The Mali Empire (Manding: Nyeni[4] or Niani; also historically referred to as the Manden Kurufaba,[1] sometimes shortened to Manden) was an empire in West Africa from c. 1235 - 1400. The empire was founded by Sundiata Keita and became renowned for the wealth of its rulers, especially Musa Keita. The Manding languages were spoken in the empire. It was the largest empire in West Africa and profoundly influenced the culture of West Africa through the spread of its language, laws and customs.[5] Much of the recorded information about the Mali Empire comes from 14th-century North African Arab historian Ibn Khaldun, 14th-century Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta and 16th-century Moroccan traveller Leo Africanus. The other major source of information is Mandinka oral tradition, through storytellers known as griots.[6]
The empire began as a small Mandinka kingdom at the upper reaches of the Niger River, centred around the town of Niani (the empire's namesake in Manding). During the 11th and 12th centuries, it began to develop as an empire following the decline of the Ghana Empire to the north. During this period, trade routes shifted southward to the savanna, stimulating the growth of states. The early history of the Mali Empire (before the 13th century) is unclear, as there are conflicting and imprecise accounts by both Arab chroniclers and oral traditionalists. Sundiata Keita (c. 1214–c. 1255) is the first ruler for which there is accurate written information (through Ibn Khaldun). Sundiata Keita was a warrior-prince of the Keita dynasty who was called upon to free the Mali people from the rule of the king of the Sosso Empire, Soumaoro Kanté. The conquest of Sosso in c. 1235 gave the Mali Empire access to the trans-Saharan trade routes.
Following the death of Sundiata Keita in c. 1255, the kings of Mali were referred to by the title mansa.[6] Sundiata's nephew Mansa Musa made a Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca during the reign of the Mamluk Sultan Baibars (r. 1260–1277). Following a series of usurpations of the throne of Mali, in c. 1285 Sakoura, a former royal court slave, became emperor and was one of its most powerful rulers, greatly expanding the territories of Mali. He made a pilgrimage to Mecca during the reign of Mamluk Sultan An-Nasir Muhammad (r. 1298–1308). After he died on his return, the throne reverted to the descendants of Sundiata Keita. After the reigns of three more emperors, Musa Keita became emperor in c. 1312. Musa made a famous pilgrimage to Mecca from 1324 to 1326. His generous gifts to Mamluk Egypt and his expenditure of gold caused gold to be greatly devalued, which gave rise to his fame outside of Mali. In 1337, he was succeeded by his son Maghan I, who in 1341 was deposed by his uncle Suleyman. It was during Suleyman's reign that Ibn Battuta visited Mali.[7] Following this period, a period of weak emperors, conflicts and disunity began in Mali.
Ibn Khaldun died in 1406, and following his death there was no continuous record of events in the Mali Empire. It is known from the Tarikh al-Sudan that Mali was still a sizeable state in the 15th century. The Venetian explorer Alvise Cadamosto and Portuguese traders confirmed that the peoples of the Gambia were still subject to the mansa of Mali.[8] Upon Leo Africanus's visit at the beginning of the 16th century, his descriptions of the territorial domains of Mali showed that it was still a kingdom of considerable area. However, from 1507 onwards neighbouring states such as Diara, Great Fulo and the Songhay Empire eroded the extreme territories of Mali. In 1542, the Songhay invaded the capital city of Niani but were unsuccessful in conquering the empire. During the 17th century, the Mali empire faced incursions from the Bamana Empire. After unsuccessful attempts by Mansa Mama Maghan to conquer Bamana, in 1670 Bamana sacked and burned Niani, and the Mali Empire rapidly disintegrated and ceased to exist, being replaced by independent chiefdoms. The Keitas retreated to the town of Kangaba, where they became provincial chiefs.[9]
Pre-imperial Mali

The Rock art in the Sahara suggests that northern Mali has been inhabited since 10,000 BC, when the Sahara was fertile and rich in wildlife. By 300 BC, large organised settlements had developed, most notable near Djenné, one of West Africa's oldest cities. By the 6th century AD, the lucrative trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt and slaves had begun, facilitating the rise of West Africa's great empires.
There are a few references to Mali in early written literature. Among these are references to "Pene" and "Malal" in the work of al-Bakri in 1068,[10] the story of the conversion of an early ruler, known to Ibn Khaldun (by 1397) as Barmandana,[11] and a few geographical details in the work of al-Idrisi.[12]
In the 1960s, archaeological work at Niani village, reputed to be the capital of the Mali Empire, by Polish and Guinean archaeologists revealed the remains of a substantial town dating back as far as the 6th century.[13]
Modern oral traditions also related that the Mandinka kingdoms of Mali or Manden had already existed several centuries before Sundiata's unification as a small state just to the south of the Soninké empire of Wagadou, better known as the Ghana Empire.[14] This area was composed of mountains, savannah and forest providing ideal protection and resources for the population of hunters.[15] Those not living in the mountains formed small city-states such as Toron, Ka-Ba and Niani. Through the oral tradition of griots, the Keita dynasty, from which nearly every Mali emperor came, traces its lineage back to Lawalo, one of the sons of Bilal,[16] the faithful muezzin of Islam's prophet Muhammad, who was said to have migrated into Mali and his descendants established the ruling Keita dynasty through Maghan Kon Fatta, father of Sundiata Keita.[17]
It was common practice during the Middle Ages for both Christian and Muslim rulers to tie their bloodline back to a pivotal figure in their faith's history, so the lineage of the Keita dynasty may be dubious at best, yet African Muslim scholars like the London-based Nigerian-British cleric Sheikh Abu-Abdullah Adelabu have laid claim of divine attainments to the reign of Mansa Mousa: "in Islamic history and its science stories of Old Mali Empire and significance of Mansa Mousa by ancient Muslim historians like Shihab al-Umari, documenting histories of African legendaries like Mansa Kankan Musa did actually exist in early Arabic sources about West African history including works of the author of Subh al-a 'sha one of the final expressions of the genre of Arabic administrative literature, Ahmad al-Qalqashandi Egyptian writer, mathematician and scribe of the scroll (katib al-darj) in the Mamluk chancery in Cairo[18] as well as by the author of Kitab al-Masalik wa al-Mamalik (Book of Highways and Kingdoms) Abū ʿUbayd Al-Bakri, an Arab Andalusian Muslim geographer and historian emboldened Keita Dynasty", wrote Adelabu.
In his attempt to justify the importance of the Keita and their civilisation in early Arabic literatures, Adelabu, the head of Awqaf Africa in London, coined the Arabic derivatives ك – و – ي K(a)-W(e)-Y(a) of the word Keita which in (in what he called) Arabicised Mandingo language Allah(u) Ka(w)eia meaning "Allah Creates All" as a favourable motto of reflection for Bilal Ibn Rabah, one of the most trusted and loyal Sahabah (companions) of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, whom he described (quoting William Muir's book The Life of Muhammad) as 'a tall, dark, and with African feature and bushy hair'[19] pious man who overcame slavery, racism and socio-political obstacles in Arabia to achieve a lofty status in this world and in the Hereafter.[20]
The Kangaba province

During the height of Sundiata's power, the land of Manden (the area populated by the Mandinka people) became one of its provinces.[22] The Manden city-state of Ka-ba (present-day Kangaba) served as the capital and name of this province. From at least the beginning of the 11th century, Mandinka kings known as faamas ruled Manden from Ka-ba in the name of the Ghanas.[23]
The two kingdoms
Wagadou's control over Manden came to a halt after internal instability lead to its decline.[24] The Kangaba province, free of Soninké influence, splintered into twelve kingdoms with their own maghan (meaning prince) or faama.[25] Manden was split in half with the Dodougou territory to the northeast and the Kri territory to the southwest.[26] The tiny kingdom of Niani was one of several in the Kri area of Manden.
The Kaniaga rulers
In approximately 1140 the Sosso kingdom of Kaniaga, a former vassal of Wagadou, began conquering the lands of its old masters. By 1180 it had even subjugated Wagadou forcing the Soninké to pay tribute. In 1203, the Sosso king Soumaoro of the Kanté clan came to power and reportedly terrorised much of Manden stealing women and goods from both Dodougou and Kri.[27]
The Hungering Lion

According to Niane's version of the epic, during the rise of Kaniaga, Sundiata of the Keita clan was born in the early 13th century. He was the son of Niani's faama, Nare Fa (also known as Maghan Kon Fatta meaning the handsome prince). Sundiata's mother was Maghan Kon Fatta's second wife, Sogolon Kédjou.[16] She was a hunchback from the land of Do, south of Mali. The child of this marriage received the first name of his mother (Sogolon) and the surname of his father (Djata). Combined in the rapidly spoken language of the Mandinka, the names formed Sondjata, Sundjata or Sundiata Keita.[16] The anglicised version of this name, Sunjata, is also popular. In Ibn Khaldun's account, Sundjata is recorded as Mari Djata with "Mari" meaning "Amir" or "Prince". He also states that Djata or "Jatah" means "lion".[28]
Prince Sundjata was prophesied to become a great conqueror. To his parent's dread, the prince did not have a promising start. Sundiata, according to the oral traditions, did not walk until he was seven years old.[25] However, once Sundiata did gain use of his legs he grew strong and very respected. Sadly for Sundjata, this did not occur before his father died. Despite the faama of Niani's wishes to respect the prophecy and put Sundiata on the throne, the son from his first wife Sassouma Bérété was crowned instead. As soon as Sassouma's son Dankaran Touman took the throne, he and his mother forced the increasingly popular Sundjata into exile along with his mother and two sisters. Before Dankaran Touman and his mother could enjoy their unimpeded power, King Soumaoro set his sights on Niani forcing Dankaran to flee to Kissidougou.[16]
After many years in exile, first at the court of Wagadou and then at Mema, Sundiata was sought out by a Niani delegation and begged to combat the Sosso and free the kingdoms of Manden forever.
Battle of Kirina

Returning with the combined armies of Mema, Wagadou and all the rebellious Mandinka city-states, Maghan Sundiata or Sumanguru led a revolt against the Kaniaga Kingdom around 1234. The combined forces of northern and southern Manden defeated the Sosso army at the Battle of Kirina (then known as Krina) in approximately 1235.[29] This victory resulted in the fall of the Kaniaga kingdom and the rise of the Mali Empire. After the victory, King Soumaoro disappeared, and the Mandinka stormed the last of the Sosso cities. Maghan Sundiata was declared "faama of faamas" and received the title "mansa", which translates roughly to emperor. At the age of 18, he gained authority over all the 12 kingdoms in an alliance known as the Manden Kurufaba. He was crowned under the throne name Sunidata Keita becoming the first Mandinka emperor. And so the name Keita became a clan/family and began its reign.[25]
Organization
The Manden Kurufaba founded by Mari Djata it was composed of the "three freely allied states" of Mali, Mema and Wagadou plus the Twelve Doors of Mali.[16] It is important to remember that Mali, in this sense, strictly refers to the city-state of Niani.
The Twelve Doors of Mali were a coalition of conquered or allied territories, mostly within Manden, with sworn allegiance to Sundiata and his descendants. Upon stabbing their spears into the ground before Sundiata's throne, each of the twelve kings relinquished their kingdom to the Keita dynasty.[16] In return for their submission, they became "farbas", a combination of the Mandinka words "farin" and "ba" (great farin).[30] Farin was a general term for northern commander at the time. These farbas would rule their old kingdoms in the name of the mansa with most of the authority they held prior to joining the Manden Kurufaba.
The Great Assembly
The Gbara or Great Assembly would serve as the Mandinka deliberative body until the collapse of the Manden Kurufa in 1645. Its first meeting, at the famous Kouroukan Fouga (Division of the World), had 29 clan delegates presided over by a belen-tigui (master of ceremony). The final incarnation of the Gbara, according to the surviving traditions of northern Guinea, held 32 positions occupied by 28 clans.[31]
Social, economic and governmental reformation
The Kouroukan Fouga also put in place social and economic reforms including prohibitions on the maltreatment of prisoners and slaves, installing documents between clans which clearly stated who could say what about whom. Also, Sundiata divided the lands amongst the people assuring everyone had a place in the empire and fixed exchange rates for common products.
Mari Djata I/Sundiata Keita I
Mansa Mari Djata, later named Sundiata Keita, saw the conquest of several key locals in the Mali Empire. He never took the field again after Kirina, but his generals continued to expand the frontier, especially in the west where they reached the Gambia River and the marches of Tekrur. This enabled him to rule over a realm larger than even the Ghana Empire in its apex.[29] When the campaigning was done, his empire extended 1,000 miles (1,600km) east to west with those borders being the bends of the Senegal and Niger rivers respectively.[32] After unifying Manden, he added the Wangara goldfields, making them the southern border. The northern commercial towns of Oualata and Audaghost were also conquered and became part of the new state's northern border. Wagadou and Mema became junior partners in the realm and part of the imperial nucleus. The lands of Bambougou, Jalo (Fouta Djallon), and Kaabu were added into Mali by Fakoli Koroma (Nkurumah in Ghana, Kurumah in the Gambia, Colley in Casamance, Senegal),[25] Fran Kamara (Camara) and Tiramakhan Traore (Tarawelley in the Gambia),[33] respectively Among the many different ethnic groups surrounding Manden were Pulaar speaking groups in Macina, Tekrur and Fouta Djallon.
Imperial Mali
Imperial Mali is best known through three primary sources: the first is the account of Shihab al-'Umari, written in about 1340 by a geographer-administrator in Mamluk Egypt. His information about the empire came from visiting Malians taking the hajj, or pilgrim's voyage to Mecca. He had first-hand information from several sources, and from a second-hand source, he learned of the visit of Mansa Musa. The second account is that of the traveller Ibn Battuta, who visited Mali in 1352. This is the first account of a West African kingdom made directly by an eyewitness; the others are usually second-hand. The third great account is that of Ibn Khaldun, who wrote in the early 15th century. While the accounts are of limited length, they provide a fairly good picture of the empire at its height.
Administration
The Mali Empire covered a larger area for a longer period of time than any other West African state before or since. What made this possible was the decentralised nature of administration throughout the state. According to Burkinabé writer Joseph Ki-Zerbo, the farther a person travelled from Niani, the more decentralised the mansa's power became.[34] Nevertheless, the mansa managed to keep tax money and nominal control over the area without agitating his subjects into revolt. At the local level (village, town and city), kun-tiguis elected a dougou-tigui (village-master) from a bloodline descended from that locality's semi-mythical founder.[35] The county level administrators called kafo-tigui (county-master) were appointed by the governor of the province from within his own circle.[36] Only at the state or province level was there any palpable interference from the central authority in Niani. Provinces picked their own governors via their own custom (election, inheritance, etc.). Regardless of their title in the province, they were recognised as dyamani-tigui (province master) by the mansa.[36] Dyamani-tiguis had to be approved by the mansa and were subject to his oversight. If the mansa didn't believe the dyamani-tigui was capable or trustworthy, a farba might be installed to oversee the province or administer it outright.

A manuscript page from Timbuktu
Manuscript of Nasir al-Din Abu al-Abbas Ahmad ibn al-Hajj al-Amin al-Tawathi al-Ghalawi's Kashf al-Ghummah fi Nafa al-Ummah. From the Mamma Haidara Commemorative Library, Timbuktu.
A manuscript page from Timbuktu showing a table of astronomical information

Farins and farbas
Territories in Mali came into the empire via conquest or annexation. In the event of conquest, farins took control of the area until a suitable native ruler could be found. After the loyalty or at least the capitulation of an area was assured, it was allowed to select its own dyamani-tigui. This process was essential to keep non-Manding subjects loyal to the Manding elites that ruled them.
Barring any other difficulties, the dyamani-tigui would run the province by himself collecting taxes and procuring armies from the tribes under his command. However, territories that were crucial to trade or subject to revolt would receive a farba.[37] Farbas were picked by the mansa from the conquering farin or family members. The only real requirement was that the mansa knew he could trust this individual to safeguard imperial interests.
Duties of the farba included reporting on the activities of the territory, collecting taxes and ensuring the native administration didn't contradict orders from Niani. The farba could also take power away from the native administration if required and raise an army in the area for defence or putting down rebellions.[37]
The post of a farba was very prestigious, and his descendants could inherit it with the mansa's approval. The mansa could also replace a farba if he got out of control, as in the case of Diafunu.
Territory

The Mali Empire reached its largest area under the Laye Keita mansas. Al-Umari, who wrote down a description of Mali based on information given to him by Abu Sa’id ‘Otman ed Dukkali (who had lived 35 years in Niani), reported the realm as being square and an eight-month journey from its coast at Tura (at the mouth of the Senegal River) to Muli (also known as Tuhfat). Umari also describes the empire as being south of Marrakesh and almost entirely inhabited except for few places. Mali's domain also extended into the desert. He describes it as being north of Mali but under its domination implying some sort of vassalage for the Antasar, Yantar'ras, Medussa and Lemtuna Berber tribes.[40] The empire's total area included nearly all the land between the Sahara Desert and coastal forests. It spanned the modern-day countries of Senegal, southern Mauritania, Mali, northern Burkina Faso, western Niger, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, the Ivory Coast and northern Ghana. By 1350, the empire covered approximately 478,819 square miles (1,240,140km2).[41] The empire also reached its highest population during the Laye period ruling over 400 cities,[42] towns and villages of various religions and elasticities. During this period only the Mongol Empire was larger.
The dramatic increase in the empire's growth demanded a shift from the Manden Kurufaba's organisation of three states with twelve dependencies. This model was scrapped by the time of Mansa Musa's hajj to Egypt. According to al'Umari, who interviewed a Berber that had lived in Niani for 35 years, there were fourteen provinces (or, more accurately, tributary kingdoms). In al-'Umari's record, he only records the following thirteen provinces and five states.[43]
Gana (this refers to the remnants of the Ghana Empire)
Zagun or Zafun (this is another name for Diafunu)[44]
Tirakka or Turanka (Between Gana and Tadmekka)[43]
Takrur (On 3rd cataract of the Senegal River, north of Jolof)
Sanagana (named for a tribe living in an area north of the Senegal river)
Bambuck or Bambughu (A territory in eastern Senegal and western Mali which was very rich in gold sources)
Zargatabana
Darmura or Babitra Darmura
Zaga (on the Niger, downriver of Kabora)
Kabora or Kabura (also on the Niger)
Baraquri or Baraghuri
Gao or Kawkaw (province inhabited by Gao Empire, which predated the Songhai)[45]
Mali or Manden (capital province for which the realm gets its name)
Economy
In 1307 Mansa Musa came to the throne after a series of civil wars and ruled for thirty years. During the peak of the kingdom, Mali was extremely wealthy. This was due to the tax on trade in and out of the empire, along with all the gold Mansa Musa had. He had so much gold that during his hajj to Mecca, the Mansa passed out gold to all the poor along the way. This led to inflation throughout the kingdom. Mansa Musa also ran out of gold on the hajj to Mecca but was not concerned because he knew he had enough gold back in Mali to pay back everything he owed money to.
Trade was a significant factor to the rise and success of Mali. Mali flourished especially when Timbuktu came under Mansa Musa's control. Timbuktu was a place of trade, entertainment, and education. The city's water supply was a leading cause to its successes in trade.[46] Mansa Musa placed a heavy tax on all objects that went through Timbuktu. Although this time in the kingdom was prosperous, Mali's wealth and power soon declined.
Mali was thriving for a long time, but like other western pre-colonial kingdom, Mali began to fall. Constant civil war between leaders led to a weakened state. These conflicts also interrupted trade. This is one of the main factors to the fall of the kingdom. Trade was Mali's form of income, and wealth. With trade being disrupted by wars, there was no way for the economy to continue to prosper. As a result of this the empire fell.[47]
The Mali Empire flourished because of its trade above all else. It contained three immense gold mines within its borders unlike the Ghana Empire, which was only a transit point for gold. The empire taxed every ounce of gold, copper and salt that entered its borders. By the beginning of the 14th century, Mali was the source of almost half the Old World's gold exported from mines in Bambuk, Boure and Galam.[36] Gold mines in Boure, which is located in present-day Guinea, were discovered sometime near the end of 12th century[48]
There was no standard currency throughout the realm, but several forms were prominent by region. The Sahelian and Saharan towns of the Mali Empire were organised as both staging posts in the long-distance caravan trade and trading centres for the various West African products. At Taghaza, for example, salt was exchanged; at Takedda, copper. Ibn Battuta observed the employment of servants in both towns. During most of his journey, Ibn Battuta travelled with a retinue that included servants, most of whom carried goods for trade. On the return from Takedda to Morocco, his caravan transported 600 female servants, suggesting that indentured servitude was a substantial part of the commercial activity of the empire.[49]
Gold
Gold nuggets were the exclusive property of the mansa, and were illegal to trade within his borders. All gold was immediately handed over to the imperial treasury in return for an equal value of gold dust. Gold dust had been weighed and bagged for use at least since the time of the Ghana Empire. Mali borrowed the practice to stem inflation of the substance, since it was so prominent in the region. The most common measure for gold within the realm was the ambiguous mithqal (4.5grams of gold).[25] This term was used interchangeably with dinar, though it is unclear if coined currency was used in the empire. Gold dust was used all over the empire, but was not valued equally in all regions.
Salt

The next great unit of exchange in the Mali Empire was salt. Salt was as valuable, if not more valuable, than gold in sub-Saharan Africa. It was cut into pieces and spent on goods with close to equal buying power throughout the empire.[50] While it was as good as gold in the north, it was even better in the south. The people of the south needed salt for their diet, but it was extremely rare. The northern region on the other hand had no shortage of salt. Every year merchants entered Mali via Oualata with camel loads of salt to sell in Niani. According to Ibn Battuta who visited Mali in the mid-14th century, one camel load of salt sold at Walata for 8–10 mithqals of gold, but in Mali proper it realised 20–30 ducats and sometimes even 40.[50] One particular source of salt in the Mali Empire was salt-mining sites located in Taghaza. Ibn Battuta had written that in Taghaza there were no trees and there is only sand and the salt mines. Nobody lived in the area except the Musafa servants who worked to dig the salts and lived on dates imported from Sijilmasa and the Dar'a valley, camel meat and millet imported from the Sudan. The buildings were constructed from slabs of salt and roofed with camel skins. The salt was dug from the ground and cut into thick slabs, two of which were loaded onto each camel where they would be taken south across the desert to Oualata and sold. The value of the salt was chiefly determined by the transport costs. Ibn Battuta mentions that the value of salt increased fourfold when transported between Oualata and the Malian capital.[51]
Copper
Copper was also a valued commodity in imperial Mali. According to the records of Ibn Battuta,[52][53] copper which traded in bars was mined from Takedda in the north and traded in the south for gold. Contemporary sources claim 60 copper bars traded for 100 dinars of gold.[25]
Military

The number and frequency of conquests in the late 13th century and throughout the 14th century indicate the Kolonkan mansas inherited and or developed a capable military. Sundjata is credited with at least the initial organisation of the Manding military. However, it went through radical changes before reaching the legendary proportions proclaimed by its subjects. As a result of steady tax revenue and stable government beginning in the last quarter of the 13th century, the Mali Empire was able to project its power throughout its own extensive domain and beyond.
Strength

The Mali Empire maintained a semi-professional, full-time army in order to defend its borders. The entire nation was mobilised, with each clan obligated to provide a quota of fighting-age men.[25] These men had to be of the horon (freemen) caste and appear with their own arms. Historians who lived during the height and decline of the Mali Empire consistently record its army at 100,000, with 10,000 of that number being made up of cavalry.[25] With the help of the river clans, this army could be deployed throughout the realm on short notice.[54][55] Numerous sources attest that the inland waterways of West Africa saw extensive use of war canoes and vessels used for war transport where permitted by the environment. Most West African canoes were of single-log construction, carved and dug out from one massive tree trunk.[56]
Order of battle
The army of the Mali Empire during the 14th century was divided into northern and southern commands led by the Farim-Soura and Sankar-Zouma, respectively.[25] Both of these men were part of Mali's warrior elite known as the ton-ta-jon-ta-ni-woro ("sixteen slave carriers of quiver"). Each representative or ton-tigi ("quiver-master") provided council to the mansa at the Gbara, but only these two ton-tigi held such wide-ranging power.
The ton-tigi belonged to an elite force of cavalry commanders called the farari ("brave men"). Each individual farariya ("brave") had a number of infantry officers beneath them called kèlè-koun or dùùkùnàsi. A kèlè-koun led free troops into battle alongside a farima ("brave man") during campaign. A dùùkùnàsi performed the same function except with slave troops called sofa ("guardian of the horse") and under the command of a farimba ("great brave man"). The farimba operated from a garrison with an almost entirely slave force, while a farima functioned on field with virtually all freemen.
Equipment
The army of the Mali Empire used of a wide variety of weapons depending largely on where the troops originated. Only sofa were equipped by the state, using bows and poisoned arrows. Free warriors from the north (Mandekalu or otherwise) were usually equipped with large reed or animal hide shields and a stabbing spear that was called a tamba. Free warriors from the south came armed with bows and poisonous arrows. The bow figured prominently in Mandinka warfare and was a symbol of military force throughout the culture. Bowmen formed a large portion of the field army as well as the garrison. Three bowmen supporting one spearman was the ratio in Kaabu and the Gambia by the mid-16th century. Equipped with two quivers and a knife fastened to the back of their arm, Mandinka bowmen used barbed, iron-tipped arrows that were usually poisoned. They also used flaming arrows for siege warfare. While spears and bows were the mainstay of the infantry, swords and lances of local or foreign manufacture were the choice weapons of the cavalry. Ibn Battuta comments on festival demonstrations of swordplay before the mansa by his retainers including the royal interpreter.[57] Another common weapon of Mandekalu warriors was the poison javelin used in skirmishes. Imperial Mali's horsemen also used mail armour for defence and shields similar to those of the infantry.
Architecture

Imperial Malian architecture was characterised by Sudano-Sahelian architecture with a Malian substyle, which is exemplified by the Great Mosque of Djenne. This style is characterised by the use of mudbricks and an adobe plaster, with large wooden-log support beams that jut out from the wall face for large buildings such as mosques or palaces.
The dating of the Great Mosque's construction is obscure. The earliest document mentioning the mosque is Abd al-Sadi's Tarikh al-Sudan, which gives the early history, presumably from the oral tradition as it existed in the mid seventeenth century. The tarikh states that a Sultan Kunburu became a Muslim and had his palace pulled down and the site turned into a mosque; he then built another palace for himself near the mosque on the east side.[58][59]
The Sudano-Sahelian influence was particularly widely incorporated during the rule of Mansa Musa I, who constructed many architectural projects, including the Great Mosque of Gao and Royal Palace in Timbuktu, which was built with the assistance of Ishaak al-Tuedjin, an architect brought by Musa from his pilgrimage to Mecca.[60]
The Emperors of Mali
There were 21 known mansas of the Mali Empire after Mari Djata I, and probably about two or three more yet to be revealed. The names of these rulers come down through history via the djelis and modern descendants of the Keita dynasty residing in Kangaba. What separates these rulers from the founder, other than the latter's historic role in establishing the state, is their transformation of the Manden Kurufaba into a Manden Empire. Not content to rule fellow Manding subjects unified by the victory of Mari Djata I, these mansas would conquer and annex Fula,[61] Wolof, Bamana, Songhai, Tuareg and countless other peoples into an immense empire.
Sundiata Keita lineage (1250–1275)
The first three successors to Mari Djata/Sundiata Keita all claimed it by blood right or something similar. This twenty-five year period saw large gains for the mansa and the beginning of fierce internal rivalries that nearly ended the burgeoning empire.
Ouali Keita I
After Sundiata's death in 1255, custom dictated that his son ascend the throne, assuming he was of age. However, Yérélinkon was a minor following his father's death.[31] Manding Bory Keita, Sundiata's half-brother and kankoro-sigui (vizier), should have been crowned according to the Kouroukan Fouga. Instead, Mari Djata's son seized the throne and was crowned Mansa Ouali Keita (also spelt "Wali" or "Ali").[62]
Mansa Ouali Keita proved to be an efficient emperor, adding more lands to the empire, including the Gambian provinces of Bati and Casa. He also conquered the gold-producing provinces of Bambuk and Bondou. The central province of Konkodougou was established. The Songhai kingdom of Gao also seems to have been subjugated for the first of many times around this period.[36]
Aside from military conquest, Ouali is also credited with agricultural reforms throughout the empire putting many soldiers to work as farmers in the newly acquired Gambian provinces. Just prior to his death in 1270, Ouali went on the hajj to Mecca during the reign of Mamluk Sultan Baibars, according to Ibn Khaldun.[62] This helped in strengthening ties with North Africa and Muslim merchants.[36]
The generals' sons
As a policy of controlling and rewarding his generals, Mari Djata adopted their sons.[25] These children were raised at the mansa's court and became Keitas upon reaching maturity. Seeing the throne as their right, two adopted sons of Mari Djata waged a devastating war against one another that threatened to destroy what the first two mansas had built. The first son to gain the throne was Mansa Ouati Keita (also spelt Wati) in 1270.[63] He reigned for four years, spending lavishly and ruling cruelly, according to the djelis. Upon his death in 1274, the other adopted son seized the throne.[63] Mansa Khalifa Keita is remembered as even worse than Ouati Keita. According to the djelis, he governed just as badly, was insane and fired arrows from the roof of his palace at passers by. Ibn Khaldun recounts that the people rushed upon him and killed him during a popular revolt.[62] The Gbara replaced him with Manding Bory Keita in 1275.[64]
The court mansas (1275–1300)
After the chaos of Ouati Keita and Khalifa Keita's reigns, a number of court officials with close ties to Sundiata Keita ruled. They began the empire's return to stability, setting it up for a golden age of rulers.
Abubakari Keita I
Manding Bory was crowned under the throne name Mansa Abubakari (a Manding corruption of the Muslim name Abu Bakr).[25] Mansa Abubakari's mother was Namandjé,[25] the third wife of Maghan Kon Fatta. Prior to becoming mansa, Abubakari had been one of his brother's generals and later his kankoro-sigui. Little else is known about the reign of Abubakari I, but it seems he was successful in stopping the hemorrhaging of wealth in the empire.
Sakoura
In 1285, a court slave freed by Sundiata Keita, and who had also served as a general, usurped the throne of Mali.[36] The reign of Mansa Sakoura (also spelt Sakura) appears to have been beneficial, despite the political shake-up. He added the first conquests to Mali since the reign of Ouali, including the former Wagadou provinces of Tekrour and Diara. His conquests did not stop at the boundaries of Wagadou, however. He campaigned into Senegal and conquered the Wolof province of Dyolof (Jolof), then took the army east to subjugate the copper-producing area of Takedda. He also conquered Macina and raided into Gao to suppress its first rebellion against Mali.[36] More than just a mere warrior, Mansa Sakoura went on the hajj during the reign of Al-Nasir Muhammad.[62] Mansa Sakura also opened direct trade negotiations with Tripoli and Morocco.[36]
According to one account, Sakoura was murdered on his return trip from Mecca in or near present-day Djibouti by a Danakil warrior attempting to rob him.[65] The emperor's attendants rushed his body home through the Ouaddai region and into Kanem where one of that empire's messengers was sent to Mali with news of Sakoura's death. When the body arrived in Niani, it was given a regal burial despite the usurper's slave roots.[65]
The Kolonkan Keita lineage (1300–1312)
The Gbara selected Ko Mamadi Keita as the next mansa in 1300. He was the first of a new line of rulers directly descending from Sundiata Keita's sister, Kolonkan Keita.[25] But, seeing as how these rulers all shared the blood of Maghan Kon Fatta, they are considered legitimate Keitas. Even Sakoura, with his history of being a slave in the Keita family, was considered a Keita; so the line of Bilal had yet to be broken.
It is during the Kolonkan Keita lineage that the defining characteristics of golden age Mali begin to appear. By maintaining the developments of Sakoura and Abubakari Keita I, the Kolonkan Keita mansas steered Mali safely into its apex.
The Gao mansas
Ko Mamadi Keita was crowned Mansa Gao Keita and ruled over a successful empire without any recorded crises. His son, Mansa Mohammed ibn Gao Keita, ascended the throne five years later and continued the stability of the Kolonkan Keita line.[25]
Abubakari Keita II
The last Kolonkan ruler, Bata Manding Bory Keita, was crowned Mansa Abubakari Keita II in 1310.[25] He continued the non-militant style of rule that characterised Gao and Mohammed ibn Gao Keita, but was interested in the empire's western sea. According to an account given by Mansa Musa Keita I, who during the reign of Abubakari Keita II served as the mansa's kankoro-sigui, Mali sent two expeditions into the Atlantic Ocean. Mansa Abubakari Keita II left Musa Keita as regent of the empire, demonstrating the stability of this period in Mali, and departed with the second expedition, commanding some 2,000 ships equipped with both oars and sails in 1311.[66] Neither the emperor nor any of the ships returned to Mali. Modern historians and scientists are sceptical about the success of either voyage, but the account of these happenings is preserved in both written North African records and the oral records of Mali's djelis.
The Laye Keita lineage (1312–1389)
Abubakari Keita II's 1312 abdication, the only recorded one in the empire's history, marked the beginning of a new lineage descended from Faga Laye Keita.[25] Faga Laye Keita was the son of Abubakari Keita I. Unlike his father, Faga Laye Keita never took the throne of Mali. However, his line would produce seven mansas who reigned during the height of Mali's power and toward the beginning of its decline.
Musa Keita I

The first ruler from the Laye lineage was Kankan Musa Keita (or Moussa), also known as Mansa Musa. After an entire year without word from Abubakari Keita II, he was crowned Mansa Musa Keita. Mansa Musa Keita was one of the first truly devout Muslims to lead the Mali Empire. He attempted to make Islam the faith of the nobility,[36] but kept to the imperial tradition of not forcing it on the populace. He also made Eid celebrations at the end of Ramadan a national ceremony. He could read and write Arabic and took an interest in the scholarly city of Timbuktu, which he peaceably annexed in 1324. Via one of the royal ladies of his court, Musa transformed Sankore from an informal madrasah into an Islamic university. Islamic studies flourished thereafter.
Mansa Musa Keita's crowning achievement was his famous pilgrimage to Mecca, which started in 1324 and concluded with his return in 1326. Accounts of how many people and how much gold he spent vary. All of them agree that he took a very large group of people; the mansa kept a personal guard of some 500 men,[67] and he gave out so many alms and bought so many things that the value of gold in Egypt and Arabia depreciated for twelve years.[68] When he passed through Cairo, historian al-Maqrizi noted "the members of his entourage proceeded to buy Turkish and Ethiopian slave girls, singing girls and garments, so that the rate of the gold dinar fell by six dirhams."
Another testimony from Ibn Khaldun describes the grand pilgrimage of Mansa Musa consisting of 12,000 slaves:
"He made a pilgrimage in 724/1324 [...]. At each halt, he would regale us [his entourage] rare foods and confectionery. His equipment furnishings were carried by 12.000 private slave women (Wasaif) wearing gown and brocade (dibaj) and Yemeni silk [...]. Mansa Musa came from his country with 80 loads of gold dust (tibr), each load weighing three qintars. In their own country they use only slave women and men for transport, but for long journeys such as pilgrimages they have mounts."[69]

Contemporary sources suggest that the mounts employed by this caravan were one hundred elephants, which carried those loads of gold, and several hundred camels, carrying the food, supplies and weaponries which were brought to the rear.[70]
Musa took out large loans from money lenders in Cairo before beginning his journey home. It is not known if this was an attempt to correct the depreciation of gold in the area due to his spending,[71] or if he had simply run out of the funds needed for the return trip.[72] Musa's hajj, and especially his gold, caught the attention of both the Islamic and Christian worlds. Consequently, the name of Mali and Timbuktu appeared on 14th century world maps.
While on the hajj, he met the Andalusian poet and architect es-Saheli. Mansa Musa brought the architect back to Mali to beautify some of the cities. But more reasoned analysis suggests that his role, if any, was quite limited. The architectural crafts in Granada had reached their zenith by the fourteenth century, and its extremely unlikely that a cultured and wealthy poet would have had anything more than a dilettante's knowledge of the intricacies of contemporary architectural practice.[73] Mosques were built in Gao and Timbuktu along with impressive palaces also built in Timbuktu. By the time of his death in 1337, Mali had control over Taghazza, a salt-producing area in the north, which further strengthened its treasury.
That same year, after the Mandinka general known as Sagmandir put down yet another rebellion in Gao,[36] Mansa Musa came to Gao and accepted the capitulation of the King of Ghana and his nobles.
By the end of Mansa Musa's reign, the Sankoré University had been converted into a fully staffed university with the largest collections of books in Africa since the Library of Alexandria. The Sankoré University was capable of housing 25,000 students and had one of the largest libraries in the world with roughly 1,000,000 manuscripts.[74][75]
Mansa Musa Keita was succeeded by his son, Maghan Keita I, in 1337.[36] Mansa Maghan Keita I spent wastefully and was the first lacklustre emperor since Khalifa Keita. But the Mali Empire built by his predecessors was too strong for even his misrule and it passed intact to Musa's brother, Souleyman Keita in 1341.
Souleyman Keita
Mansa Souleyman Keita (or Suleiman) took steep measures to put Mali back into financial shape, thereby developing a reputation for miserliness.[36] However, he proved to be a good and strong ruler despite numerous challenges. It is during his reign that Fula raids on Takrur began. There was also a palace conspiracy to overthrow him hatched by the Qasa (the Manding term meaning Queen) Kassi and several army commanders.[36] Mansa Souleyman's generals successfully fought off the military incursions, and the senior wife Kassi behind the plot was imprisoned.
The mansa also made a successful hajj, kept up correspondence with Morocco and Egypt and built an earthen platform at Kangaba called the Camanbolon where he held court with provincial governors and deposited the holy books he brought back from Hedjaz.
The only major setback to his reign was the loss of Mali's Dyolof province in Senegal. The Wolof populations of the area united into their own state known as the Jolof Empire in the 1350s. Still, when Ibn Battuta arrived at Mali in July 1352, he found a thriving civilisation on par with virtually anything in the Muslim or Christian world. Mansa Souleyman Keita died in 1360 and was succeeded by his son, Camba Keita.
The North African traveller and scholar Ibn Battuta visited the area in 1352 and, according to a 1929 English translation, said this about its inhabitants:
"The negroes possess some admirable qualities. They are seldom unjust, and have a greater abhorrence of injustice than any other people. There is complete security in their country. Neither traveller nor inhabitant in it has
anything to fear from robbers or men of violence."[76]

The Travels of Ibn Battuta
Abu Abdallah Ibn Battuta was born in Morocco in the year 1304. Years later during his mandatory pilgrimage to Mecca as a Muslim and a qadi (Muslim judge), he decided that what he wished to do most was travel to and beyond every part of the Muslim world. Upon this realization, Ibn made a personal vow to ‘never travel any road a second time.” He began on his long and eventful journey, making many stops along the way. It was in Cairo, Egypt, that he first heard of the great ruler of Mali- Mansa Musa. A few years prior to Battuta's visit, Mansa Musa had passed through Cairo as well on his own pilgrimage to Mecca. He had brought with him a large entourage of slaves, soldiers and wives, along with over a thousand pounds of gold. With this he 'flooded' Cairo to the point of disrupting the entire gold market for decades to come. Aside from gold Mali traded many other lavish resources and its riches were spoke of widely, along with encouraging Islam across Africa. There is no doubt that, even after his long and tiring travels, a curious Ibn Battuta would saddle up again to make the long journey across the Sahara (1,500 miles) and into the Kingdom of Mali. After entering the country and staying for eight long months, Ibn left with mixed feelings. At first his impressions were not good- as a meal he was offered a bowl of millet with honey an yogurt. Seeing this as offensive, he wished to leave as soon as possible. During his stay he was also fed rice, milk, fish, chicken, melons, pumpkins and yams (that would end up making him very ill). From the King, he was gifted three loaves of bread, a gourd full of yogurt, and a piece of beef fried in shea butter. He was insulted by this as well, feeling that the gift was inadequate for him."When I saw it I laughed, and was long astonished at their feeble intellect and their respect for mean things." He was also taken aback by the local customs regarding the sexes. In his mind, man and woman should be separate in an Islamic society. Here the sexes were friends, spent time with one another and were agreeable. Upon his disapproval he was told that their relations were a part of good manners, and that there would be no suspicion attached to it. To his surprise, female servants and slaves also often went completely nude in front of the court to see, which would not have been acceptable as a Muslim- or any kind of- woman. They wore no veil and crawled on their hands and knees, throwing dust over themselves when approaching their ruler, Mansa Sulayman. Mansa Sulayman was the younger brother of Mansa Musa who took reign after he died. The public ceremony he attended was strange to him but grand, as he observed from the audience. "[The sultan] has a lofty pavilion ... where he sits most of the time... There came forth from the gate of the palace about 300 slaves, some carrying in their hands bows and others having in their hands short lances and shields... Then two saddled and bridled horses are brought, with two rams which, they say, are effective against the evil eye... The interpreter stands at the gate of the council-place wearing fine garments of silk... and on his head a turban with fringes which they have a novel way of winding... The troops, governors, young men, slaves, ... and others sit outside the council-place in a broad street where there are trees... Anyone who wishes to address the sultan addresses the interpreter and the interpreter addresses a man standing [near the sultan] and that man standing addresses the sultan".  While he had his grievances, there were parts of Mali that Ibn Battuta found to be exceptional. For one, the safety in the streets of Mali went unmatched. The city was very secure with many guards and it was said that no man walked afraid in the streets of Mali. The people also held justice to a very high standard and that was notable for Ibn. Most importantly, he was impressed with the peoples devotion to Islam. There were mosques there that people visited regularly, and they always prayed on Friday, the holy prayer day established by Mansa Musa for Muslims. The citizens wished to learn more about the Islamic faith and seemed to be very involved with the teaching of the Quran. Although many had converted and had a zeal for Islam, there were many common people who still held on to their traditional African religions. Mansa Sulayman had to appease these people as well, which is something that Ibn may not have considered and viewed as an insult to Islam. In the end, Sulayman attempted to appease him by giving him a house to stay at and an allowance as well. Upon his departure, Ibn left with 100 mithqals of gold and diverse feelings towards the kingdom of Mali.
Modern Mali
Where the empire of Mali reigned covered the modern day areas of Mali, Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia and Guinea, along with small regions of the Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, and Niger. For the most part Mali is covered, with the rest just having areas of the ancient empire cross into their borders. After a series of unsuccessful successions and exchanges of power and changes of ruler, the Empire of Mali was weakened greatly. As a result of these issues a civil war erupted upon the Kingdom which further incapacitated old Mali. Because of the war going on, trade was disrupted. Trade was a huge reason that the empire was thriving economically, and so its disruption led to a direct collapse of the empire entirely.
Mari Djata Keita II
After a mere nine months of rule, Mansa Camba Keita was deposed by one of Maghan Keita I's three sons. Konkodougou Kamissa Keita, named for the province he once governed,[25] was crowned as Mansa Mari Djata Keita II in 1360. He ruled oppressively and nearly bankrupted Mali with his lavish spending. He did however, maintain contacts with Morocco, sending a giraffe to King Abu Hassan. Mansa Mari Djata Keita II became seriously ill in 1372,[36] and power moved into the hands of his ministers until his death in 1374.
Musa Keita II
The reign of Mari Djata Keita II was ruinous and left the empire in bad financial shape, but the empire itself passed intact to the dead emperor's brother. Mansa Fadima Musa Keita, or Mansa Musa Keita II, began the process of reversing his brother's excesses.[36] He did not, however, hold the power of previous mansas because of the influence of his kankoro-sigui.
Kankoro-sigui Mari Djata, who had no relation to the Keita clan, essentially ran the empire in Musa Keita II's stead. Ibn Khaldun recorded that in 776 A.H or 1374/1375 AD he interviewed a Sijilmasan scholar named Muhammad b. Wasul who had lived in Gao and had been employed in its judiciary. The latter told Ibn Khaldun about devastating struggle over Gao between Mali imperial forces against Berber Tuareg forces from Takedda.[77] The text of Ibn Khaldun says "Gao, at this time is devastated".[77] It seems quite possible that an exodus of the inhabitants took place at this juncture and the importance of the city was not revived until the rise of the Songhai empire.[77]
The Songhai settlement effectively shook off Mali's authority in 1375. Still, by the time of Mansa Musa Keita II's death in 1387, Mali was financially solvent and in control of all of its previous conquests short of Gao and Dyolof. Forty years after the reign of Mansa Musa Keita I, the Mali Empire still controlled some 1,100,000 square kilometres (420,000sqmi) of land throughout Western Africa.[78][8]
Maghan Keita II
The last son of Maghan Keita I, Tenin Maghan Keita (also known as Kita Tenin Maghan Keita for the province he once governed) was crowned Mansa Maghan Keita II in 1387.[25] Little is known of him except that he only reigned two years. He was deposed in 1389, marking the end of the Faga Laye Keita mansas.
The obscure lineages (1389–1545)
From 1389 onwards Mali gained a host of mansas of obscure origins. This is the least known period in Mali's imperial history. What is evident is that there is no steady lineage governing the empire. The other characteristic of this era is the gradual loss of its northern and eastern possessions to the rising Songhai Empire and the movement of the Mali's economic focus from the trans-Saharan trade routes to the burgeoning commerce along the coast.
Sandaki Keita
Mansa Sandaki Keita, a descendant of kankoro-sigui Mari Djata Keita, deposed Maghan Keita II, becoming the first person without any Keita dynastic relation to officially rule Mali.[36] Sandaki Keita should not however be taken to be this person's name but a title. Sandaki likely means High Counsellor or Supreme Counsellor, from san or sanon (meaning "high") and adegue (meaning counsellor).[79] He would only reign a year before a descendant of Mansa Gao Keita removed him.[80]
Maghan Keita III
Mahmud Keita, possibly a grandchild or great-grandchild of Mansa Gao Keita, was crowned Mansa Maghan Keita III in 1390. During his reign, the Mossi emperor Bonga of Yatenga raided into Mali and plundered Macina.[36] Emperor Bonga did not appear to hold the area, and it stayed within the Mali Empire after Maghan Keita III's death in 1400.
Musa Keita III
In the early 15th century, Mali was still powerful enough to conquer and settle new areas. One of these was Dioma, an area south of Niani populated by Fula Wassoulounké.[25] Two noble brothers from Niani, of unknown lineage, went to Dioma with an army and drove out the Fula Wassoulounké. The oldest brother, Sérébandjougou Keita, was crowned Mansa Foamed or Mansa Musa Keita III. His reign saw the first in a string of many great losses to Mali. In 1430, the Tuareg seized Timbuktu.[81] Three years later, Oualata also fell into their hands.[36]
Ouali Keita II
Following Musa Keita III's death, his brother Gbèré Keita became emperor in the mid-15th century.[25] Gbèré Keita was crowned Mansa Ouali Keita II and ruled during the period of Mali's contact with Portugal. In the 1450s, Portugal began sending raiding parties along the Gambian coast.[82] The Gambia was still firmly in Mali's control, and these raiding expeditions met with disastrous fates before Portugal's Diogo Gomes began formal relations with Mali via its remaining Wolof subjects.[83] Alvise Cadamosto, a Venetian explorer, recorded that the Mali Empire was the most powerful entity on the coast in 1454.[83]
Despite their power in the west, Mali was losing the battle for supremacy in the north and northeast. The new Songhai Empire conquered Mema,[36] one of Mali's oldest possessions, in 1465. It then seized Timbuktu from the Tuareg in 1468 under Sunni Ali Ber.[36]
In 1477, the Yatenga emperor Nasséré made yet another Mossi raid into Macina, this time conquering it and the old province of BaGhana (Wagadou).[84]
Mansa Mahmud Keita II
Mansa Mahmud Keita II came to the throne in 1481 during Mali's downward spiral. It is unknown from whom he descended; however, another emperor, Mansa Maghan Keita III, is sometimes cited as Mansa Mahmud Keita I. Still, throne names don't usually indicate blood relations. Mansa Mahmud Keita II's rule was characterised by more losses to Mali's old possessions and increased contact between Mali and Portuguese explorers along the coast. In 1481, Fula raids against Mali's Tekrur provinces began.
The growing trade in Mali's western provinces with Portugal witnessed the exchange of envoys between the two nations. Mansa Mahmud Keita II received the Portuguese envoys Pêro d'Évora and Gonçalo Enes in 1487.[25] The mansa lost control of Jalo during this period.[85] Meanwhile, Songhai seized the salt mines of Taghazza in 1493. That same year, Mahmud II sent another envoy to the Portuguese proposing alliance against the Fula. The Portuguese decided to stay out of the conflict and the talks concluded by 1495 without an alliance.[85]
Mansa Mahmud Keita III

The last mansa to rule from Niani is Mansa Mahmud Keita III, also known as Mansa Mamadou Keita II. He came to power around 1496 and has the dubious honour of being the mansa under which Mali suffered the most losses to its territory.
Songhai forces under the command of Askia Muhammad I defeated the Mali general Fati Quali Keita in 1502 and seized the province of Diafunu.[36] In 1514, the Denianke dynasty was established in Tekrour. It wasn't long before the new kingdom of Great Fulo was warring against Mali's remaining provinces. Additionally, the Songhai Empire seized the copper mines of Takedda.
In 1534, Mahmud Keita III received another Portuguese envoy to the Mali court by the name of Pero Fernandes.[86] This envoy from the Portuguese coastal port of Elmina arrived in response to the growing trade along the coast and Mali's now urgent request for military assistance against Songhai.[87] Still, no help came from the envoy and further possessions of Mali were lost one by one.
Mansa Mahmud Keita III's reign also saw the military outpost and province of Kaabu become independent in 1537.[85] The Kaabu Empire appears as ambitions as Mali was in its early years and conquers Mali's remaining Gambian provinces of Cassa and Bati.[88]
The most defining moment in Mahmud Keita III's reign is arguably the final conflict between Mali and Songhai in 1545. Songhai forces under Askia Ishaq's brother, Daoud, sack Niani and occupy the palace.[89] Mansa Mahmud Keita III is forced to flee Niani for the mountains. Within a week, he regroups with his forces and launches a successful counter-attack forcing the Songhai out of Manden proper for good.[90] The Songhai Empire keeps Mali's ambitions in check, but never fully conquers the empire, their former masters.
After liberating the capital, Mahmud Keita II abandons it for a new residence further north.[90] Still, there is no end to Mali's troubles. In 1559, the kingdom of Fouta Tooro succeeds in taking Takrur.[85] This defeat reduces Mali to Manden proper with control extending only as far as Kita in the west, Kangaba in the north, the Niger River bend in the east and Kouroussa in the south.
Late imperial Mali
Mansa Mahmud III's reign ended around 1559. There seems to have been either a vacancy or unknown ruler between 1559 and the start of the last mansa's reign. A vacancy or rule by a court official seems the most likely, since the next ruler takes the name of Mahmud IV. By 1560, the once powerful empire was not much more than the core of the Manden Kurufaba. The next notable mansa, Mahmud IV, doesn't appear in any records until the end of the 16th century. However, he seems to have the distinction of being the last ruler of a unified Manden. His descendants are blamed for the breakup of the Manden Kurufaba into north, central and southern realms.
Mansa Mahmud Keita IV
Mansa Mahmud Keita IV (also known as Mansa Mamadou Keita II, Mali Mansa Mamadou Keita and Niani Mansa Mamadou Keita) was the last emperor of Manden according to the Tarikh al-Sudan. It states that he launched an attack on the city of Djenné in 1599 with Fulani allies, hoping to take advantage of Songhai's defeat.[91] Moroccan fusiliers, deployed from Timbuktu, met them in battle, exposing Mali to the same technology (firearms) that had destroyed Songhai. Despite heavy losses, the mansa's army was not deterred and nearly carried the day.[91] However, the army inside Djenné intervened, forcing Mansa Mahmud Keita IV and his army to retreat to Kangaba.[87]
Collapse

The mansa's defeat actually won Sundiata Keita the respect of Morocco, and may have saved it from Songhai's fate. It would be the Mandinka themselves that would cause the final destruction of the empire. Around 1610, Mahmud Keita IV died. Oral tradition states that he had three sons who fought over Manden's remains. No single Keita ever ruled Manden after Mahmud Keita IV's death, resulting in the end of the Mali Empire.[92]
Manden divided
The old core of the empire was divided into three spheres of influence. Kangaba, the de facto capital of Manden since the time of the last emperor, became the capital of the northern sphere. The Joma area, governed from Siguiri, controlled the central region, which encompassed Niani. Hamana (or Amana), southwest of Joma, became the southern sphere, with its capital at Kouroussa in modern Guinea.[92] Each ruler used the title of mansa, but their authority only extended as far as their own sphere of influence. Despite this disunity in the realm, the realm remained under Mandinka control into the mid-17th century. The three states warred with each other as much, if not more, than they did against outsiders, but rivalries generally stopped when faced with invasion. This trend would continue into colonial times against Tukulor enemies from the west.[93]
The Bamana jihad
Then, in 1630, the Bamana of Djenné declared their version of holy war on all Muslim powers in present-day Mali.[94] They targeted Moroccan pashas still in Timbuktu and the mansas of Manden. In 1645, the Bamana attacked Manden, seizing both banks of the Niger right up to Niani.[94] This campaign gutted Manden and destroyed any hope of the three mansas cooperating to free their land. The only Mandinka power spared from the campaign was Kangaba.
Sack of Niani
Mama Maghan, mansa of Kangaba, campaigned against the Bamana in 1667 and laid siege to Segou–Koro for a reported three years.[95] Segou, defended by Bitòn Coulibaly, successfully defended itself and Mama Maghan was forced to withdraw.[95] Either as a counter-attack or simply the progression of pre-planned assaults against the remnants of Mali, the Bamana sacked and burned Niani in 1670.[94] Their forces marched as far north as Kangaba, where the mansa was obliged to make a peace with them, promising not to attack downstream of Mali. The Bamana, likewise, vowed not to advance farther upstream than Niamina.[96] Following this disastrous set of events, Mansa Mama Maghan abandoned the capital of Niani.
See also
African empires
Gbara
Keita Dynasty
Kouroukan Fouga
Military history of the Mali Empire
Segou Empire
Songhai Empire
List of Sunni Muslim dynasties
Bambuk Goldfield

Sources

 First published in 1981 by Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-22422-5.

Further reading

 — BBC World Service
 — excerpts from H. A. R. Gibb's translation

List of medieval great powers

What modern-day countries are in the geographical region once covered by the Mali Empire?


Parallax (fromAncient Greekπαράλλαξις (parallaxis), meaning 'alternation') is a displacement or difference in the apparent position of an object viewed along two different lines of sight, and is measured by the angle or semi-angle of inclination between those two lines.[1][2] Due to foreshortening, nearby objects show a larger parallax than farther objects when observed from different positions, so parallax can be used to determine distances.
To measure large distances, such as the distance of a planet or a star from Earth, astronomers use the principle of parallax. Here, the term parallax is the semi-angle of inclination between two sight-lines to the star, as observed when Earth is on opposite sides of the Sun in its orbit.[3] These distances form the lowest rung of what is called "the cosmic distance ladder", the first in a succession of methods by which astronomers determine the distances to celestial objects, serving as a basis for other distance measurements in astronomy forming the higher rungs of the ladder.
Parallax also affects optical instruments such as rifle scopes, binoculars, microscopes, and twin-lens reflex cameras that view objects from slightly different angles. Many animals, including humans, have two eyes with overlapping visual fields that use parallax to gain depth perception; this process is known as stereopsis. In computer vision the effect is used for computer stereo vision, and there is a device called a parallax rangefinder that uses it to find range, and in some variations also altitude to a target.
A simple everyday example of parallax can be seen in the dashboard of motor vehicles that use a needle-style speedometer gauge. When viewed from directly in front, the speed may show exactly 60; but when viewed from the passenger seat the needle may appear to show a slightly different speed, due to the angle of viewing.
Visual perception

As the eyes of humans and other animals are in different positions on the head, they present different views simultaneously. This is the basis of stereopsis, the process by which the brain exploits the parallax due to the different views from the eye to gain depth perception and estimate distances to objects.[4] Animals also use motion parallax, in which the animals (or just the head) move to gain different viewpoints. For example, pigeons (whose eyes do not have overlapping fields of view and thus cannot use stereopsis) bob their heads up and down to see depth.[5]
The motion parallax is exploited also in wiggle stereoscopy, computer graphics which provide depth cues through viewpoint-shifting animation rather than through binocular vision.
Astronomy

Parallax arises due to change in viewpoint occurring due to motion of the observer, of the observed, or of both. What is essential is relative motion. By observing parallax, measuring angles, and using geometry, one can determine distance. Astronomers also use the word "parallax" as a synonym for "distance measurement" by other methods: see parallax (disambiguation)#Astronomy.
Stellar parallax

Stellar parallax created by the relative motion between the Earth and a star can be seen, in the Copernican model, as arising from the orbit of the Earth around the Sun: the star only appears to move relative to more distant objects in the sky. In a geostatic model, the movement of the star would have to be taken as real with the star oscillating across the sky with respect to the background stars.
Stellar parallax is most often measured using annual parallax, defined as the difference in position of a star as seen from the Earth and Sun, i.e. the angle subtended at a star by the mean radius of the Earth's orbit around the Sun. The parsec (3.26 light-years) is defined as the distance for which the annual parallax is 1arcsecond. Annual parallax is normally measured by observing the position of a star at different times of the year as the Earth moves through its orbit. Measurement of annual parallax was the first reliable way to determine the distances to the closest stars. The first successful measurements of stellar parallax were made by Friedrich Bessel in 1838 for the star 61Cygni using a heliometer.[6] Stellar parallax remains the standard for calibrating other measurement methods. Accurate calculations of distance based on stellar parallax require a measurement of the distance from the Earth to the Sun, now based on radar reflection off the surfaces of planets.[7]
The angles involved in these calculations are very small and thus difficult to measure. The nearest star to the Sun (and thus the star with the largest parallax), Proxima Centauri, has a parallax of 0.7687±0.0003arcsec.[8] This angle is approximately that subtended by an object 2 centimeters in diameter located 5.3 kilometers away.

The fact that stellar parallax was so small that it was unobservable at the time was used as the main scientific argument against heliocentrism during the early modern age. It is clear from Euclid's geometry that the effect would be undetectable if the stars were far enough away, but for various reasons such gigantic distances involved seemed entirely implausible: it was one of Tycho's principal objections to Copernican heliocentrism that in order for it to be compatible with the lack of observable stellar parallax, there would have to be an enormous and unlikely void between the orbit of Saturn (then the most distant known planet) and the eighth sphere (the fixed stars).[10]
In 1989, the satellite Hipparcos was launched primarily for obtaining improved parallaxes and proper motions for over 100,000 nearby stars, increasing the reach of the method tenfold. Even so, Hipparcos is only able to measure parallax angles for stars up to about 1,600 light-years away, a little more than one percent of the diameter of the Milky Way Galaxy. The European Space Agency's Gaia mission, launched in December 2013, will be able to measure parallax angles to an accuracy of 10 microarcseconds, thus mapping nearby stars (and potentially planets) up to a distance of tens of thousands of light-years from Earth.[11][12] In April 2014, NASA astronomers reported that the Hubble Space Telescope, by using spatial scanning, can now precisely measure distances up to 10,000 light-years away, a ten-fold improvement over earlier measurements.[9]
Distance measurement

Distance measurement by parallax is a special case of the principle of triangulation, which states that one can solve for all the sides and angles in a network of triangles if, in addition to all the angles in the network, the length of at least one side has been measured. Thus, the careful measurement of the length of one baseline can fix the scale of an entire triangulation network. In parallax, the triangle is extremely long and narrow, and by measuring both its shortest side (the motion of the observer) and the small top angle (always less than 1 arcsecond,[6] leaving the other two close to 90 degrees), the length of the long sides (in practice considered to be equal) can be determined.
Assuming the angle is small (see derivation below), the distance to an object (measured in parsecs) is the reciprocal of the parallax (measured in arcseconds):

d
(

p
c

)
=
1

/

p
(

a
r
c
s
e
c

)
.

{\displaystyle d(\mathrm {pc} )=1/p(\mathrm {arcsec} ).}

 For example, the distance to Proxima Centauri is 1/0.7687=1.3009 parsecs (4.243ly).[8]
Diurnal parallax
Diurnal parallax is a parallax that varies with rotation of the Earth or with difference of location on the Earth. The Moon and to a smaller extent the terrestrial planets or asteroids seen from different viewing positions on the Earth (at one given moment) can appear differently placed against the background of fixed stars.[13][14]
Lunar parallax

Lunar parallax (often short for lunar horizontal parallax or lunar equatorial horizontal parallax), is a special case of (diurnal) parallax: the Moon, being the nearest celestial body, has by far the largest maximum parallax of any celestial body, it can exceed 1 degree.[15]
The diagram (above) for stellar parallax can illustrate lunar parallax as well, if the diagram is taken to be scaled right down and slightly modified. Instead of 'near star', read 'Moon', and instead of taking the circle at the bottom of the diagram to represent the size of the Earth's orbit around the Sun, take it to be the size of the Earth's globe, and of a circle around the Earth's surface. Then, the lunar (horizontal) parallax amounts to the difference in angular position, relative to the background of distant stars, of the Moon as seen from two different viewing positions on the Earth: one of the viewing positions is the place from which the Moon can be seen directly overhead at a given moment (that is, viewed along the vertical line in the diagram); and the other viewing position is a place from which the Moon can be seen on the horizon at the same moment (that is, viewed along one of the diagonal lines, from an Earth-surface position corresponding roughly to one of the blue dots on the modified diagram).
The lunar (horizontal) parallax can alternatively be defined as the angle subtended at the distance of the Moon by the radius of the Earth[16]—equal to angle p in the diagram when scaled-down and modified as mentioned above.
The lunar horizontal parallax at any time depends on the linear distance of the Moon from the Earth. The Earth–Moon linear distance varies continuously as the Moon follows its perturbed and approximately elliptical orbit around the Earth. The range of the variation in linear distance is from about 56 to 63.7 Earth radii, corresponding to horizontal parallax of about a degree of arc, but ranging from about 61.4' to about 54'.[15] The Astronomical Almanac and similar publications tabulate the lunar horizontal parallax and/or the linear distance of the Moon from the Earth on a periodical e.g. daily basis for the convenience of astronomers (and formerly, of navigators), and the study of the way in which this coordinate varies with time forms part of lunar theory.

Parallax can also be used to determine the distance to the Moon.
One way to determine the lunar parallax from one location is by using a lunar eclipse. A full shadow of the Earth on the Moon has an apparent radius of curvature equal to the difference between the apparent radii of the Earth and the Sun as seen from the Moon. This radius can be seen to be equal to 0.75 degree, from which (with the solar apparent radius 0.25 degree) we get an Earth apparent radius of 1 degree. This yields for the Earth–Moon distance 60.27 Earth radii or 384,399 kilometres (238,854mi) This procedure was first used by Aristarchus of Samos[17] and Hipparchus, and later found its way into the work of Ptolemy.[18] The diagram at the right shows how daily lunar parallax arises on the geocentric and geostatic planetary model in which the Earth is at the centre of the planetary system and does not rotate. It also illustrates the important point that parallax need not be caused by any motion of the observer, contrary to some definitions of parallax that say it is, but may arise purely from motion of the observed.
Another method is to take two pictures of the Moon at exactly the same time from two locations on Earth and compare the positions of the Moon relative to the stars. Using the orientation of the Earth, those two position measurements, and the distance between the two locations on the Earth, the distance to the Moon can be triangulated:

d
i
s
t
a
n
c
e

m
o
o
n

=

d
i
s
t
a
n
c
e

o
b
s
e
r
v
e
r
b
a
s
e

tan

(

a
n
g
l
e

)

{\displaystyle \mathrm {distance} _{\mathrm {moon} }={\frac {\mathrm {distance} _{\mathrm {observerbase} }}{\tan(\mathrm {angle} )}}}

This is the method referred to by Jules Verne in From the Earth to the Moon: Until then, many people had no idea how one could calculate the distance separating the Moon from the Earth. The circumstance was exploited to teach them that this distance was obtained by measuring the parallax of the Moon. If the word parallax appeared to amaze them, they were told that it was the angle subtended by two straight lines running from both ends of the Earth's radius to the Moon. If they had doubts on the perfection of this method, they were immediately shown that not only did this mean distance amount to a whole two hundred thirty-four thousand three hundred and forty-seven miles (94,330 leagues), but also that the astronomers were not in error by more than seventy miles (≈ 30 leagues).
Solar parallax
After Copernicus proposed his heliocentric system, with the Earth in revolution around the Sun, it was possible to build a model of the whole Solar System without scale. To ascertain the scale, it is necessary only to measure one distance within the Solar System, e.g., the mean distance from the Earth to the Sun (now called an astronomical unit, or AU). When found by triangulation, this is referred to as the solar parallax, the difference in position of the Sun as seen from the Earth's centre and a point one Earth radius away, i.e., the angle subtended at the Sun by the Earth's mean radius. Knowing the solar parallax and the mean Earth radius allows one to calculate the AU, the first, small step on the long road of establishing the size and expansion age[19] of the visible Universe.
A primitive way to determine the distance to the Sun in terms of the distance to the Moon was already proposed by Aristarchus of Samos in his book On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon. He noted that the Sun, Moon, and Earth form a right triangle (with the right angle at the Moon) at the moment of first or last quarter moon. He then estimated that the Moon, Earth, Sun angle was 87°. Using correct geometry but inaccurate observational data, Aristarchus concluded that the Sun was slightly less than 20 times farther away than the Moon. The true value of this angle is close to 89° 50', and the Sun is actually about 390 times farther away.[17] He pointed out that the Moon and Sun have nearly equal apparent angular sizes and therefore their diameters must be in proportion to their distances from Earth. He thus concluded that the Sun was around 20 times larger than the Moon; this conclusion, although incorrect, follows logically from his incorrect data. It does suggest that the Sun is clearly larger than the Earth, which could be taken to support the heliocentric model.[20]

Although Aristarchus' results were incorrect due to observational errors, they were based on correct geometric principles of parallax, and became the basis for estimates of the size of the Solar System for almost 2000 years, until the transit of Venus was correctly observed in 1761 and 1769.[17] This method was proposed by Edmond Halley in 1716, although he did not live to see the results. The use of Venus transits was less successful than had been hoped due to the black drop effect, but the resulting estimate, 153 million kilometers, is just 2% above the currently accepted value, 149.6 million kilometers.
Much later, the Solar System was "scaled" using the parallax of asteroids, some of which, such as Eros, pass much closer to Earth than Venus. In a favourable opposition, Eros can approach the Earth to within 22million kilometres.[21] Both the opposition of 1901 and that of 1930/1931 were used for this purpose, the calculations of the latter determination being completed by Astronomer Royal Sir Harold Spencer Jones.[22]
Also radar reflections, both off Venus (1958) and off asteroids, like Icarus, have been used for solar parallax determination. Today, use of spacecraft telemetry links has solved this old problem. The currently accepted value of solar parallax is 8".794 143.[23]
Dynamical or moving-cluster parallax

The open stellar cluster Hyades in Taurus extends over such a large part of the sky, 20 degrees, that the proper motions as derived from astrometry appear to converge with some precision to a perspective point north of Orion. Combining the observed apparent (angular) proper motion in seconds of arc with the also observed true (absolute) receding motion as witnessed by the Doppler redshift of the stellar spectral lines, allows estimation of the distance to the cluster (151 light-years) and its member stars in much the same way as using annual parallax.[24]
Dynamical parallax has sometimes also been used to determine the distance to a supernova, when the optical wave front of the outburst is seen to propagate through the surrounding dust clouds at an apparent angular velocity, while its true propagation velocity is known to be the speed of light.[25]
Derivation
For a right triangle,

tan

p
=

1

 AU

d

,

{\displaystyle \tan p={\frac {1{\text{ AU}}}{d}},}

where

p

{\displaystyle p}

 is the parallax, 1AU (149,600,000km) is approximately the average distance from the Sun to Earth, and

d

{\displaystyle d}

 is the distance to the star.
Using small-angle approximations (valid when the angle is small compared to 1 radian),

tan

x
≈
x

 radians

=
x
⋅

180
π

 degrees

=
x
⋅
180
⋅

3600
π

 arcseconds

,

{\displaystyle \tan x\approx x{\text{ radians}}=x\cdot {\frac {180}{\pi }}{\text{ degrees}}=x\cdot 180\cdot {\frac {3600}{\pi }}{\text{ arcseconds}},}

so the parallax, measured in arcseconds, is

p
″

≈

1

 AU

d

⋅
180
⋅

3600
π

.

{\displaystyle p''\approx {\frac {1{\text{ AU}}}{d}}\cdot 180\cdot {\frac {3600}{\pi }}.}

If the parallax is 1", then the distance is

d
=
1

 AU

⋅
180
⋅

3600
π

≈
206
,
265

 AU

≈
3.2616

 ly

≡
1

 parsec

.

{\displaystyle d=1{\text{ AU}}\cdot 180\cdot {\frac {3600}{\pi }}\approx 206,265{\text{ AU}}\approx 3.2616{\text{ ly}}\equiv 1{\text{ parsec}}.}

This defines the parsec, a convenient unit for measuring distance using parallax. Therefore, the distance, measured in parsecs, is simply

d
=
1

/

p

{\displaystyle d=1/p}

, when the parallax is given in arcseconds.[26]
Error
Precise parallax measurements of distance have an associated error. However this error in the measured parallax angle does not translate directly into an error for the distance, except for relatively small errors. The reason for this is that an error toward a smaller angle results in a greater error in distance than an error toward a larger angle.
However, an approximation of the distance error can be computed by

δ
d
=
δ

(

1
p

)

=

|

∂

∂
p

(

1
p

)

|

δ
p
=

δ
p

p

2

{\displaystyle \delta d=\delta \left({1 \over p}\right)=\left|{\partial  \over \partial p}\left({1 \over p}\right)\right|\delta p={\delta p \over p^{2}}}

where d is the distance and p is the parallax. The approximation is far more accurate for parallax errors that are small relative to the parallax than for relatively large errors. For meaningful results in stellar astronomy, Dutch astronomer Floor van Leeuwen recommends that the parallax error be no more than 10% of the total parallax when computing this error estimate.[27]
Spatio-temporal parallax
From enhanced relativistic positioning systems, spatio-temporal parallax generalizing the usual notion of parallax in space only has been developed. Then, eventfields in spacetime can be deduced directly without intermediate models of light bending by massive bodies such as the one used in the PPN formalism for instance.[28]
Metrology

Measurements made by viewing the position of some marker relative to something to be measured are subject to parallax error if the marker is some distance away from the object of measurement and not viewed from the correct position. For example, if measuring the distance between two ticks on a line with a ruler marked on its top surface, the thickness of the ruler will separate its markings from the ticks. If viewed from a position not exactly perpendicular to the ruler, the apparent position will shift and the reading will be less accurate than the ruler is capable of.
A similar error occurs when reading the position of a pointer against a scale in an instrument such as an analog multimeter. To help the user avoid this problem, the scale is sometimes printed above a narrow strip of mirror, and the user's eye is positioned so that the pointer obscures its own reflection, guaranteeing that the user's line of sight is perpendicular to the mirror and therefore to the scale. The same effect alters the speed read on a car's speedometer by a driver in front of it and a passenger off to the side, values read from a graticule not in actual contact with the display on an oscilloscope, etc.
Photogrammetry
Aerial picture pairs, when viewed through a stereo viewer, offer a pronounced stereo effect of landscape and buildings. High buildings appear to 'keel over' in the direction away from the centre of the photograph. Measurements of this parallax are used to deduce the height of the buildings, provided that flying height and baseline distances are known. This is a key component to the process of photogrammetry.
Photography

Parallax error can be seen when taking photos with many types of cameras, such as twin-lens reflex cameras and those including viewfinders (such as rangefinder cameras). In such cameras, the eye sees the subject through different optics (the viewfinder, or a second lens) than the one through which the photo is taken. As the viewfinder is often found above the lens of the camera, photos with parallax error are often slightly lower than intended, the classic example being the image of person with his or her head cropped off. This problem is addressed in single-lens reflex cameras, in which the viewfinder sees through the same lens through which the photo is taken (with the aid of a movable mirror), thus avoiding parallax error.
Parallax is also an issue in image stitching, such as for panoramas.
Sights
Parallax affects sighting devices of ranged weapons in many ways.  On sights fitted on small arms and bows, etc. the perpendicular distance between the sight and the weapon's launch axis (e.g. the bore axis of a gun) — generally referred to as "sight height" — can induce significant aiming errors when shooting at close range, particularly when shooting at small targets.[29]  This parallax error is compensated for (when needed) via calculations that also take in other variables such as bullet drop, windage, and the distance at which the target is expected to be.[30]  Sight height can be used to advantage when "sighting-in" rifles for field use.  A typical hunting rifle (.222 with telescopic sights) sighted-in at 75m will still be useful from 50m to 200m without needing further adjustment.
Optical sights

In some reticled optical instruments such as telescopes, microscopes or in telescopic sights ("scopes") used on small arms and theodolites, parallax can create problems with aiming when the reticle is not coincident with the focal plane of the target image.  This is because when the reticle and the target are not at the same focus, the optically corresponded distances being projected through the eyepiece are also different, and the user's eye will register the difference in parallaxes between the reticle and the target (whenever eye position changes) as a relative displacement on top of each other.  The term parallax shift refers to that resultant apparent "floating" movements of the reticle over the target image when the user moves his/her head laterally (up/down or left/right) behind the sight,[31] i.e. an error where the reticle does not stay aligned with the user's optical axis.
Some firearm scopes are equipped with a parallax compensation mechanism, which basically consists of a movable optical element that enables the optical system to shift the focus of the target image at varying distances into the exact same optical plane of the reticle (or vice versa).  Many low-tier telescopic sights may have no parallax compensation because in practice they can still perform very acceptably without eliminating parallax shift, in which case the scope is often set fixed at a designated parallax-free distance that best suits their intended usage.  Typical standard factory parallax-free distances for hunting scopes are 100yd (or 100m) to make them suited for hunting shots that rarely exceed 300yd/m.  Some competition and military-style scopes without parallax compensation may be adjusted to be parallax free at ranges up to 300yd/m to make them better suited for aiming at longer ranges.  Scopes for guns with shorter practical ranges, such as airguns, rimfire rifles, shotguns and muzzleloaders, will have parallax settings for shorter distances, commonly 50yd/m for rimfire scopes and 100yd/m for shotguns and muzzleloaders. Airgun scopes are very often found with adjustable parallax, usually in the form of an adjustable objective (or "AO" for short) design, and may adjust down to as near as 3 yards (2.7 metres).
Non-magnifying reflector or "reflex" sights have the ability to be theoretically "parallax free." But since these sights use parallel collimated light this is only true when the target is at infinity. At finite distances eye movement perpendicular to the device will cause parallax movement in the reticle image in exact relationship to eye position in the cylindrical column of light created by the collimating optics.[32][33] Firearm sights, such as some red dot sights, try to correct for this via not focusing the reticle at infinity, but instead at some finite distance, a designed target range where the reticle will show very little movement due to parallax.[32] Some manufactures market reflector sight models they call "parallax free,"[34] but this refers to an optical system that compensates for off axis spherical aberration, an optical error induced by the spherical mirror used in the sight that can cause the reticle position to diverge off the sight's optical axis with change in eye position.[35][36]
Artillery gunfire
Because of the positioning of field or naval artillery guns, each one has a slightly different perspective of the target relative to the location of the fire-control system itself. Therefore, when aiming its guns at the target, the fire control system must compensate for parallax in order to assure that fire from each gun converges on the target.
Rangefinders

A coincidence rangefinder or parallax rangefinder can be used to find distance to a target.
As a metaphor
In a philosophic/geometric sense: an apparent change in the direction of an object, caused by a change in observational position that provides a new line of sight. The apparent displacement, or difference of position, of an object, as seen from two different stations, or points of view. In contemporary writing parallax can also be the same story, or a similar story from approximately the same time line, from one book told from a different perspective in another book. The word and concept feature prominently in James Joyce's 1922 novel, Ulysses. Orson Scott Card also used the term when referring to Ender's Shadow as compared to Ender's Game.
The metaphor is invoked by Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Žižek in his work The Parallax View, borrowing the concept of "parallax view" from the Japanese philosopher and literary critic Kojin Karatani. Žižek notes,
The philosophical twist to be added (to parallax), of course, is that the observed distance is not simply subjective, since the same object that exists 'out there' is seen from two different stances, or points of view. It is rather that, as Hegel would have put it, subject and object are inherently mediated so that an 'epistemological' shift in the subject's point of view always reflects an ontological shift in the object itself. Or—to put it in Lacanese—the subject's gaze is always-already inscribed into the perceived object itself, in the guise of its 'blind spot,' that which is 'in the object more than object itself', the point from which the object itself returns the gaze. Sure the picture is in my eye, but I am also in the picture.[37]—Slavoj Žižek, The Parallax View

See also
Disparity
Lutz Kelker bias
Parallax mapping, in computer graphics
Parallax scrolling, in computer graphics
Refraction, a visually similar principle caused by water, etc.
Spectroscopic parallax
Triangulation, wherein a point is calculated given its angles from other known points
Trilateration, wherein a point is calculated given its distances from other known points
Trigonometry
Xallarap
Notes

.
.

BBC's  programme: Patrick Moore demonstrates Parallax using Cricket. (Requires RealPlayer)
Berkeley Center for Cosmological Physics
 on an educational website, including a quick estimate of distance based on parallax using eyes and a thumb only

How do you find a parallax for finding distance of stars?