the economic literature. Consequently, the pay gap study can be examined for two periods: the wage gap in Soviet Russia (1917–1991) and the wage gap in the transition and post-transition (after 1991).
Singapore
According to Jayoung Yoon, Singapore's aging population and low fertility rates are resulting in more women joining the labor force in response to the government's desire to improve the economy. The government provides tax relief to mothers in the workforce to encourage them to continue working. Yoon states that "as female employment increases, the gender gap in employment rates…narrows down" in Singapore.[76] The Global Gender Gap Report 2015 ranks Singapore's gender gap at 54th out of 145 states globally based on the economic participation and opportunity, the educational attainment, the health and survival, and the political empowerment subindexes (a lower rank means a smaller gender gap). The gender gap narrowed from 2014's ranking of 59. In the Asia and Pacific region, Singapore has evolved the most in the economic participation and opportunity subindex, yet it is lower than the region's means in educational attainment and political empowerment.[75]:25–27
United States

In the US the average woman's unadjusted annual salary has been cited as 78%[127] to 82%[128] of that of the average man's. However, after adjusting for choices made by male and female workers in college major, occupation, working hours, and parental leave, multiple studies find that pay rates between males and females varied by 5–6.6% or, females earning 94 cents to every dollar earned by their male counterparts. The remaining 6% of the gap has been speculated to originate from gender discrimination and a difference in ability and/or willingness to negotiate salaries.[129][130][131]
The extent to which discrimination plays a role in explaining gender wage disparities is somewhat difficult to quantify, due to a number of potentially confounding variables. A 2010 research review by the majority staff of the United States Congress Joint Economic Committee reported that studies have consistently found unexplained pay differences even after controlling for measurable factors that are assumed to influence earnings – suggestive of unknown/unmeasurable contributing factors of which gender discrimination may be one.[132] Other studies have found direct evidence of discrimination – for example, more jobs went to women when the applicant's sex was unknown during the hiring process.[132]
See also
Economic inequality
Feminization of poverty
Gender inequality
Glass ceiling
Global Gender Gap Report
Income inequality metrics
International inequality
Lowell Mill Girls
Material feminism
For other wage gaps
Racial wage gap in the United States
Gay wage gap

Further reading

 by Eurostat of the European Commission


Main Page

The fifteenth and final season of the American fictional drama television series ER premiered on September 25, 2008 and concluded on April 2, 2009, in a two-hour episode preceded by a one-hour retrospective special. The season consists of 22 episodes.
Plot
The final season opens up revealing Gregory Pratt is the victim of the ambulance explosion. Despite the rallying efforts of his workplace colleagues, he succumbs to his injuries and dies. The season introduces Cate Banfield as new ER chief, a woman with a seemingly mysterious past with County General. Luka Kovac and Abby Lockhart leave for a new life in Boston, Brenner must deal with issues surrounding his childhood, Samantha Taggart and Tony Gates' relationship suffers a major setback after an accident involving Alex Taggart while Neela Rasgotra is forced to make some tough decisions, both personal and professional.
To mark the end of the series after 15 years, several former cast members make a return to the show. Mark Greene and Robert Romano appear in a flashback episode that explores Banfield's history with County General while John Carter returns to work at County although, unbeknown to his colleagues, he is in desperate need of a kidney transplant. Peter Benton, Doug Ross and Carol Hathaway, Susan Lewis, Elizabeth Corday, Kerry Weaver and Ray Barnett return in various episodes. The series ends with one final multiple casualty incident that brings multiple patients to the ER, and shows that life goes on at County General.
Cast
Main cast
Maura Tierney as Dr. Abby Lockhart, Chief Resident
Mekhi Phifer as Dr. Greg Pratt, Attending Physician
Parminder Nagra as Dr. Neela Rasgotra, Third Year Surgical Resident
John Stamos as Dr. Tony Gates, Third Year Resident
Linda Cardellini as Nurse Samantha Taggart
Scott Grimes as Dr. Archie Morris, Attending Physician
David Lyons as Dr. Simon Brenner, Attending Physician
Angela Bassett as Dr. Catherine Banfield, Chief of Emergency Medicine
Special appearances
The final season included special appearances by departed regular and recurring cast members for the following episodes:
Anthony Edwards as Dr. Mark Greene (episode 7)
George Clooney as Dr. Doug Ross (episode 19)
Julianna Margulies as Nurse Carol Hathaway (episode 19)
Laura Innes as Dr. Kerry Weaver (episodes: 7, 22)
Alex Kingston as Dr. Elizabeth Corday (episodes: 12, 22)
Eriq La Salle as Dr. Peter Benton (episodes: 19, 22)
Paul McCrane as Dr. Robert Romano (episode 7)
Sherry Stringfield as Dr. Susan Lewis (episode 22)
Shane West as Dr. Ray Barnett (episodes: 5, 20, 21)
Noah Wyle as Dr. John Carter (episodes: 16–19, 22)
Goran Visnjic as Dr. Luka Kovač (episode 3)
Returning recurring characters
Abraham Benrubi as Jerry Markovic (multiple episodes)
Ellen Crawford as Nurse Lydia Wright (finale)
Hallee Hirsh as Rachel Greene (finale)
William H. Macy as Dr. David Morgenstern (episode 14)
Thandie Newton as Makemba "Kem" Likasu (finale)
Matthew Watkins as Reese Benton (finale)
Supporting

Doctors and medical students
Amy Aquino as Dr. Janet Coburn, Chief of Obstetrics
John Aylward as Dr. Donald Anspaugh, Chief of Staff
Leland Orser as Dr. Lucien Dubenko, Chief of Surgery
J. P. Manoux as Dr. Dustin Crenshaw, Surgical Attending Physician
Gina Ravera as Dr. Bettina DeJesús, Radiologist
Michael Buchman Silver as Dr. Paul Meyers, Psychiatrist
Shiri Appleby as Dr. Daria Wade, ER Intern
Julian Morris as Dr. Andrew Wade, Surgical Intern
Victor Rasuk as Dr. Ryan Sánchez, ER Intern
Emily Rose as Dr. Tracy Martin, ER Intern
Sam Jones III as Chaz Pratt, First Year Medical Student/Part Time EMT
Alexis Bledel as Dr. Julia Wise, ER Intern
Gil McKinney as Dr. Paul Grady, Second Year ER Resident
Bresha Webb as Laverne St. John, ER Intern
Julia Jones as Kaya Montoya, ER Intern

Nurses
Deezer D as Malik McGrath
Laura Cerón as Chuny Marquez
Yvette Freeman as Haleh Adams
Lily Mariye as Lily Jarvik
Dinah Lenney as Nurse Shirley
Angel Laketa Moore as Nurse Dawn Archer
Staff and paramedics
Abraham Benrubi as Desk Clerk Jerry Markovic
Troy Evans as Desk Clerk Frank Martin
Emily Wagner as Paramedic Doris Pickman
Monté Russell as Paramedic Dwight Zadro
Lyn Alicia Henderson as Paramedic Pamela Olbes
Brian Lester as Paramedic Brian Dumar
Family
Courtney B. Vance as Russell Banfield, Catherine Banfield's husband
Amy Madigan as Mary Taggart, Samantha Taggart's mother
Shannon Woodward as Kelly Taggart, Samantha Taggart's sister
Dominic Janes as Alex Taggart, Samantha Taggart's son

Notable guest stars
Tom Arnold (episode 21)
Ernest Borgnine (finale)
Louis Gossett Jr. (episode 15)
Rooney Mara (episodes 19 & 21)
Susan Sarandon (episode 19)
Carl Weathers (episode 6)
Chadwick Boseman (episode 6)
Production
Crew
Christopher Chulack – Executive producer
Michael Crichton – Creator/Executive producer
John Wells – Executive producer
David Zabel – Executive producer
Joe Sachs – Executive producer
Janine Sherman Barrois – Executive producer
Lisa Zwerling – Co-executive producer
Tommy Burns – Producer
Wendy Spence Rosato – Producer
Charles M. Lagola – Production designer
Arthur Albert – Director of photography
Martin Davich – Music
Randy Jon Morgan, A.C.E. – Editor
Mimi Leder, a frequent director during ER's first two seasons, returned as a director for the episode "A Long, Strange Trip"
Rod Holcomb, the director of the 1994 pilot episode as well as several other early episodes, returned to direct two episodes in this season, among them the series finale
Paul McCrane, recurring cast member seasons 4 and 5, and series regular seasons 6-10, continues his affiliation with the show as director of two episodes this season
Episodes


Turkish coffee (Turkish: Türk kahvesi) is coffee prepared using very finely ground coffee beans, unfiltered.[1][2] The same method is used in many Middle Eastern and Southeastern European countries.
Preparation
Turkish coffee refers to a method of brewing very finely ground coffee. Any coffee bean may be used; arabica varieties are considered best, but robusta or a blend is also used.[3] The beans must be ground to a very fine powder, which is left in the coffee when served.[4][5] The coffee may be ground at home in a manual grinder made for the very fine grind (home electric grinders are not suitable), ground to order by coffee merchants in most parts of the world, or bought ready-ground from many shops.

Turkish coffee is made by bringing the powdered coffee with water and usually sugar to the boil in a special pot called cezve in Turkey, and often called ibrik elsewhere. As soon as the mixture begins to froth, and before it boils over, it is taken off the heat; it may be briefly reheated twice more to increase the desired froth. Sometimes about one-third of the coffee is distributed to individual cups; the remaining amount is returned to the fire and distributed to the cups as soon as it comes to the boil.[6][5] The coffee is traditionally served in a special type of small porcelain cup called a kahve finjanı.[6]
Sugar is added to Turkish coffee while brewing, so the amount of sugar must be specified when  preparing the coffee. It may be served unsweetened (Turkish: sade kahve), with little or moderate sugar (Turkish: orta şekerli), or sweet (Turkish: tatlı). Coffee is often served with something small and sweet to eat, such as Turkish delight.[7][8] It is sometimes flavoured with cardamom,[4] mastic, salep,[9] or ambergris.[10]
A lot of the powdered coffee grounds are transferred from the "cezve" to the cup; in the cup, some settle on the bottom but much remains in suspension and is drunk with the coffee.
History

First appearing in the Ottoman Empire, under the strictest interpretations of the Quran the strong coffee was considered a drug and its consumption was forbidden. Due to the immense popularity of the beverage, the sultan eventually lifted this prohibition.[11]
Turkish coffee culture had reached Britain and France by the mid to late 17th century. The first coffee house in Britain was opened by a Turkish Jew in the mid 17th century. In the 1680s, the Turkish ambassador to France reportedly threw lavish parties for the city's elite where African slaves served coffee to guests in porcelain finjan</i>s on gold or silver saucers.[5]
The word Coffee derives from the Turkish word kahve.[12]
Culture
Fortune-telling
Superstition says the grounds left after drinking Turkish coffee can be used for fortune-telling.[13] The cup is commonly turned over into the saucer to cool, and it is believed by some that the patterns of the coffee grounds can be used for a method of fortune telling known as tasseography.
Turkish weddings
As well as being an everyday beverage, Turkish coffee is also a part of the traditional Turkish wedding custom. As a prologue to marriage, the bridegroom's parents (in the lack of his father, his mother and an elderly member of his family) must visit the young girl's family to ask the hand of the bride-to-be and the blessings of her parents upon the upcoming marriage. During this meeting, the bride-to-be must prepare and serve Turkish coffee to the guests. For the groom's coffee, the bride-to-be sometimes uses salt instead of sugar to gauge his character. If the bridegroom drinks his coffee without any sign of displeasure, the bride-to-be assumes that the groom is good-tempered and patient. As the groom already comes as the demanding party to the girl's house, in fact it is the boy who is passing an exam and etiquette requires him to receive with all smiles this particular present from the girl, although in some parts of the country this may be considered as a lack of desire on the part of the girl for marriage with that candidate.[14]
Names and variants
Turkish coffee is usually called either "Turkish coffee" in the local language, or named as the coffee of the country or region, e.g. "Greek coffee", "Arab[ic] coffee",[15] etc.
Bosnia and Herzegovina
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkish coffee is also called "Bosnian coffee" (Bosnian: bosanska kahva), which is made slightly differently from its Turkish counterpart. A deviation from the Turkish preparation is that when the water reaches its boiling point, a small amount is saved aside for later, usually in a coffee cup. Then, the coffee is added to the pot (džezva), and the remaining water in the cup is added to the pot. Everything is put back on the heat source to reach its boiling point again, which only takes a couple of seconds since the coffee is already very hot.[16] Coffee drinking in Bosnia is a traditional daily custom and plays an important role during social gatherings.
Czech Republic, Slovakia and Lithuania

A beverage called "turecká káva" or "turek" is very popular in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, although other forms of coffee preparation such as espresso have become more popular in the last few decades, decreasing the popularity of turek. Turek is usually no longer served in cafés, but it is prepared in pubs and kiosks, and in homes. The Czech and Slovak form of Turkish coffee is different from Turkish coffee in Turkey, the Arab world or Balkan countries, since a cezve is not used; instead the desired amount of ground coffee is poured into boiling or almost boiling water. In recent years, Turkish coffee is also made in a cezve (džezva in Czech), but "Turkish coffee" usually means the method described above.[17][18]  Coffee is prepared in the same way in Lithuania.[19]
Greece
In Greece, Turkish coffee was formerly referred to simply as 'Turkish' (τούρκικος). But political tensions with Turkey in the 1960s (Istanbul pogrom) led to the political euphemism 'Greek coffee' (ελληνικός καφές),[20] which became even more popular after the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974: "... Greek–Turkish relations at all levels became strained, "Turkish coffee" became "Greek coffee" by substitution of one Greek word for another while leaving the Arabic loan-word, for which there is no Greek equivalent, unchanged."[21][22] There were even advertising campaigns promoting the name "Greek coffee" in the 1990s,[22] which acknowledged the usage of "Turkish": "Thousands of Greeks follow the habit of calling their beloved coffee 'Turkish'."[23]
Armenia
In Armenia, the coffee is also called “Armenian Coffee” or simply “Sourj”. In Armenia the beverage has become a cultural phenomena—families will open their house to visitors that want to enjoy the very special drink. Armenians will sometimes serve baklava alongside the coffee.[24]
According to The Reuben Percy Anecdotes compiled by journalist Thomas Byerley an Armenian opened a coffee shop in Europe in 1674, at a time when coffee was first becoming fashionable in the West. Though Percy described these first European coffee houses as "imperfect" establishments where liquor and cigerettes were still consumed, he notes that it was an "error of the Armenian" that led to the establishment of a coffeehouse in Paris called Le Procope which introduced what Percy calls "ices".[25]
Serbia, Montenegro
In Serbia and Montenegro it's called "Turska kafa". It is nearly identical to the Turkish version.
Iran
In Iran, Turkish coffee is very popular and known as "qahve Tork" which is usually made in North Western Iran.
See also

List of coffee beverages

What is the caffeine content of Turkish coffee?


Main Page

Mickey Mouse (originally Mickey Mouse Sound Cartoons) is a character-based series of 130 animated short films produced by Walt Disney Animation Studios. The films, which introduced Disney's most famous cartoon character, were released on a regular basis from 1928 ("Plane Crazy") to 1953 with four additional shorts released between 1983 and 2013. The series is notable for its innovation with sound synchronization and character animation, and also introduced well-known characters such as Minnie Mouse, Pluto, and Goofy.
The name "Mickey Mouse" was first used in the films' title sequences to refer specifically to the character, but was used from 1935 to 1953 to refer to the series itself as in "Walt Disney presents a Mickey Mouse." In this sense "a Mickey Mouse" was a shortened form of "a Mickey Mouse sound cartoon" which was used in the earliest films. Films from 1929 to 1935 which were re-released during this time also used this naming convention, but it was not used for the three shorts released between 1983 and 1995 (Mickey's Christmas Carol, The Prince and the Pauper, and Runaway Brain). Mickey's name was also used occasionally to market other films which were formally part of other series. Examples of this include several Silly Symphonies, Don Donald (1937), and Goofy and Wilbur (1939).

Production
Mickey Mouse began production in April 1928 after the Disney studio lost the license to Oswald the Lucky Rabbit. The first two films, Plane Crazy and The Gallopin' Gaucho, were previewed in theaters but failed to pick up a distributor. For the third film, Disney added synchronized sound, a technology that was still in its early stages at the time. Steamboat Willie debuted in New York in November 1928 and was an instant success. The revenues from the film provided the studio with much needed resources, and the studio quickly began to produce new cartoons as well as releasing sound versions of the first two.[1]
Production slowed towards the end of the 1930s as the studio began to focus on other characters and feature-length films. The series was informally retired in 1953 with the release of The Simple Things, but was revived in 1983 and 1990 with two featurettes, or three reel short films. 1995's Runaway Brain returned the series to its single reel format, while the most recent installment, 2013's Get a Horse!, was produced in the black-and-white style of the early films.
The cartoons were directed by 20 different people. Those with the most credits include Burt Gillett (34), Wilfred Jackson (18), Walt Disney (16), David Hand (15), and Ben Sharpsteen (14); the director of the most recent installment, Lauren MacMullan, was the first female director. Notable animators who worked on the series include Ub Iwerks, Norm Ferguson, Ollie Johnston, Frank Thomas, and Fred Moore. Mickey's voice is mostly provided by Walt Disney, with some additional work by Carl Stalling and Clarence Nash. By 1947, Jimmy MacDonald had taken over Mickey's voice. Wayne Allwine voices the mouse in the three most recent films.
List of films
The following is a list of Mickey Mouse films in the order of their official release dates. Unless otherwise noted, dates are original theatrical releases in the United States. Gray headers indicate black-and-white films while yellow headers indicate color films.

Years:
1928 · 1929 · 1930 · 1931 · 1932
 1933 · 1934 · 1935 · 1936 · 1937
 1938 · 1939 · 1940 · 1941 · 1942
 1943 · 1946 · 1947 · 1948 · 1953
 1983 · 1990 · 1993 · 1995 · 2013
1928

1929

1930

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

1941

1942

1943

1946

1947

1948

1951

1952

1953

1983

1990

1995

2013

Releases
Every Mickey Mouse cartoon was originally released theatrically, typically appearing before feature films. In 1929, some theaters began to host the "Mickey Mouse Club", a children's program which would exclusively show Mickey's cartoons.[32] The series was first distributed by Celebrity Productions (1928–1929), followed by Columbia Pictures (1930–1932), United Artists (1932–1937), and RKO Radio Pictures (1937–1953). The four most recent films were released by Disney's own company, Walt Disney Studios Motion Pictures (formerly known as Buena Vista Pictures Distribution).
Many of the films were also broadcast on television, beginning in 1936 on BBC Television. Here the series was shown on a regular basis except during World War II.[33] In the United States, selected films were shown on the Walt Disney anthology television series, and later on other series such as The Mouse Factory (1971–1973), Mickey's Mouse Tracks (1992–1999), and Ink & Paint Club (1997–1998).
The films have also been released in various forms of home entertainment. In the 1960s there were several 8 mm and Super 8 releases, although these were often silent, black-and-white, or condensed versions. In 1978, Disney began to release selected films on VHS, laserdisc, and later DVD. Starting in 2010, some of the cartoons were made available on the iTunes Store as digital downloads.
Disney has also released films online. At the Disney website, cartoons are shown on a rotating basis under the video page "". On Walt Disney Animation Studios' official YouTube channel, three complete cartoons have been released:  (1928),  (1928), and  (1937), and most of  (1936) as seen on the Disneyland episode "The Plausible Impossible" (1956).
As of 2018, the only complete re-release of the entire series has been in the "Walt Disney Treasures" DVD sets. The vast majority[34] of the series appears between four two-disc sets: "Mickey Mouse in Black and White" (2002), "Mickey Mouse in Black and White, Volume Two" (2004), "Mickey Mouse in Living Color" (2001), and "Mickey Mouse in Living Color, Volume Two" (2004). Film critic Leonard Maltin, who hosts the collection, implied that there was opposition to releasing the complete series because of some content now considered politically incorrect, such as racial and ethnic stereotypes. Maltin argued that releasing the material uncensored was the only way to "learn from the past". The only film not included in this collection was the subsequently released Get a Horse! (2013) which first premiered at the Annecy International Animated Film Festival and was shown ahead of Frozen.

See also
List of Disney animated shorts
Alice Comedies
Silly Symphonies
List of Mickey Mouse films and appearances
Mickey Mouse (TV series)
Notes

Works Cited
 (EDAS)

 (IMDb)

Missing or empty |title= (help)
Tomart's Illustrated Disneyana Catalog and Price Guide

"" at The Encyclopedia Of Disney Animated Shorts
"" at the Big Cartoon DataBase
"" at the Big Cartoon Database

When was the first Mickey Mouse film released?


Richie "LaBamba" Rosenberg is an American trombonist originating from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. He is a former member of the house band on Conan O'Brien's late-night talk shows.
Early life
Rosenberg became a trombonist when his junior high instrumental director, Leroy Evans, lent him a trombone to practice with over a summer break. Evans, concerned about a shrinking brass section due to graduating students, told Rosenberg to learn how to play and to come see him in the fall when school resumed. Rosenberg attributes "it all" to Evans.[1] One memorable number performed by the Jazz Band under Mr. Evans was the immortal, "Take Back Your Heart, I ordered Liver!"
Rosenberg attended George Washington High School on Bustleton Avenue in Northeast Philadelphia. His senior year in high school, he and the saxophonist in jazz band both made first chair in the Philadelphia All City Jazz band.[2] Rosenberg's early influences included J. J. Johnson, Otis Redding, and Teddy Pendergrass.
Early career
After a short-lived first year at the Philadelphia Music Academy, Rosenberg abandoned his scholarship to tour with the band Vicki Allen and the Image. A high school friend and fellow musician Rick Gazda called him with "an offer [he couldn't] refuse" that brought him from Schenectady, New York to the Stone Pony rock club in Asbury Park, New Jersey. The offer came from Southside Johnny and the Asbury Jukes.
After joining the Jukes, Rosenberg moved to the Jersey Shore and lived in Belmar, Long Branch, and across from the Stone Pony.
In 1981, a Jukes show at The Savoy, now the Hudson Theatre in New York City, caught the attention of Diana Ross's producer Nile Rodgers, who asked the horn section (known as The Miami Horns) to go on the road with her. After a two-year tour with Ross, Rosenberg returned, only to hit the road with Little Steven's world tour in support of his album Men Without Women.
In the mid-1980s, Rosenberg fine-tuned his own bands, LaBamba and the Hubcaps and LaBamba's Big Band, made up of 13 horns.
Association with Conan O'Brien
While touring in Europe with Southside Johnny in 1993, Rosenberg got a phone call from Bruce Springsteen and the E Street Band drummer Max Weinberg, who had been tapped as the bandleader for Late Night with Conan O'Brien. Rosenberg joined fellow Miami Horns trumpeter Mark Pender on the show's band, The Max Weinberg 7. The band moved over with O'Brien to The Tonight Show in 2009 and became Max Weinberg and The Tonight Show Band. When Conan left as a result of the 2010 Tonight Show conflict, the band followed him again, this time to TBS, for O'Brien's new television show Conan where they were known as Jimmy Vivino and the Basic Cable Band.
In addition to playing the trombone, he also performed in skits such as "In the Year 2000." He was also commonly the butt of Conan O'Brien's jokes during his monologues or interviews in which Rosenberg was often implied to be some variety of sexual deviant; Rosenberg responded with chagrin, or a few times, hid his face behind a sheet of music. He also occasionally acted in comedy bits, during or after which O'Brien nearly always ridiculed Rosenberg's meager line reading and acting skills.
In January 2019, O'Brien premiered the new format for Conan which removed the band, ending their nearly quarter century television relationship.[3]
Notable performances
In 1990, Rosenberg was joined by Ed Manion (baritone sax), Mario Cruz (tenor sax), and Al Chez (trumpet), billed as The Miami Horns, as part of Dave Edmunds All-Star Rock and Roll Revue. The Revue featured Edmunds with Graham Parker, Kim Wilson, and Dion leading the band which also included legendary guitarist Steve Cropper.
Rosenberg and Jon Bon Jovi joined forces for charity events including the Special Olympics' "Very Special Christmas" television special in 1999, hosted by President Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton at the White House.
On May 3, 2007, Rosenberg performed the national anthem at the Golden State Warriors' playoff game (Game 6) vs. the Dallas Mavericks. With Conan being in San Francisco that week filming his show, LaBamba was invited to perform The Star-Spangled Banner at the Oracle Arena in Oakland, California.[4]
He and his big band teamed up with Southside Johnny for the album Grapefruit Moon: The Songs of Tom Waits, released in September 2008. The first two sessions were recorded in Bon Jovi's garage.
In September 2008, Rosenberg brought his band, LaBamba's Big Band, on Late Night with Conan O'Brien to perform what Rosenberg later referred to as "the most outrageous experience ever, more so than the Super Bowl."
On February 1, 2009, Rosenberg performed with Springsteen and the E Street Band during the halftime show of Super Bowl XLIII despite suffering a recent foot injury. "There was so much adrenaline that I didn't feel any pain in my foot", he described afterwards.
"LaBamba"
From an interview by Patrick Jones:
"I had an Afro and a Fu Manchu (moustache) at the time," says Rosenberg. "Everybody from Asbury Park was given a nickname: Jukes (Southside Johnny), The Boss (Springsteen), and Miami (Steven Van Zandt ...). The roadie said, 'We have to come up with a nickname to call this guy. He looks Spanish. How about LaBamba?' I'm Jewish, not Spanish," LaBamba now laughs. "But Bruce got up on the bar there and started shouting, 'Give me an L; give me an A; give me a B.' He christened me, you know. And I kept (the nickname)."[1]

Personal life
Rosenberg is married with five children.[1]

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 on IMDb

What's the real name of the guy called "La Bamba" in the Max Weinberg band on Late Night with Conan O'Brien?


A rift lake is a lake formed as a result of subsidence related to movement on faults within a rift zone, an area of extensional tectonics in the continental crust. They are often found within rift valleys and may be very deep. Rift lakes may be bounded by large steep cliffs along the fault margins.
Examples

Lake Baikal, in Siberia
Lake Balaton, in Hungary
The Dead Sea, on the border of Israel, Palestine and Jordan, a pull-apart basin, formed along the Dead Sea Transform.
Lake Elsinore, in the Elsinore Trough in Southern California
Lake Hazar, in Turkey
Lake Idaho, a Pliocene rift lake in Idaho
Lake Khuvsgul, northern Mongolia
Limagne, an infilled Paleogene rift lake in France
Lake Lockatong, a rift lake of Triassic age, formed in the Newark Basin.[1]
Lake Malawi, part of East African Rift
The Orcadian Basin, in northern Scotland, had rift lakes that formed during the Middle Devonian.[2]
Rift Valley lakes, eastern Africa
The Salton Sea, in Southern California
Lake Tanganyika, part of Albertine Rift
Lake Vostok, in Antarctica, may have formed in a rift setting[3]
Þingvallavatn, in Iceland