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The Basic Law of Hong Kong stipulates that Chinese and English are the two official languages of Hong Kong.[1] During the British colonial era, English was the sole official language until 1974. As the majority of the population in Hong Kong are descendants of migrants from China's Canton Province, the vast majority speak standard Cantonese or other Yue Chinese varieties as a first language, with smaller numbers of speakers of Hakka Language or the Teochew dialect of Southern Min. In addition, immigrants and expatriates from the West and other Asian countries have contributed much to Hong Kong's linguistic and demographic diversity.
Official languages

Chinese and English are both official languages of Hong Kong under the Hong Kong Basic Law (article 9) and the Official Languages Ordinance (chapter 5 of the Laws of Hong Kong).  No law stipulates choice of spoken Chinese dialect.
Historically, English was the sole official language of Hong Kong from 1883 to 1974. Only after demonstrations and petitions from Hong Kong people demanding equal status for Chinese[4] did the language become official in Hong Kong from 1974 onward. In March 1987, the Official Languages Ordinance was amended to require all new legislation to be enacted bilingually in both English and Chinese. In 1990, the Hong Kong Basic Law declared English's co-official language status with Chinese after the 1997 handover.
Chinese
As a result of immigration into Hong Kong from Canton Province, Cantonese is the dominant Chinese variant spoken in the territory with smaller numbers of speakers from other dialects. There are also numerous sinitic languages spoken by the native peoples of the New Territories, many of which are mutually unintelligible. Cantonese is a vernacular and when reduced to writing is normally converted to a standard written Chinese quite dissimilar to the spoken word.
There is also a written language based on the vocabulary and grammar of spoken Cantonese known as written Cantonese.  Although the "biliterate and trilingual" policy implies an absence of support for written Cantonese, it has gained popularity in news media where entertainment and local news are related. Written Cantonese is unintelligible to non-Cantonese speakers and is considered nonstandard by educators despite its widespread usage in Hong Kong. Some have also credited written Cantonese for solving the challenges that standard written Chinese had faced in popular culture.
Traditional Chinese characters are widely used, and are the de facto writing standard in Hong Kong.  Simplified Chinese is seen in some posters, leaflets, flyers and signs in the tourist areas.
Cantonese

The principal language of Hong Kong is standard Cantonese (粵語, 廣州話, 廣東話, 廣府話, 白話, 本地話),[5] spoken by 88.9% of the population at home daily. As an official language, it is used in education, broadcasting, government administration, legislation and judiciary, as well as for daily communication. As a result of its predominance throughout the community, Cantonese is virtually the exclusive language of official discourse at all levels of the executive, legislature and courts of Hong Kong.

Native Yue dialects
A few closely related dialects to standard Cantonese continue to be spoken in Hong Kong. Most notable is the Weitou dialect (圍頭話), which is mostly spoken by the older generation living in walled villages in New Territories. Additionally, the Tanka people (蜑家人/疍家人/水上人) from the fishing villages on outlying islands speak their own variant of Cantonese. However, this dialect is now largely limited to those middle aged and above.
Hakka
Hakka is indigenous to many villages in the New Territories and within Hakka communities in Hong Kong. Nowadays, outside these rural villages and older populations, younger Hakka Chinese populations communicate primarily in Cantonese.[6][7]
Minnan Chinese
Teochew, Hokkien, and Taiwanese are the Minnan (Southern Min) Chinese dialects commonly found in Hong Kong. However, their usage is largely limited to recent migrants from Taiwan or Fujian and middle aged descendants of immigrants from native Chinese regions of these variants.
Languages of mainland Chinese origin
Taishanese
Taishanese originates from migrants from Taishan County in Mainland China. The variant can still be found in some areas in Hong Kong where migrants concentrated, such as Sai Wan.
Shanghainese
Shanghainese is commonly spoken by migrants who escaped Shanghai after the communist takeover of China in 1949. Their descendants seldom speak the language nowadays.
Mandarin
When Hong Kong was a colony of the United Kingdom, Mandarin Chinese (普通話/現代標準漢語/國語/北方話) was not widely used in Hong Kong.  Since the 1997 Handover, the huge increase in inbound tourism from the mainland has led to much more widespread use of Mandarin, particularly in tourism-related commerce, though little impact has been seen in locally based commerce or public services. In addition, the large number of shuangfei (Traditional:雙非, Simplified:双非） children (children born in Hong Kong whose parents are both from the Mainland) has increased the number of Mandarin speaking people, particularly in districts close to the border, such that Mandarin speaking children make up large proportions or even the majority of primary school students in those districts, causing the beginnings of a language shift in those areas.
English

English is a major working language in Hong Kong, and is widely used in commercial activities and legal matters. Although the sovereignty of Hong Kong was transferred to the PRC by the United Kingdom in 1997, English remains one of the official languages of Hong Kong as enshrined in the Basic Law.
Code-switching between Cantonese and English

Many Hong Kong people use both Cantonese and English, or "code-switch", in the same sentence when speaking. For example, "唓，都唔 make sense!" ("Wow, it does not make sense!"). The code-switching can freely mix English words and Chinese grammar, for instance "你 un 唔 understand?" ("Do you understand?") which follows the Chinese grammar syntax 'verb - not - verb' to ask "Do you (verb)?".
Some code-switched words are used so often that they have become loanwords in Cantonese,[8] for example,
"like", pronounced "lai-kee" /laːi55kʰi35/.
"Partner", pronounced "pat-la" /pʰaːt̚55laː21/.
"File", pronounced "fai-lo" /faːi55lou35/.
"Number", pronounced "lum-ba" /lɐm55pa35/.
"Case", pronounced "kei-see" /kʰei55si35/.
Other European languages
French
In Hong Kong, French is the second most studied foreign language after Japanese. Many institutions in Hong Kong, like Alliance française, provide French courses. Local universities, such as the University of Hong Kong, the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Hong Kong Baptist University, offer programmes which aim at developing proficiency in French language and culture. The language is included as a subject in the HKCEE, but not in HKALE with accordance to British International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE) standards. The IGCSE French syllabus used by the University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate (UCLES) is adopted in the examination. The only French book store, Librairie Parentheses, in Hong Kong is located on Wellington Street, Central.[9]
Real estate developers in Hong Kong often give their buildings French names, such as Bel-Air, Les Saisons and Belle Mer. This kind of foreign branding is also used in boutiques and restaurants. An example is Yucca de Lac in Ma Liu Shui. Sometimes only French elements such as articles and prepositions are added to the name, as in the case of the restaurant chain Café de Coral. Similar mixing of English and French can be seen on the menu of Délifrance, a French-style restaurant chain in Hong Kong.
German
The number of German speakers in Hong Kong is about 5000, significant enough for the establishment of the German Swiss International School (Deutsch-Schweizerische Internationale Schule), which claims to number more than 1,000 students, at The Peak of Hong Kong Island.[10] Many institutions in Hong Kong provide German courses. The most well-known one is the Goethe-Institut, which is located in Wan Chai. After spending a certain period in learning German, students can take the German Test as a Foreign Language (Test Deutsch als Fremdsprache; TestDaF for short) and Start German A1-C2. There are currently two test centres for TestDaF in Hong Kong: the Goethe-Institut and the Hong Kong Baptist University. The latter one also offers a European Studies degree course of German Stream, Bachelor of Social Science in European Studies (German Stream), in parallel with the French stream. A minor program of German is offered at the Language Centre of HKBU. The Hong Kong University offers a Major in German after 4 years of study. The Chinese University offers a Minor in German and popular summer courses. The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology offers German for science and technology.
Other East Asian languages
Japanese

There are over 25,000 Japanese people in Hong Kong, so it is not uncommon to hear Japanese conversations. More than 10,000 people in Hong Kong had taken the JLPT in 2005.[11] Hong Kong-based R by R Production produces a television travel show set in Japan, which, as of April 2016, is broadcast on ViuTV. However, the language is often misused.[12]

Japanese culture, especially the popular culture, has been popular in Hong Kong for decades. Hong Kong people occasionally replace Chinese characters with Japanese. In addition, the Companies Registry also permits the hiragana の ‘no’ in Chinese business names that are registered in Hong Kong.[13] The hiragana の is usually used in place of the Chinese character 之 (zi1) and read as such in Hong Kong. In fact, Aji Ichiban has adopted の in their company name (優の良品). There are also borrowings from Japanese shinjitai kanji 駅 ‘eki’ to substitute 站 (Sidney Lau:jaam6)(both 站 and 駅 mean "station" in their respective languages), as in Nu Front (東角駅), a shopping mall for Hong Kong youngsters in Causeway Bay. There are also some private estates named with the kanji 駅. These loanwords are pronounced by Hong Kong people as if they were their Chinese counterparts (i.e. の as 之, and 駅 as 站). The Japanese 駅 is the shinjitai of the hanzi 驛 (Sidney Lau:yik6). However, 驛 has fallen out of usage to 站 in modern Chinese and became obsolete. Therefore, it is not uncommon to mispronounce 駅 as its phonetic compound 尺(Sidney Lau:chek3)).
Korean

Koreans in Hong Kong only make up a small minority while Korean culture has gained popularity since the early 2000s. Korean pop music was the first Korean media to enter Hong Kong's market. Since then, several Korean TV series such as Dae Jang Geum have been broadcast to numerous audiences.[14] There are roughly 1,000 students that took Korean courses at the Chinese University of Hong Kong each year, including undergraduates as well as professionals who enrolled in continuing education programs. Roughly 3,000 people have taken the Test of Proficiency in Korean since its introduction to Hong Kong in 2003.[15] Surveys and statistics from course enrollments have shown that nine-tenths of the students studying Korean in Hong Kong are female.[16]
Southeast Asian languages
Filipino

Filipino and other Philippine languages are used by Filipinos in Hong Kong, most of whom are employed as foreign domestic workers.
Newspapers and magazines in Filipino can also be easily bought in Central, Hong Kong. There are also a small number of churches in Hong Kong that have masses or services in Filipino, for example the afternoon masses provided by the St. John's Cathedral in Central.
Indonesian

Indonesian is the common language for the significant number of Indonesians working in Hong Kong, though Javanese is also widely spoken. Most are domestic workers; on their days off, they often gather at Victoria Park in Causeway Bay to socialise and the language can be heard.[17]
Thai

Thai prevails among the Thai population in Hong Kong, who mostly work as domestic workers.  The Thai language is found in many shops and restaurants opened by Thais in Kowloon City. A number of Thai movies have been imported since the early 2000s, such as The Wheel in the medley Three, Jan Dara, the Iron Ladies, My Little Girl, and Ong-Bak: Muay Thai Warrior and Tom-Yum-Goong starring Tony Jaa.
Vietnamese

Vietnamese is used in Hong Kong among the ethnic Chinese from Vietnam who had initially settled in Vietnam and returned to Hong Kong. Vietnamese refugees who left their home during the Vietnam War are another group.
South Asian languages

In 2006, there were at least 44,744 persons of South Asian descent in Hong Kong.[18] Signboards written in Hindi or Urdu can be seen, and conversation in South Asian languages including Nepali, Sindhi and Punjabi, as well as Urdu, Hindi and Tamil can be heard.
Hong Kong has two Nepalese newspapers, The Everest and the Sunrise Weekly Hong Kong. In 2004, the Home Affairs Bureau and Metro Plus AM 1044 jointly launched radio shows Hong Kong-Pak Tonight in Urdu and Harmo Sagarmatha in Nepalese.[19]
Hindi
The history of Indians in Hong Kong can be traced back to the early days of British Hong Kong. When the Union flag of the United Kingdom was hoisted on 26 January 1841, there were around 2,700 Indian troops that participated, and they played an important role in the development of Hong Kong in the early days. The most prominent contributions were the founding of the University of Hong Kong (HKU), the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC) and the Star Ferry.
Although nearly all of the Indian people who live in Hong Kong speak and write Indian English, some have maintained the usage of Hindi as a second language.
Middle Eastern languages
Arabic
Arabic is used frequently among members of Muslim communities in Hong Kong. Some Islamic organisations do teach the language as well, but the current status can best be described as up-and-coming.[20]
Sign language

See also
Bilingualism in Hong Kong
Code-switching in Hong Kong
Debate on traditional and simplified Chinese characters
Hong Kong Cantonese
Hong Kong English

Bibliography
Bruce, Nigel (1996).
Pennington, Martha C. ed. (1998). Language in Hong Kong at Century's End. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. ISBN962-209-418-X.

, Civil Service Bureau.
, Hong Kong.
, Hong Kong.
, Hong Kong
, Hong Kong.

What is the primary language in Hong Kong?


Salsa is a popular form of social dance originating from Cuban folk dances. The movements of Salsa are a combination of Afro-Cuban dance, Son, cha-cha-cha, mambo  and other dance forms. The dance, along with salsa music,[1][2][3] saw major development in the mid-1970s in New York.[4] Different regions of Latin America and the United States have distinct salsa styles of their own, such as Cuban, Puerto Rican, Cali Colombia,  L.A. and New York styles. Salsa dance socials are commonly held in night clubs, bars, ballrooms, restaurants, and outside, especially when part of an outdoor festival.
In many styles of salsa dancing, as a dancer shifts their weight by stepping, the upper body remains level and nearly unaffected by the weight changes. Weight shifts cause the hips to move. Arm and shoulder movements are also incorporated. Salsa generally uses music ranging from about 150 bpm (beats per minute) to around 250 bpm, although most dancing is done to music somewhere between 160–220 bpm. The basic Salsa dance rhythm consists of taking three steps for every four beats of music. The odd number of steps creates the syncopation inherent to Salsa dancing and ensures that it takes 8 beats of music to loop back to a new sequence of steps.
Origin

Salsa evolved from forms such as Son, Son Montuno, cha cha cha, Mambo and Puerto Rican Bomba and Plena which were popular in the Caribbean, Latin America and the Latino communities in New York since the 1940s. Salsa, like most music genres and dance styles, has gone through a lot of variation through the years and incorporated elements of other Afro-Caribbean dances such as Pachanga. Different regions of Latin America and the United States have distinct salsa styles of their own, such as Cuban, Puerto Rican, Cali Colombia.
There is some controversy surrounding the origins of the word "salsa," which has been ascribed to the dance since the mid-1800s. Some claim that it was based on a cry shouted by musicians while they were playing their music. Others believe that the term was created by record labels to better market their music, who chose the word "salsa" because of its spicy and hot connotations. Still, others believe the term came about because salsa dancing and music is a mixture of different styles, just like salsa or "sauce" in Latin American countries is a mixture of different ingredients.
Description
In many styles of salsa dancing, as a dancer shifts their weight by stepping, the upper body remains level and nearly unaffected by the weight changes. Weight shifts cause the hips to move. Arm and shoulder movements are also incorporated. The Cuban Casino style of salsa dancing involves significant movement above the waist, with up-and-down shoulder movements and shifting of the ribcage.
The arms are used by the "lead" dancer to communicate or signal the "follower," either in "open" or "closed" position. The open position requires the two dancers to hold one or both hands, especially for moves that involve turns, putting arms behind the back, or moving around each other, to name a few examples. In the closed position, the leader puts the right hand on the follower's back, while the follower puts the left hand on the leader's shoulder.
In the original Latin American form, the forward/backward motion of salsa is done in diagonal or sideways with the 3-step weight change intact.
In some styles of salsa, such as the New York style, the dancers remain mostly in front of one another (switching places), while in Latin American styles, such as Cuban style, the dancers circle around each other, sometimes in 3 points. This circular style is inspired by Cuban Son, specifically to the beat of son montuno in the 1920s. However, as it is a popular music, it is open to improvisation and thus it is continuously evolving. Modern salsa styles are associated and named to the original geographic areas that developed them. There are often devotees of each of these styles outside their home territory. Characteristics that may identify a style include: timing, basic steps, foot patterns, body movement, turns and figures, attitude, dance influences and the way that partners hold each other. The point in a musical bar music where a slightly larger step is taken (the break step) and the direction the step moves can often be used to identify a style.
Incorporating other dance styling techniques into salsa dancing has become very common for both men and women: shimmies, leg work, arm work, body movement, spins, body isolations, shoulder shimmies, rolls, even hand styling, acrobatics and lifts.
Latin American styles originate from Puerto Rico, Cuba and surrounding Caribbean islands.
Venues
Salsa dance socials are commonly held in night clubs, bars, ballrooms, restaurants, and outside, especially if part of an outdoor festival. Salsa dancing is an international dance that can be found in most metropolitan cities in the world.[5] Festivals are held annually, often called a Salsa Congress, in various host cities aimed to attract variety of salsa dancers from other cities and countries. The events bring dancers together to share their passion for the dance, build community, and to share moves and tips with each other. These events usually include salsa dance performers, live salsa music, workshops, open dancing, and contests.
Rhythm

Salsa generally uses music suitable for dancing ranges from about 150 bpm (beats per minute) to around 250 bpm, although most dancing is done to music somewhere between 160–220 bpm. Every salsa composition involves complex Afro-Cuban percussion based around the Clave Rhythm (which has four types), though there can be moments when the clave is hidden for a while, often when quoting Charanga, Changüí and Bomba. The key instrument that provides the core groove of a salsa song is the clave. It is often played with two wooden sticks (called clave) that are hit together. Every instrument in a salsa band is either playing with the clave (generally: congas, timbales, piano, tres guitar, bongos, claves (instrument), strings) or playing independent of the clave rhythm (generally: bass, maracas, güiro, cowbell). Melodic components of the music and dancers can choose to be in clave or out of clave at any point. However it is taboo to play or dance to the wrong type of clave rhythm (see salsa music). While dancers can mark the clave rhythm directly, it is more common to do so indirectly (with, for example, a shoulder movement). This allows the dancing itself to look very fluent as if the rest of the body is just moving untouched with the legs.

For salsa, there are four types of clave rhythms, the 3-2 and 2-3 Son claves being the most important, and the 3-2 and 2-3 Rumba claves.  Most salsa music is played with one of the Son claves, though a Rumba clave is occasionally used, especially during Rumba sections of some songs.  As an example of how a clave fits within the 8 beats of a salsa dance, the beats of the 2-3 Son clave are played on the counts of 2, 3, 5, the "and" of 6, and 8.
There are other aspects outside the Clave that help define salsa rhythm: the cowbell, the Montuno rhythm and the Tumbao rhythm.
The cowbell rhythm emphasizes the "on-beats" of salsa: 1, 3, 5 and 7 while the conga rhythm emphasizes the "off-beats" of the music: 2, 4, 6, and 8. Some dancers like to use the strong sound of the cowbell to stay on the Salsa rhythm.  Alternatively, others use the conga rhythm to create a jazzier feel to their dance since strong "off-beats" are a jazz element.
Tumbao is the name of the rhythm that is played with the conga drums. It sounds like: "cu, cum.. pa... cu, cum... pa". Its most basic pattern is played on the beats 2, 3, 4, 6, 7 and 8.  Tumbao rhythm is helpful for learning to dance contra-tiempo ("On2").  The beats 2 and 6 are emphasized when dancing On2, and the Tumbao rhythm heavily emphasizes those beats as well.
The Montuno rhythm is a rhythm that is often played with a piano. The Montuno rhythm loops over the 8 counts and is useful for finding the direction of the music. By listening to the same rhythm, that loops back to the beginning after eight counts, one can recognize which count is the first beat of the music.
The basic Salsa dance rhythm consists of taking three steps for every four beats of music.  The odd number of steps creates the inherent syncopation to the Salsa dancing and ensures that it takes 8 beats of music to loop back to a new sequence of steps.   Different styles employ this syncopation differently.  For "On1" dancers this rhythm is described as "quick, quick, slow, quick, quick, slow."  For "On2" dancers this rhythm is "quick, quick, quick, pause, quick, quick, quick, pause."  In all cases, only three steps are taken in each 4-beat measure (or 6 total over 8 beats).
Styles

Salsa's roots are based on different genres such as Puerto Rican rhythms, Cuban Son, specifically to the beat of Son Montuno in the 1920s. However, as it is a popular music, it is open to improvisation and thus it is continuously evolving. New modern salsa styles are associated and named to the original geographic areas that developed them. There are often devotees of each of these styles outside their home territory. Characteristics that may identify a style include: timing, basic steps, foot patterns, body rolls and movements, turns and figures, attitude, dance influences and the way that partners hold each other. The point in a musical bar music where a slightly larger step is taken (the break step) and the direction the step moves can often be used to identify a style.
Afro-Latino style
Afro-Latino style is very popular kind of salsa in the Caribbean, Puerto Rico, Haiti and Cuba. It pretty much involves the same dancing as most versions of the salsa, but has a little bit of twist added to it. The thing that separates it and gives its it own identity is that some of the songs tie in an African language and certain African instruments that gives the songs different rhythms
Incorporating other dance styling techniques into salsa dancing has become very common, for both men and women: shimmies, leg work, arm work, body movement, spins, body isolations, shoulder shimmies, rolls, even hand styling, acrobatics and lifts.
Latin American styles originate from Puerto Rico, Cuba and surrounding Caribbean islands including the Dominican Republic, and then expanding to Venezuela, Colombia, and the rest of Latin America;
Also, there exists the "Miami" style, which is a fusion of some Cuban style elements with elements of various North American dances from the USA.
Colombian / Cali style

Cali-Style Salsa, also known as Colombian Salsa and Salsa Caleña, is based on geographical location of the Colombian City of Cali. Cali is also known as the "Capital de la Salsa" (Salsa's Capital); due to salsa music being the main genre in parties, nightclubs and festivals in the 21st century.
The elements of Cali-Style Salsa were strongly influenced by dances to Caribbean rhythms which preceded salsa, such as Pachanga and Boogaloo.  Cali has the most salsa schools and salsa teams in the world. Many of the competitions are held in Colombia.[6]
The central feature is the footwork which has quick rapid steps and skipping motions. Colombian style does not execute Cross-body Leads or the "Dile Que No" as seen in other styles, but rather step in place and displace in closed position.  Their footwork is intricate and precise, helping several Colombian Style dancers win major world championships. Cali hosts many annual salsa events such as the World Salsa Cali Festival and the Encuentro de Melomanos y Coleccionistas.
Cuban style / Casino

In Cuba, a popular dance known as Casino was marketed as Cuban-style salsa or Salsa Cubana abroad to distinguish it from other salsa styles when the name was popularized in the 1970s. Casino is popular in many places around the world, including in Europe, Latin America, North America, and even in some countries in the Middle East such as Israel. Dancing Casino is an expression of popular social culture; Cubans consider casino as part of social and cultural activities centering on their popular music. The name Casino is derived from the Spanish term for the dance halls, "Casinos Deportivos" where a lot of social dancing was done among the better-off, white Cubans during the mid-20th century and onward.
Historically, Casino traces its origin as a partner dance from Cuban Son, Cha Cha Cha, Danzón and Guaracha. Traditionally, Casino is danced "a contratiempo". This means that, distinct from subsequent forms of salsa, no step is taken on the first and fifth beats in each clave pattern and the fourth and eighth beat are emphasised. In this way, rather than following a beat, the dancers themselves contribute in their movement, to the polyrythmic pattern of the music. At the same time, it is often danced "a tiempo", although both "on3" (originally) and "on1" (nowadays).
What gives the dance its life, however, is not its mechanical technique, but understanding and spontaneous use of the rich Afro-Cuban dance vocabulary within a "Casino" dance. In the same way that a "sonero" (lead singer in Son and salsa bands) will "quote" other, older songs in their own, a "casino" dancer will frequently improvise references to other dances, integrating movements, gestures and extended passages from the folkloric and popular heritage. This is particularly true of African descended Cubans. Such improvisations might include extracts of rumba, dances for African deities, the older popular dances such as Cha Cha Chá and Danzon as well as anything the dancer may feel.
Miami-style Casino
Developed by Cuban immigrants to Florida and centered on Miami, this dance style is a fusion of some elements from Casino with lots of elements from American culture and dances. The major difference of Miami-style from other North American styles is the "Atras" or "Diagonal", back breaking steps performed backwards diagonally instead of moving forwards and backwards as seen in the New York style.  Dancers do not shift their body weight greatly as seen in other styles. Instead, dancers keep their upper body still, poised and relaxed while the feet execute endless intricacies. The dancer breaks mostly On1.
A major difference of Cali Style and Miami-style is that the latter is exclusively danced on the downbeat (On1) and has elements of shines and show-style added to it, following repertoires of North American Styles.
Miami-style has many adherents, particularly Cuban-Americans and other Latinos based in South Florida.
Rueda de Casino

In the 1950s Salsa Rueda or more accurately Rueda de Casino was developed in Havana, Cuba. Pairs of dancers form a circle ("Rueda" in Spanish means "Wheel"), with dance moves called out by one person. Many of the moves involve rapidly swapping partners.
"Rueda de Cuba" is original type of Rueda, originating from Cuba. It is not as formal as Rueda de Miami and consists of about 30 calls. It was codified in the 1970s.
"Rueda de Miami" originated in the 1980s from Miami, is a formal style with many rules based on a mix, and is a hybridization of Rueda de Cuba & North American dance styles, with some routines reflecting American culture (e.g. Coca-Cola, Dedo, Adios) which is not found in the traditional Cuban-style Rueda.
Los Angeles style

The Los Angeles Salsa Style (LA style) is danced strictly on 1, in a slot \ line, using elements of various North American and stage dances. This helps prevent dancers from hitting other couples on a crowded dance floor. It is strongly influenced by the Latin Hustle, Swing, Argentine Tango, Mambo dancers from Mexico and Latin Ballroom dancing styles. LA style places strong emphasis on sensuousness, theatricality and acrobatics. The lifts, stunts and aerial works of today's salsa shows are derived mostly from LA style forms with origins in Latin Ballroom and Ballet lifts.
The two essential elements of this dance are the forward–backward basic step and the cross-body lead. In this pattern, the leader steps forward on 1, steps to the right on 2-3 while turning 90 degrees counter-clockwise (facing to the left), leaving the slot open. The follower then steps straight forward on 5-6 and turns on 7-8, while the leader makes another 90 degrees counter-clockwise and slightly forward, coming back into the slot. After these 8 counts, the leader and follower have exchanged their positions.
Rogelio Moreno, Francisco and Luis Vazquez are credited for the early development and growth of LA Style as well as Albert Torres, Laura Canellias and Joe Cassiniare. Later dancers such as Alex Da Silva, Edie Lewis, Joby Martinez, Josie Neglia, and Johnny Vazquez are often credited with developing the LA style of dancing as we know it today.
New York style
New York style is danced in an ellipse or a "flat figure 8" on the floor, with the partners facing each other most of the time. Unlike other styles of salsa, New York style is danced on the second beat of the music ("on 2"), and the follower, not the leader, steps forward on the first measure of the music. The etiquette of New York Style is strict about remaining in the close dance space, and avoiding dancing in a sandbox area with a lot of spins, turns and styling. There is greater emphasis on performing "shines" in which dancers separate themselves and dance solo with intricate footwork and styling for a time—a phenomenon that likely has origins from Swing and New York Tap.
Though he did not create New York style salsa, Eddie Torres is credited with popularizing it, and for having the follower step forward on the second beat of the first measure.
There are two distinct developments of New York salsa as a music and dance genre:
Primary evolution from Mambo era was introduced to New York due to influx of migrating dissidents from all the Caribbean and other Latin migrants during Pre/Post Cuban Revolution in the 1950s and 1960s. This era is known as the "Palladium Era". At this time, the music and dance was called "Mambo"—connoting the general term without being specific. The most famous dancer during this era was Puerto-Rican descendant Pedro "Cuban Pete" Aguilar,[7] also known "The King of Latin Beat".
Secondary evolution during the late 1970s, Latin Puerto Rican migrants, contributed a lot to the New York salsa development during the "NuYorican" era of Héctor Lavoe which greatly popularized salsa and modern Latin music throughout the world. Puerto Rican salsa superstars were the most important musicians during the era, such as Ray Baretto ("The Godfather") and many others. There are also salsa artists that transcend both periods, notably the legendary Puerto Rican Tito Puente ("The Mambo King").
These two developments create a fusion of a new salsa music and dance genre, different from its Latin American and Caribbean counterparts.
New York style salsa emphasizes harmony with the percussive instruments in salsa music, such as the congas, timbales, and clave, since many or all of those instruments often mark the second beat in the music.[8]
See also
Palladium Ballroom – a New York City venue that helped popularize Latin music and dance during the 1940s and 1950s
Rhumba – a ballroom dance that heavily influenced salsa
Salsa music
World Salsa Championships

Salsa dancing in Latin America travel guide from Wikivoyage


N-alpha-acetyltransferase 10 (NAA10) also known as NatA catalytic subunit Naa10 and arrest-defective protein 1 homolog A (ARD1A) is an enzyme subunit that in humans is encoded NAA10 gene.[1][2]
Together with its auxiliary subunit Naa15, Naa10 constitutes the NatA (Nα-acetyltransferase A) complex that specifically catalyzes the transfer of an acetyl group from acetyl-CoA to the N-terminal primary amino group of certain proteins. In higher eukaryotes, 5 other N-acetyltransferase (NAT) complexes, NatB-NatF, have been described that differ both in substrate specificity and subunit composition.[3]
Gene and transcripts
The human NAA10 is located on chromosome Xq28 and contains 8 exons, 2 encoding three different isoforms derived from alternate splicing.[4] Additionally, a processed NAA10 gene duplication NAA11 (ARD2) has been identified that is expressed in several human cell lines;[5] however, later studies indicate that Naa11 is not expressed in the human cell lines HeLa and HEK293 or in cancerous tissues, and NAA11 transcripts were only detected in testicular and placental tissues.[6] Naa11 has also been found in mouse, where it is mainly expressed in the testis.[7] NAA11 is located on chromosome 4q21.21 in human and 5 E3 in mouse, and only contains two exons.
In mouse, NAA10 is located on chromosome X A7.3 and contains 9 exons. Two alternative splicing products of mouse Naa10, mNaa10235 and mNaa10225, were reported in NIH-3T3 and JB6 cells that may have different activities and function in different subcellular compartments.[8]
Homologues for Naa10 have been identified in almost all kingdoms of life analyzed, including plants,[9][10][11] fungi,[9][12] amoebozoa,[9] archaeabacteria[9][13][14][15] and protozoa.[16][17] In eubacteria, 3 Nα-acetyltransferases, RimI, RimJ and RimL, have been identified[18][19][20] but according to their low sequence identity with the NATs, it is likely that the RIM proteins do not have a common ancestor and evolved independently.[21][22]
Structure
Size-exclusion chromatography and circular dichroism indicated that human Naa10 consists of a compact globular region comprising two thirds of the protein and a flexible unstructured C-terminus.[23] X-ray crystal structure of the 100 kD holo-NatA (Naa10/Naa15) complex from S. pombe showed that Naa10 adopts a typical GNAT fold containing a N-terminal α1–loop–α2 segment that features one large hydrophobic interface and exhibits interactions with its auxiliary subunit Naa15, a central acetyl CoA-binding region, and C-terminal segments that are similar to the corresponding regions in Naa50, another Nα-acetyltransferase.[24] The X-ray crystal structure of archaeal T. volcanium Naa10 has also been reported, revealing multiple distinct modes of acetyl-Co binding involving the loops between β4 and α3, including the P-loop.[15] Non-complexed (Naa15 unbound) Naa10 adopts a different fold: Leu22 and Tyr26 shift out of the active site of Naa10, and Glu24 (important for substrate binding and catalysis of NatA) is repositioned by ~5 Å, resulting in a conformation that allows for the acetylation of a different subset of substrates.[24] An X-ray crystal structure of human Naa10 in complex with Naa15 and HYPK has been reported.[25]
A functional nuclear localization signal in the C-terminus of hNaa10 between residues 78 and 83 (KRSHRR) has been described.[26][27]
Function
Naa10, as part of the NatA complex, is bound to the ribosome and co-translationally acetylates proteins starting with small side chains such as Ser, Ala, Thr, Gly, Val and Cys, after the initiator methionine (iMet) has been cleaved by methionine aminopeptidases (MetAP).[28] Furthermore, post-translational acetylation by non-ribosome-associated Naa10 might occur. About 40-50 % of all proteins are potential NatA substrates.[3][29] Additionally, in a monomeric state, structural rearrangements of the substrate binding pocket Naa10 allow acetylation of N-termini with acidic side chains.[24][30] Furthermore, Nε-acetyltransferase activity[31][32][33][34][35][36][37] and N-terminal propionyltransferase activity [38] have been reported.
Despite the fact that Nα-terminal acetylation of proteins has been known for many years, the functional consequences of this modification are not well understood. However, accumulating evidence have linked Naa10 to various signaling pathways, including Wnt/β-catenin,[33][34][39][40] MAPK,[39] JAK/STAT,[41] and NF-κB,[42][43][44][45] thereby regulating various cellular processes, including cell migration,[46][47] cell cycle control,[48][49][50] DNA damage control,[44][51] caspase-dependent cell death,[51][52] p53 dependent apoptosis,[49] cell proliferation and autophagy [53] as well as hypoxia,[34][35][37][54][55] although there are some major discrepancies regarding hypoxia[56][57][58][59][60] and even isoform specific effects of Naa10 functions have been reported in mouse.[8][61]
Naa10 is essential in D. melanogaster,[62] C. elegans[63] and T. brucei.[16] In S. cerevisiae, Naa10 function is not essential but y<i data-parsoid='{"dsr":[30704,30713,2,2]}'>NAA10</i>Δ cells display severe defects including de-repression of the silent mating type locus (HML), failure to enter Go phase, temperature sensitivity, and impaired growth.[12][64] Naa10-knockout mice have very recently been reported to be viable, displaying a defect in bone development.[45]
Disease
Recently, a c.109T>C (p.Ser37Pro) variant in NAA10 was identified in two unrelated families with Ogden Syndrome, a X-linked disorder involving a distinct combination of an aged appearance, craniofacial anomalies, hypotonia, global developmental delays, cryptorchidism, and cardiac arrhythmias.[65] Patient fibroblasts displayed altered morphology, growth and migration characteristics and molecular studies indicate that this S37P mutation disrupts the NatA complex and decreases Naa10 enzymatic activity in vitro and in vivo.[65][66][67]
Furthermore, two other mutations in Naa10 (R116W mutation in a boy and a V107F mutation in a girl) have been described in two unrelated families with sporadic cases of non-syndromic intellectual disabilities, postnatal growth failure, and skeletal anomalies.[68][69] The girl was reported as having delayed closure of the fontanels, delayed bone age, broad great toes, mild pectus carinatum, pulmonary artery stenosis, atrial septal defect, prolonged QT interval. The boy was reported as having small hands/feet, high arched palate, and wide interdental spaces.
Additionally, a splice mutation in the intron 7 splice donor site (c.471+2T→A) of NAA10 was reported in a single family with Lenz microphthalmia syndrome (LMS), a very rare, genetically heterogeneous X-linked recessive disorder characterized by microphthalmia or anophthalmia, developmental delay, intellectual disability, skeletal abnormalities and malformations of teeth, fingers and toes.[70] Patient fibroblasts displayed cell proliferation defects, dysregulation of genes involved in retinoic acid signaling pathway, such as STRA6, and deficiencies in retinol uptake.[70]
Accumulating evidence suggests Naa10 function might regulate co-translational protein folding through the modulation of chaperone function, thereby affecting pathological formation of toxic amyloid aggregates in Alzheimer's disease or prion [PSI+] propagation in yeast.[71][72][73][74]
Notes

Further reading

When was N-alpha-acetyltransferase 10 identified?


The Battle of Huế – also called the Siege of Huế – was one of the longest and bloodiest battles of the Vietnam War. Between 30 January and 3 March 1968, in the South Vietnamese city of Huế, 11 battalions of the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), four U.S. Army battalions, and three U.S. Marine Corps battalions – totaling 18 battalions – defeated 10 battalions of the People's Army of Vietnam and the Viet Cong (VC).
By the beginning of the North Vietnamese Tet Offensive on January 30, 1968 – coinciding with the Vietnamese lunar New Year (Vietnamese: Tết Nguyên Đán) – large, conventional, U.S. forces had been committed to combat operations on Vietnamese soil for almost three years.
Highway 1, passing through the city of Huế, was an important supply line for ARVN, US, and Allied Forces from the coastal city of Da Nang to the Vietnamese Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). It also provided access to the Perfume River (Vietnamese: Sông Hương or Hương Giang) at the point where the river ran through Huế, dividing the city into northern and southern parts. Huế was also a base for United States Navy supply boats.
Considering its logistical value and its proximity to the DMZ (only 50 kilometres (31mi)), Huế should have been well-defended, fortified, and prepared for any communist attack. However, the city had few fortifications and was poorly defended.
While the ARVN 1st Division had cancelled all Tet leave and was attempting to recall its troops, the South Vietnamese and U.S. forces in the city were unprepared when the Viet Cong and the PAVN launched the Tet Offensive, attacking hundreds of military targets and population centers across the country, including Huế.[4]:164
The PAVN/Vietcong forces rapidly occupied most of the city. Over the next month, they were gradually driven out during intense house-to-house fighting led by the Marines and ARVN. In the end, although the Allies declared a military victory, the city of Huế was virtually destroyed, and more than 5,000 civilians were killed (2,800 of them executed by the PAVN and Viet Cong, according to the South Vietnamese government). The communist forces lost an estimated  2,400 to 8,000 killed, while Allied forces lost 668 dead and 3,707 wounded. The losses negatively affected the American public's perception of the war, and political support for the war began to wane.
Planning
Huế – the ancient imperial capital city of Vietnam – was a hundred kilometers south of the DMZ. It had a population of nearly 140,000, making it the third largest city in the Republic of South Vietnam. The Citadel, or Imperial City, is the walled in portion of Hue sitting on the north bank of the Perfume River. The walls of the fortress form a square with sides of 2,500 meters. The outer stone wall is one meter thick, five meters high and is separated from the inner wall by dirt fill. The distance between the walls varies from 75 meters to 17.5 meters. Half the population lived within the Citadel in 1-2 storey houses surrounded by stones wall.
On the south side of the river was the new city of Huế, which contained most of the main government buildings, schools and university set on wide boulevards. Connecting the old and new cities were the Trường Tiền Bridge (), which carried Highway 1, and further west was the Bach Ho rail bridge.[8] Huế had great symbolism as the former capital of Vietnam since 1802 under the Nguyễn dynasty, and Ho Chi Minh, Phạm Văn Đồng, Võ Nguyên Giáp and Ngô Đình Diệm had all attended the Lycée in the city.[9] Huế had been at the centre of the Buddhist crisis of 1963, and other than the city's Catholics, its population of Buddhists and intellectuals were lukewarm supporters of the Nguyễn Văn Thiệu/Nguyễn Cao Kỳ government.[9]:45
The North Vietnamese plan for the Tet Offensive was known as the General Offensive General Uprising. The General Offensive was to comprise conventional and guerilla military action aimed primarily at the "puppet" South Vietnamese military and government, destroying their legitimacy among the South Vietnamese population. The General Uprising was the expectation that the oppressed South Vietnamese population would then spontaneously rise up and overthrow the Thiệu/Kỳ government and that this would force the U.S. to withdraw in the face of the will of the people. The strategic objective at Huế was to capture/"liberate" and hold the city leading to the establishment of a revolutionary government.[9]:59–60 While some senior PAVN leaders were skeptical about the plan, believing that the population was unlikely to rise up and that they could only hold out against the ARVN and U.S. forces for a few days before they would be forced to withdraw, they followed their orders, while younger soldiers were convinced by the party propaganda that they were on the verge of a great victory that would end the war.[9]:60–4 When the PAVN/VC forces left their base camps west of Huế to commence the attack they had no intention of returning.[9]:83
The ARVN and Military Assistance Command Vietnam (MACV) were largely unprepared for the Tet Offensive, MACV's focus was on the Battle of Khe Sanh where a PAVN assault was believed to be imminent. In preparation for this MACV was in the middle of Operation Checkers, moving the 3rd Marine Division to Quảng Trị Province in order to support Khe Sanh and defeat any other PAVN attack across the DMZ.[4]:16 Premature Tet Offensive attacks at Nha Trang and Qui Nhơn on the morning of 30 January led to the cancellation of the Tet ceasefire, but many ARVN soldiers were already away on leave meaning that defenses in and around Huế were undermanned.[4]:164
On the night of 30 January it started to rain; from 2 February onwards this rain, low cloud and fog would last throughout much of the battle and severely hamper Allied air and artillery support.[10][11]
Battle
Attack

In the early morning hours of January 31, 1968, a division-sized force of PAVN and VC soldiers launched a coordinated attack on the city of Huế. At 02:33, a signal flare lit up the night sky, and two battalions from the PAVN 6th Regiment attacked the western wall of the Citadel. Their objective was to capture the Mang Ca Garrison, headquarters of Brigadier General Ngô Quang Trưởng's 1st Infantry Division in the northeast corner of the citadel.[8] Other objectives included the Tây Lộc Airfield, and the Imperial Palace.
At the Chanh Tay gate () on the west wall of the Citadel, a six-man PAVN sapper team dressed in ARVN uniforms killed the guards and opened the gate. Upon their flashlight signals, lead elements of the PAVN 6th Regiment entered the old city. A 40-man assault team that was tasked with attacking Mang Ca through a sewer found the entrance blocked and moved around to assault the Huu Gate () at the southwest corner of the Citadel, they were engaged by an ARVN machine gun and lost 24 men before seizing their objective.[9]:106–7 On the Tây Lộc Airfield, the ARVN "Black Panther Company", reinforced by the 1st Division's 1st Ordnance Company, stopped the 800th Battalion. Although one battle account stated that the South Vietnamese "offered no strong resistance", the PAVN report acknowledged "the heavy enemy ARVN fire enveloped the entire airfield. By dawn, our troops were still unable to advance". The fighting for the airfield continued to seesaw, with first the ARVN having the upper hand and then the PAVN.[4]:167
The 802nd PAVN Battalion struck the ARVN 1st Division headquarters at Mang Ca. Although the enemy battalion penetrated the division compound, an ad hoc 200-man defensive force of staff officers and clerks staved off the enemy assaults. General Trưởng called back most of his Black Panther Company from the airfield to bolster the headquarters defenses, which kept division headquarters secure.[4]:167
At 08:00, PAVN troops raised a liberation flag over the Citadel flag tower.[4]:168
South of the river the PAVN 4th Regiment launched a simultaneous attack on the MACV compound () in the new city. The attackers were engaged by a machine gunner in a guard tower and troops in a bunker who were able to hold off the attack for long enough to allow others in the compound to form a cohesive defense.[4]:166–7
In the early morning a U.S. Army helicopter was shot down over the city, the crew sought refuge with a group of ARVN in a small compound. A U.S. Army UH-1 Huey piloted by CWO Frederick Ferguson landed in the compound and rescued the crew under fire, for his actions CWO Ferguson was subsequently awarded the Medal of Honor.[12][9]:127–8
After failing to take Mang Ca and the MACV Compound in their initial assaults, the PAVN/VC did not attempt to seize them again, instead keeping them under fire and generally adopting a defensive posture, this tactical mistake allowed the ARVN and U.S. to bring in the reinforcements that would eventually clear the city.[11]:29–30
ARVN reinforcements
The embattled General Trưởng called in reinforcements. He ordered his 3rd Regiment; the 3rd Troop, 7th ARVN Cavalry; and the 1st ARVN Airborne Task Force to relieve the pressure on his Mang Ca headquarters. Responding to the call at PK-17, the ARVN base located near a road marker on Highway 1, 17km north of Huế, the 3rd Troop and the 7th Battalion of the Airborne task force rolled out of their base area in an armored convoy onto Highway 1. A PAVN blocking force stopped the ARVN relief force about 400 meters short of the Citadel wall. Unable to force their way through the enemy positions, the South Vietnamese paratroopers asked for assistance.[4]:168
The 2nd ARVN Airborne Battalion reinforced the convoy, and the South Vietnamese finally penetrated the lines and entered the Citadel in the early morning hours of the next day. The cost had been heavy: the ARVN suffered 131 casualties including 40 dead, and lost four of the 12 armored personnel carriers in the convoy. The ARVN claimed to have killed 250 PAVN, captured five prisoners, and recovered 71 individual and 25 crew-served weapons.[4]:168
The 3rd ARVN Regiment had an even more difficult time. On the 31st, two of its battalions, the 2nd and 3rd, advanced east from encampments southwest of the city along the northern bank of the Perfume River, but PAVN defensive fires forced them to fall back. Unable to enter the Citadel, the two battalions established their night positions outside the southeast wall of the old City. Enemy forces surrounded the 1st and 4th Battalions of the regiment, operating to the southeast, as they attempted to reinforce the units in Huế. Captain Phan Ngoc Luong, the commander of the 1st Battalion, retreated with his unit to the coastal Ba Long outpost, arriving there with only three eight-round clips per man for their World War II vintage M1 Garand rifles. At Ba Long, the battalion then embarked upon motorized junks and reached the Citadel the following day. The 4th Battalion, however, remained unable to break its encirclement for several days.[4]:168
South of the city, on January 31, Lieutenant Colonel Phan Hu Chi, the commander of the ARVN 7th Armored Cavalry Squadron attempted to break the PAVN/VC stranglehold. He led an armored column toward Huế, but like the other South Vietnamese units, found it impossible to break through. With the promise of U.S. Marine reinforcements, Chi's column, with three tanks in the lead, tried once more. This time they crossed the An Cuu Bridge over the Phu Cam Canal () into the new city. Coming upon the central police headquarters in southern Huế, the tanks attempted to relieve the police defenders, but an enemy B-40 rocket made a direct hit upon Lieutenant Colonel Chi's tank, killing him instantly. The South Vietnamese armor pulled back.[4]:168
U.S. Marines

Three United States Marine Corps battalions were protecting the air base at Phú Bài (approximately 16km southeast of Huế), Highway 1 and all western approaches to Huế, when there should have been two complete regiments.[4]:169 The Commanding Officer of the Marines in Huế was Colonel Stanley S. Hughes, a veteran of World War II and the Korean War who had already been awarded the Navy Cross and Silver Star for action in World War II and was eventually awarded his second Navy Cross for Hue City.
On the night of January 30 – January 31, the Marines faced rocket and mortar fire at the Phú Bài airfield and PAVN/VC infantry units hit Marine Combined Action Platoons (CAP) and local Popular Force and Regional Force units in the region including the Truoi River and Phu Loc sectors. At about 04:00 a PAVN company attacked the ARVN security detachment defending the Truoi River Bridge of Highway 1 () and the nearby CAP H-8. Colonel Hughes ordered Captain G. Ronald Christmas, commander of Company H, 2nd Battalion 5th Marines to relieve the CAP unit and Company H engaged the PAVN/VC as they withdrew from the CAP position. Seeing an opportunity to trap the PAVN/VC, Lieutenant Colonel Ernie Cheatham reinforced Company H with his Command Group and Company F.[4]:170 With his other companies in blocking positions, Cheatham hoped to pin the PAVN/VC against the Truoi River. However at 10:30, January 31, Company G was ordered to Phu Bai as the Task Force reserve and Company F was removed from Hughes' operational control later that afternoon. With the departure of Company F about 16:30, the PAVN successfully disengaged and Companies H and E took up night defensive positions. 2/5 Marines killed 18 PAVN/VC and captured 1, at a cost of three Marines killed and 13 wounded.[4]:171
While the fighting continued in the Truoi River and the Phu Loc sectors, the 1st Battalion, 1st Marines had begun to move into Huế city. In the early morning hours of January 31 after the rocket bombardment of the airfield and the initial attack on the Truoi River Bridge, Task Force X-Ray received reports of enemy strikes all along Highway 1 between the Hải Vân Pass and Huế. All told, the enemy hit some 18 targets from bridges, CAP units, and company defensive positions. With Company A, 1/1 Marines as the Phu Bai reserve, Colonel Hughes directed LtCol Marcus Gravel to stage the company for any contingency. At 06:30, Colonel Hughes ordered the company to reinforce the Truoi River Bridge. All Captain Batcheller recalled several years later was that "we were rousted up about 04:00 on the 31st and launched south on trucks to rendezvous with and reinforce ARVN forces about a map sheet and a half south of Phu Bai." The convoy was then turned around and sent towards Huế.[4]:171
Up to this point the fighting for Huế had been entirely a South Vietnamese affair. Brigadier General Foster LaHue, the Task Force X-Ray commander, actually had very little reliable intelligence on the situation. All he knew was that Trưởng's headquarters had been under attack, as was the MACV Compound. Because of enemy mortaring of the LCU ramp in southern Huế, the allies had stopped all river traffic to the city. As LaHue later wrote: "Initial deployment of forces was made with limited information."[4]:171
Initial U.S. Marines counter-attacks

As the Marines approached the southern suburbs of the city they came under increased sniper fire. In one village, the troops dismounted and cleared the houses on either side of the main street before proceeding. The Marine convoy stopped several times to eliminate resistance in heavy house-to-house and street fighting before proceeding again. At about 15:15 after bloody fighting the Marines managed to make their way toward the MACV Compound. By this time, the enemy attackers had pulled back their forces from the immediate vicinity of the Compound. LtCol Gravel met with Army Col George O. Adkisson, the senior U.S. advisor to the 1st ARVN Division.[4]:171–3
Leaving Company A behind to secure the MACV Compound, the Marine battalion commander took Company G, reinforced by the three M-48 tanks from the 3rd Tank Battalion and a few ARVN M-24 light tanks from the 7th Armored Squadron, and attempted to cross the Trường Tiền Bridge, the main bridge over the Perfume River. Gravel left the armor behind on the southern bank to provide direct fire support. As he remembered, the American M-48s were too heavy for the bridge and the ARVN tankers "refused to go." As the Marine infantry started across, an enemy machine gun on the other end of the bridge opened up, killing and wounding several Marines. One Marine, Lance Corporal Lester A. Tully, later awarded the Silver Star for his action, ran forward, threw a grenade, and silenced the gun. Two platoons successfully made their way to the other side. They turned left and immediately came under automatic weapons and recoilless rifle fire from the Citadel wall. The Marines decided to withdraw.[4]:174-4 This was easier said than done. The enemy was well dug-in and firing from virtually every building in Huế city north of the river. The number of wounded was rising, the Marines commandeered some abandoned Vietnamese civilian vehicles and used them as makeshift ambulances to carry out the wounded. Among the casualties on the bridge was Major Walter M. Murphy, the 1st Battalion S-3 or operations officer, who later died of his wounds.[4]:174

By 20:00, the 1/1 Marines had established defensive positions near the MACV Compound and a helicopter landing zone in a field just west of the Navy LCU Ramp in southern Huế. On that first day, the two Marine companies in Huế had sustained casualties of 10 Marines killed and 56 wounded. During the night, the battalion called in a helicopter into the landing zone to take out the worst of the wounded. The American command still had little realization of the situation in Huế.[4]:174
North of the Perfume River, on the 1st, the 1st ARVN Division enjoyed some limited success. Although the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 3rd ARVN Regiment remained outside of the Citadel walls unable to penetrate the PAVN defenses, the 2nd and 7th Airborne Battalions, supported by armored personnel carriers and the Black Panther Company, recaptured the Tây Lộc airfield.[4]:176
About 15:00, the 1st Battalion, 3rd ARVN reached the 1st ARVN command post at the Mang Ca compound. Later that day, U.S. Marine helicopters from HMM-165 brought part of the 4th Battalion, 2nd ARVN Regiment from Đông Hà Combat Base into the Citadel. Eight CH-46 Sea Knight helicopters made the flight in marginal weather with a 200–500 foot ceiling and one mile visibility, arriving in an improvised landing zone under enemy mortar fire. The deteriorating weather forced the squadron to cancel the remaining lifts with about half of the battalion in the Citadel.[4]:176
Shortly after 15:00 Company F, 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines made a helicopter landing into southern Huế. They were to relieve a MACV Microwave/Tropo communications facility surrounded by a VC force. It was the main communications link for the Huế area, the DMZ, and for the besieged Khe Sanh Combat Base. The company spent the better part of the afternoon trying to reach the isolated United States Army Signal Corps 513th Signal Detachment, 337th Signal Company, 37th Signal Battalion communications site which was approximately 2.5km southeast of the MACV Compound. They never made it. The Company sustained casualties of 3 dead and 13 wounded.[4]:176
The 1st Cavalry Division attacks PAVN supply lines

On 20 January, the 1st Cavalry Division began moving 350km north from Landing Zone English in Bình Định Province to Camp Evans as part of Operation Checkers. While the helicopters and men of the Division were soon in position, most of their heavy and support equipment was loaded on trucks that would have to proceed by convoy up Highway 1.[13] While a new supply port was being constructed on the coast, the Division relied on the Marine supply line at Tân Mỹ Base and supply convoys along Highway 1 from Da Nang.[13]:228 On the night of 31 January, the PAVN/VC launched a mortar attack on Camp Evans which caused an ammunition dump to explode, disabling most of the helicopters of the 229th Assault Helicopter Battalion.[13]:232–7 Other attacks along Highway 1 damaged or destroyed 20 bridges and 26 culverts between the Hải Vân Pass and Phu Bai and Highway 1 was closed to convoy traffic until early March.[4]:230
On 1 February, III Marine Amphibious Force (III MAF) Commander General Robert Cushman alerted the 1st Cavalry Division commander, Major General John J. Tolson, to be ready to deploy his 3rd Brigade into a sector west of Huế. By 22:15 that night, Tolson's command had asked III MAF to coordinate with I Corps and Task Force X-Ray its designated area of operations in the Huế sector. Tolson's plan called for an air assault by two battalions of the 3rd Brigade northwest of Huế. The 2nd Battalion, 12th Cavalry was to arrive in the landing zone first, followed by the 5th Battalion, 7th Cavalry to be inserted near PK-17. Attacking in a southeasterly direction, the two battalions would then attempt to close the enemy supply line into Huế.[4]:177
Mid-afternoon on 2 February, the 2/12th Cavalry arrived in a landing zone about 6 miles (10km) northwest of Huế. The Cavalry force soon encountered two dug-in PAVN Battalions around the villages of Que Chu and La Chu () which they were unable to overcome as fog prevented their usual gunship support. The 2/12th Cavalry withdrew to a night defensive perimeter, but at dawn on 3 February following a mortar barrage the PAVN attacked their position and the attack was only beaten back with heavy artillery fire. Losses continued to mount throughout the day from mortar and small arms fire and that night the Battalion commander decided to breakout from the encirclement by a night march to an ARVN  hilltop position from where they could be resupplied and the casualties medevaced.[14] The 2/12th Cavalry dug in in position for the next 4 days.[9]:343

On 8 February 5/7th Cavalry began moving southwest from PK-17 towards La Chu while 2/12th Cavalry were ordered to retrace their route to form the southern pincer for an attack on the PAVN stronghold.[9]:346 As the 5/7th Cavalry approached Que Chu the command and control helicopter was shot down by anti-aircraft fire, the crew was rescued by a dustoff helicopter. Company B then walked into an ambush north of Que Chu and was pinned down in the open with little cover, they were only able to withdraw after calling in close artillery support. Company D was also engaged by PAVN in the village of Lieu Coc and forced to withdraw. 1/7th Cavalry then dug in to night defensive positions.[9]:347–9 On 9 February 5/7th Cavalry resumed their advance with artillery support from PK-17 and naval gunfire, they overran Lieu Coc finding PAVN bodies and fighting positions. As they moved closer to La Chu PAVN resistance increased and it was obvious that this was a major PAVN base. 5/7th Cavalry would be stalled north of La Chu for 2 weeks, probing but failing to penetrate the PAVN defenses.[9]:351–2
On 16 February deputy COMUSMACV General Creighton Abrams flew into PK-17 for a meeting with General Tolson where Abrams expressed his displeasure at the Cavalry's slow progress. Following this visit 2 more cavalry Battalions (1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry Regiment and 2nd Battalion, 501st Infantry Regiment) and additional air and artillery support were committed to the attack on La Chu.[9]:475[10]:45
On 21 February following intensive radar-guided airstrikes and artillery strikes, the 4 Cavalry battalions launched a four-pronged attack from the north, west and south on Que Chu and La Chu. While the PAVN strongly defended the perimeter, once the Cavalry forces broke through with the support of 2 newly arrived M42 Dusters, they found that the base had been largely abandoned while the Cavalry had been building up their forces for the attack. The Cavalry had finally captured the PAVN's main support base, but were still 8km from the Citadel.[9]:477–84 The 3rd Brigade would not reach the west wall of the Citadel until 25 February by which time the PAVN/VC had successfully withdrawn from the battlefield.[4]:216 It was estimated that it would have taken at least 16 battalions to establish an effective cordon around Huế, at this time there were only 30 battalions available in all of I Corps.[11]:28
Recapture of southern Hue

On the night of 1/2 February PAVN sappers successfully dropped the Bach Ho (railroad) and the Trường Tiền Bridges across the Perfume River, restricting movement from the south towards the Citadel, but had failed to drop the An Cuu Bridge over the Phu Cam Canal.[4]:177
On February 2, the Marines made some minor headway and brought in further reinforcements. The 1st Battalion finally relieved the MACV radio facility that morning. LtCol Gravel launched a two-company assault supported by tanks towards the provincial headquarters () and Thua Thien prison, 7 blocks west of the MACV Compound where the ARVN were believed to still be holding out. The Marines did not progress further than one block before their advance was halted and after 3 hours of room to room fighting, the Marines captured the Huế University building at the base of the Trường Tiền Bridge 2 blocks northwest of the MACV Compound so reducing enemy fire towards the LCU Ramp.[9]:185–6 The Marines then tried to assault the Treasury building () in the next block, but were stopped by fire from the 100 plus PAVN defenders and flanking fire from the Le Loi Elementary School.[9]:269 The battalion consolidated its night defensive positions and waited to renew its attack on the following day. About 11:00, Company H, 2/5 Marines, crossed the An Cuu Bridge in a 'Rough Rider' armed convoy.[4]:177 As the convoy, accompanied by Army trucks equipped with quad .50 machine guns and two M50 Ontos, entered the city, enemy snipers opened up on the Marine reinforcements. Near the MACV compound, the Marines came under heavy enemy machine gun and rocket fire. The Army gunners and the Marine Ontos, quickly responded, in the resulting confusion, the convoy exchanged fire with a Marine unit already in the city. About mid-day, the PAVN, continued to block any advance to the south. An enemy 75mm recoilless rifle knocked out one of the supporting tanks. By the end of the day, the Marines had sustained 2 dead and 34 wounded and claimed to have killed nearly 140 of the enemy.[4]:177–8 That night the PAVN overran the ARVN defenders at the Thua Thien prison releasing the prisoners, many of whom were VC who were soon armed with captured ARVN weapons and joined the fighting.[9]:268

Back at Phu Bai LtCol Cheatham was reviewing Marine urban fighting doctrine which recommended staying off the streets and moving forward by blasting through walls and buildings. He proceeded to gather the necessary equipment including M20 Bazookas, M40 106mm recoilless rifles mounted on M274 Mules, C-4 explosive, flamethrowers, tear gas and gas masks. This equipment was loaded onto a convoy which arrived at the MACV Compound at 1pm on 3 February, LtCol Cheatham then joined his Company commanders in Huế University and they proceeded to develop the tactics to be used in recapturing southern Huế.[9]:239–43
Many of the Marines of Task Force X-Ray had little or no urban combat experience, and the US troops were not trained for urban close-quarters combat, so this battle was especially tough for them. Due to Huế's religious and cultural status, Allied forces were ordered not to bomb or shell the city, for fear of destroying the historic structures. Also, since it was still monsoon season with heavy rain and low clouds on many days during the battle, it was virtually impossible for the U.S. forces to use air support. But as the intensity of the battle increased, the policy was eliminated.[4]:185–6 PAVN tactics were to hold the Marines close, negating the use of artillery and air support. A forward fighting line was maintained directly opposite the Marines with a secondary line 2 blocks back. Each building on the fighting lines was defended by snipers and machine guns, while spider holes were dug in gardens and streets, creating cross-fire between all buildings and streets. If the Marines penetrated the forward line the PAVN moved to the secondary line and then reoccupied the abandoned positions at night.[9]:268
On the night of 3 February, the PAVN commander seeing the buildup of Marines at Huế University thinned out his frontline forces leaving just a platoon to defend the Treasury Building and adjacent post office.[9]:272–3 On the morning of 4 February the Marines launched their attack on the Treasury complex, the initial assault was on the left flank by Company A, 1/1 Marines which was tasked with securing a Catholic chapel and the Jeanne d'Arc High School (). The Marines secured the chapel and the east school building, but were pinned down for hours by interlocking fire from the west building. During this action Sergeant Alfredo Cantu Gonzalez would be killed while firing on PAVN machine gun positions, he was later posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor for his actions in the battle. The Marines eventually broke into the west building and cleared it room by room.[9]:274–8 Due to the delays on the left flank, the main assault in the centre by Company F, 2/5 Marines was delayed until mid-afternoon. The Treasury compound was hit by M-48 and 106mm fire and tear gas, while a Mule-mounted 106mm engaged the machine gun in the Le Loi Elementary School. Under cover of the tear gas and the 106mm backblast the Marines crossed the street and blew holes in the wall using C4 and Bazookas. The Marines then pushed into the Treasury building which the PAVN had hastily abandoned. The post office also seemed abandoned until the Marines located a vault inside the building, they proceeded to gas out the PAVN inside killing more than 24 of them as they emerged.[9]:280–6 After securing the Jeanne d'Arc High School, Company A, 1/1 Marines recaptured the Le Loi Elementary School, more than half the Company's 147 men had been wounded or killed in that day's fighting.[9]:288 That evening VC sappers succeeded in blowing up the An Cuu bridge, cutting the road link to Phu Bai.[9]:290

Following the capture of the Treasury complex, LtCol Cheatham continued his methodical advance to the west leading with tear gas, M-48s and Ontos, followed by Mules and Marines, while PAVN resistance reduced as its manpower and ammunition was depleted.[9]:320–2 The PAVN no longer tenaciously defended each building, relying more on sniper fire, mortars and rockets.[11]:81 On 5 February the Marines recaptured the Huế Central Hospital complex (), rescuing LtCol Pham Van Khoa, the Mayor of Huế and Thua Thien Province chief who had been hiding in the grounds.[9]:331
On 6 February the Marines attacked the Provincial Headquarters which served as the command post of the PAVN 4th Regiment. While the Marines seized the surrounding wall easily the area between the wall and the building was covered by fire from every window and spider-holes in the grounds. An Ontos was brought forward to blast an entry into the building, but was disabled by a B-40 rocket and a Mule was brought forward to blow a hole in the building and the Marines advanced under cover of tear gas. Entering the building the Marines fought room by room, clearing the building, but many of the PAVN slipped away. With the building secured the Marines then cleared out the spider-holes methodically shooting their occupants.[9]:332–5 The Marines raised an American flag to celebrate their victory, but shortly thereafter were ordered to lower it, for in accordance with South Vietnamese law, no US flag was permitted to be flown without an accompanying South Vietnamese flag.[4]:189–90
After resting his men at the Provincial Headquarters, LtCol Cheatham resumed his advance west towards the Phu Cam canal then swung south and east to clear the area with the canal to his right.[9]:361
On 7 February the PAVN twice ambushed a 25 vehicle supply convoy supported by 2 Ontos going along Route 547 () from Phu Bai to the 11th Marines Rockcrusher Firebase (), killing 20 Marines and wounding 39.
LtCol Gravel's 1/1 Marines had been clearing the area to the east and south of the MACV Compound and on 10 February they captured the soccer stadium () providing a second, safer helicopter landing zone.[9]:356 A pontoon bridge had been built across the Phu Cam Canal, restoring the road access that had been lost when the An Cuu Bridge was blown.[9]:370
On 11 February Company H, 2/5 Marines secured a bridge over the Phu Cam Canal () and the block on the opposite side. The next day Company F swept the west bank of the canal fighting through houses and the Huế Railway Station that had been sheltering PAVN snipers before withdrawing back across the bridge.[11]:99–101 On 13 February Companies F and H crossed the bridge again with the aim of securing the entire area, as the Marines advanced into the open countryside towards the Từ Đàm Pagoda they located fresh PAVN graves and then were hit by a barrage of mortar fire, forcing them to withdraw. The Marines had inadvertently located the PAVN headquarters for the battle.[11]:105
On 13 February, General Abrams established MACV Forward at Phu Bai, assuming overall control of all U.S. forces in I Corps.[11]:140
Battle for the Citadel

Within the Citadel the ARVN 1st Battalion, 3rd Regiment and the 1st Airborne task force cleared out the north and western parts of the Citadel including Tây Lộc Airfield and the Chanh Tay Gate, while the 4th Battalion, 2nd Regiment moved south from Mang Ca towards the Imperial Palace, killing over 700 PAVN/VC by 4 February. On 5 February General Trưởng exchanged the Airborne with the 4th Battalion, which had become stalled. On 6 February the 1st Battalion captured the An Hoa Gate on the northwest corner of the Citadel and the 4th Battalion captured the southwest wall. On the night of the 6th, the PAVN counterattacked, scaling the southwest wall and pushing the 4th Battalion back to Tây Lộc. On the 7th General Trưởng ordered the 3rd Regiment, which had been futilely trying to break into the southeast corner of the Citadel to move to Mang Ca to reinforce his units inside the Citadel.[4]:192
On 10 February 2 forward observers from the Marines 1st Field Artillery Group were flown into Tây Lộc to help coordinate artillery and naval gunfire to support the fighting within the Citadel, however General Trưởng instructed them that the Imperial Palace was not to be fired on.[4]:195
On 11 February the Vietnamese Marines Task Force A comprising the 1st and 5th Battalions, began to be lifted by helicopter into Mang Ca to replace the Airborne, however due to poor weather this deployment would not be completed until 13 February. At 10:45 on 11 February Company B, 1st Battalion, 5th Marines was airlifted aboard Marine CH-46s into Mang Ca, however enemy fire forced several of the helicopters to return to Phu Bai. The Marines together with 5 M-48s from the 1st Tank Battalion would later be loaded onto Mike Boats at the LCU Ramp in southern Hue and ferried across to Mang Ca.[4]:197

On 13 February Companies A and C 1/5 Marines left Mang Ca and moved south along the eastern wall of the Citadel, while Company B remained in reserve. Unknown to the Marines, the ARVN Airborne had withdrawn from the area two days previously when the Vietnamese Marines began to arrive at Mang Ca and the PAVN defenders had used this opportunity to reoccupy several blocks and reinforce their defenses, Company A was engaged by the PAVN and quickly suffered 35 casualties. The 1/5 Marines commander Major Robert Thompson ordered Company B up to relieve Company A and the advance continued slowly until it was halted by PAVN flanking fire from the Dong Ba Gate ().[4]:199 On 14 February the Marines resumed their attack supported by Marine and Navy gun fire and Marine close air support, but despite this support they made little progress as they had to withdraw when supporting fire was called in and the PAVN quickly reoccupied abandoned positions, after a day of attacks the Marines withdrew to their night defensive positions.[4]:200 Company D 1/5 Marines arrived in the Citadel on the evening of 14 February after taking fire while crossing the Sông Hương. On 15 February Company D led the renewed attack against the Dong Ba Gate with Company C defending its flank, Company B joined the assault and after 6 hours the Marines had secured the base of the gate and later the entire gate at a cost of 6 Marines killed and 50 wounded and 20 PAVN killed. Overnight the PAVN counterattacked and briefly regained control of the Dong Ba Gate before being forced out by Company D.[4]:201

Also on 14 February the Vietnamese Marine Task Force A joined the battle. The operational plan was for the Marines to move west from Tây Lộc and then turn south, however they were soon stopped by strong PAVN defenses; after two days the Vietnamese Marines had only advanced 400 metres. Meanwhile, the ARVN 3rd Regiment fought off a PAVN counterattack in the northwest corner of the Citadel.[4]:204 On the night of 16 February a radio intercept indicated that a battalion size PAVN force was about to launch a counterattack over the west wall of the Citadel, artillery and naval gunfire was called in and a later radio intercept indicated that a senior PAVN officer had been killed in the barrage. Later that night a radio message from the commander of PAVN forces in the Citadel was intercepted, he stated that his predecessor had been killed and requested permission to withdraw from the city but this request was denied and they were told to stand and fight.[4]:204–5
On 16 February the 1/5 Marines advanced approximately 140 metres for a cost of 7 Marines killed and 47 wounded and 63 PAVN killed.[4]:201 That day at a meeting at Phu Bai between General Abrams, BG LaHue, General Trưởng and South Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyễn Cao Kỳ, Kỳ approved the use of all necessary force to clear the PAVN and VC forces from the Citadel, regardless of damage to historic structures.[4]:205
On 17 February the Vietnamese Marines and ARVN 3rd Regiment resumed their attacks south, while the Black Panther Company was moved to support the right flank of the 1/5 Marines, over the next 3 days these forces would slowly reduce the PAVN's perimeter.[4]:206
By 20 February the 1/5 Marines advance had stalled and after conferring with his commanders Major Thompson decided to launch a night attack against 3 PAVN strongpoints that were blocking further movement with the entire Battalion attacking at daybreak. At 03:00 on 21 February, the 3 ten-man teams from 2nd Platoon of Company A launched their assault, quickly capturing the sparsely defended strongpoints which the PAVN withdrew from overnight. As the PAVN moved to reoccupy the strongpoints at dawn they were caught in the open by the Marines, 16 PAVN were killed for the loss of 3 Marines. The Marines were now only 100 metres from the south wall of the Citadel. That evening Company B was replaced by Company L, 3rd Battalion, 5th Marines.[4]:207–8 Unknown to the ARVN and the U.S., on the night of 20 February the PAVN had begun a phased withdrawal from the Citadel, leaving through the Huu and Nha Do () gates and making their way southwest to return to their bases in the hills.[9]:490
At 09:30 on 22 February, Company A 1/5 Marines led the day's attack to find that the PAVN had largely disappeared and the south wall was soon secured.[4]:208 Company L 3/5 Marines was then tasked with clearing the area to the Thuong Tu Gate and out to the Trường Tiền Bridge, advancing with tank and air support they completed the mission meeting little resistance.[4]:208–10
To the west the South Vietnamese forces continued to meet stubborn resistance. On 22 February after a barrage of 122mm rockets the PAVN counterattacked the Vietnamese Marines who pushed them back with the support of the Black Panther Company. 23 February saw little progress prompting General Abrams to suggest that the Vietnamese Marine Corps should be dissolved. On the night of 23 February the PAVN attempted another counterattack but were forced back by artillery fire and the ARVN 3rd Regiment launched a night attack along the southern wall of the Citadel, at 05:00 they raised the South Vietnamese flag on the Citadel flag tower and proceeded to secure the southern wall by 10:25. General Trưởng then ordered the 2nd Battalion 3rd Regiment and the Black Panther Company to recapture the Imperial City and this was achieved against minimal resistance by late afternoon. The last remaining pocket of PAVN at the southwest corner of the Citadel was eliminated in an attack by the 4th Vietnamese Marine Battalion in the early hours of 25 February.[4]:210–11[15]
Mopping-up operations
On 25 February a two Battalion task force of ARVN Rangers recaptured the Gia Hoi sector () between the east wall of the Citadel and the Perfume River.[4]:211
While 1/1 Marines conducted mopping-up operations in southern Hue, 2/5 Marines had been conducting patrols south of the Phu Cam Canal. On 24 February 2/5 Marines launched an operation to the southwest of Huế to relieve the ARVN 101st Engineering Company whose compound () had been under siege by the PAVN since the start of the battle. As the Marines approached the base at 07:00 they were met by PAVN mortar and machine-gun fire, artillery fire was called in on the PAVN positions and the Marines entered the base at 08:50. The base remained under fire from PAVN positions in a Bhuddist temple to the south and a ridgeline to the west and at 07:00 on 25 February Companies F and G began to attack the ridgeline, but were met by intense mortar fire. Under cover of supporting fires the Marines secured part of the ridgeline, killing 3 PAVN for the loss of 1 Marine dead. The attack resumed the following morning and the ridge was secured with 20 PAVN and 2 Marines killed. Company H attacking a nearby hill was met with a stubborn defense, losing one dead and killing 6 PAVN. Company H withdrew so that air strikes could be launched and these knocked out mortar and machine gun positions killing 20 PAVN, however one bomb fell short killing 4 Marines. On 27 February the entire battalion attacked the hill but the PAVN had withdrawn during the night leaving behind 14 dead.[4]:211–3
On 28 February 1/5 Marines and 2/5 Marines launched an operation to the east of Huế to try to cut off any PAVN forces fleeing from Huế towards the coast. While the Marines encountered few PAVN in their sweeps they located various abandoned infrastructure that had been used to support the battle including a 3km trench system with over 600 fighting holes. On 2 March 1968 the Marines concluded Operation Hue City.[4]:213
Aftermath

The fighting in other parts of South Vietnam during Tet was generally confined to a week or sometimes less, however the battle for Hue City was the longest, lasting from 31 January through 2 March 1968.[8]:70
ARVN losses were 452 killed and 2,123 wounded, while U.S. losses were 216 killed and 1,584 wounded. PAVN losses are a matter of debate. The PAVN's Department of Warfare gives figures of 2,400 killed and 3,000 wounded from 30 January until 28 March.[3] A PAVN document captured by the ARVN stated that 1,042 troops had been killed in the city proper and that several times that number had been wounded.[4]:213 MACV gave figures of 5,133 killed at Huế.[5][6][16]
844 civilians were killed and 1,900 wounded during the battle. 4,856 civilians and captured ARVN personnel were executed by the PAVN/VC or went missing during the battle according to the South Vietnamese government.[7]
In addition to the significant civilian casualties inflicted in the battle, eighty percent of the city was destroyed and 116,000 civilians out of the pre-battle population of 140,000 were made homeless.[16][4]:216[17]
Huế under Communist control

The PAVN/VC were generally greeted with little enthusiasm by the population of Huế. Power and water supply into the city had been cut off, and people were aware that the ARVN and U.S. forces would soon counterattack.[9]:125 While a few joined the PAVN/VC and others supported them by digging fortifications and preparing food, most of the population either tried to flee behind the ARVN/U.S. lines or were taking shelter in their homes or in churches and pagodas, which they hoped would be safe.[9]:268
The PAVN set up provisional authorities shortly after capturing Huế charged with removing the existing Republic of Vietnam (RVN) administration from power within the city and replacing it with a "revolutionary administration." Working from lists of "cruel tyrants and reactionary elements" previously developed by Viet Cong intelligence officers, many people were to be rounded up following the initial hours of the attack. These included ARVN soldiers, civil servants, political party members, local religious leaders, schoolteachers, American civilians and other international people.[18] Cadres called out the names on their lists over loudspeakers, ordering them to report to a local school. Those not reporting voluntarily were hunted down.[19]
The PAVN/VC's actions were based on a series of orders issued by the PAVN High Command and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam (PRG). In a 3500-page document issued on January 26, 1968, by the Trị-Thiên-Huế Political Directorate, the political cadres were given specific instructions:[20] Operating in close support of the regular military and guerrilla elements, the political cadre were to: destroy and disorganize the Republic of Viet Nam's (RVN's) administrative machinery "from province and district levels to the city wards, streets, and wharves;" motivate the people of Hue to take up arms, pursue the enemy, seize power, and establish a revolutionary government; motivate (recruit) local citizens for military and "security" forces .. transportation and supply activities, and to serve wounded soldiers . . . ;" "pursue to the end (and) punish spies, reactionaries, and "tyrants" and "maintain order and security in the city".
Those identified by the PAVN/VC were initially marched out of the city for "reeducation", however few returned. Those deemed guilty of the most serious "crimes" were speedily tried and executed. As the PAVN area of control within Huế shrank, the pace of executions increased to prevent the "enemies of the people" being freed by ARVN or U.S. forces or identifying the VC who had revealed themselves.[7]:49 Mark Bowden suggests that PAVN/VC anger at the lack of enthusiasm among the population of Huế may have fuelled the purges particularly as defeat loomed closer.[9]:525
Estimates of Vietnamese civilians massacred by the PAVN/VC at Huế range from 2800 (based on bodies exhumed from mass graves) to almost 6000.[21] According to Mark Bowden, South Vietnamese forces killed 1-2000 people after the battle.[9]:470
Foreign civilians captured in the city received varying treatment. Some were marched north into captivity, while others were executed, including 3 West German doctors, 2 French Benedictine monks and 2 U.S. government employees.[9]:171–4
French journalists Catherine Leroy and Francois Mazure were captured by the PAVN but allowed to return to U.S. lines bringing photos of the PAVN side of the battle that were subsequently published in the 16 February 1968 edition of Life Magazine.[22]
Impact on American public opinion
The initial press statements by MACV played down the events in Huế, claiming that only a small part of the city had fallen to a small enemy force and that the city would soon be fully restored to South Vietnamese Government control and that the main attack would be directed against Khe Sanh. This and subsequent optimistic reports were soon contradicted by press reports as journalists made their way into the city and reported on the extent of PAVN/VC control and the bitter house-to-house fighting that was underway.

On 10 February 1968, CBS News anchorman Walter Cronkite visited southern Huế to film footage for a special report on the Vietnam War.[9]:362 The "Report from Vietnam: Who, What, When, Where, Why?" screened on 27 February 1968, Cronkite closed the report with the editorial comments:

“We have been too often disappointed by the optimism of the American leaders, both in Vietnam and Washington, to have faith any longer in the silver linings they find in the darkest clouds. They may be right, that Hanoi's winter-spring offensive has been forced by the Communist realization that they could not win the longer war of attrition, and that the Communists hope that any success in the offensive will improve their position for eventual negotiations. It would improve their position, and it would also require our realization, that we should have had all along, that any negotiations must be that – negotiations, not the dictation of peace terms. For it seems now more certain than ever that the bloody experience of Vietnam is to end in a stalemate. This summer's almost certain standoff will either end in real give-and-take negotiations or terrible escalation; and for every means we have to escalate, the enemy can match us, and that applies to invasion of the North, the use of nuclear weapons, or the mere commitment of one hundred, or two hundred, or three hundred thousand more American troops to the battle. And with each escalation, the world comes closer to the brink of cosmic disaster.

To say that we are closer to victory today is to believe, in the face of the evidence, the optimists who have been wrong in the past. To suggest we are on the edge of defeat is to yield to unreasonable pessimism. To say that we are mired in stalemate seems the only realistic, yet unsatisfactory, conclusion. On the off chance that military and political analysts are right, in the next few months we must test the enemy's intentions, in case this is indeed his last big gasp before negotiations. But it is increasingly clear to this reporter that the only rational way out then will be to negotiate, not as victors, but as an honorable people who lived up to their pledge to defend democracy, and did the best they could.[23][9]:504–5”
After watching Cronkite's editorial report, President Lyndon Johnson is purported to have said, "If I've lost Cronkite, I've lost Middle America."[24][25] This account has been questioned in a book on journalistic accuracy.[26][27]
Militarily, Huế and the entire Tet Offensive were Allied victories, however the shock of the Tet Offensive, coming so soon after General Westmoreland's "End in view" tour of the U.S. November 1967, undermined the credibility of General Westmoreland and his strategy within the Johnson Administration.[9]:496–8 Over the coming months U.S. public opinion turned decisively against the war.[9]:519
Analysing the battle
Throughout the entire battle the U.S. command consistently underestimated the size of the PAVN/VC forces engaged and the Allied forces necessary to deal with them.[9]:185–6 Initially forces were identified as coming from the PAVN 4th, 5th and 6th Regiments. Additional battalions were later identified as coming from the 29th Regiment of the 325C Division, the 90th and 803d Regiments of the 324B Division and the 24th Regiment of the 304th Division, 3 of these Regiments were believed to be involved in the siege of Khe Sanh. Allied intelligence estimated that 16-18 PAVN Battalions totalling 8-11,000 soldiers were engaged in the battle.[4]:213 Allied air and artillery support was restricted by the poor weather, supply difficulties and, initially, by restrictions intended to limit damage to Huế's historic structures.
While PAVN/VC defeat was inevitable in the face of U.S. firepower, the failure to sever the PAVN supply lines and isolate the battlefield meant that the battle lasted longer and was more costly to the ARVN and U.S. than was necessary.[4]:216 Until the last week of the battle the ARVN, U.S. Marines and 1st Cavalry each fought separate, largely uncoordinated battles without any unified command structure, no overall strategy and competing demands for logistics, air and artillery support.[4]:223 Delaying the counterattack until a clear strategy was developed and the necessary forces assembled might have reduced casualties among the ARVN, U.S. forces and civilians and shortened the battle.[9]:519–20
The battle was an ARVN/U.S. victory in only the narrowest sense in that they had evicted the PAVN/VC from the city at heavy cost but failed to annihilate them. The PAVN/VC failed to hold the city or spark a General Uprising, but they had undermined confidence in the Thiệu/Kỳ Government and prospects of victory. Unplanned by the North Vietnamese, their greatest success was the shock and negative impact of the battle and the entire Tet Offensive on U.S. public opinion.[9]:524–5
PAVN General Trần Văn Trà later wrote of the Tet Offensive "We did not correctly evaluate the specific balance of forces between ourselves and the enemy... [its objectives] were beyond our actual strength...in part an illusion based on our subjective desires."[28]
Comparisons with Fallujah

The November 2004 anti-insurgent Marine operation in the city of Fallujah that took place during the Iraq War, has been compared to the Battle of Hue.[29][30] Both battles were fought in close quarters in an urban setting where the enemy ensconced itself in the midst of civilians. In Fallujah, Sunni insurgents turned mosques into fortresses, in a similar way to how NVA forces utilized Buddhist temples in Hue. Both battles also had insurgents and other forces utilizing snipers, significantly increasing the combat potential of the combatants, while the Marines also constituted the advanced fighting elements of the US forces deployed in both Hue and Fallujah.[29] Lastly, both battles constituted some of the heaviest fighting that took place in their respective wars. The operation in Fallujah killed 95 U.S. servicemen, while operations in Hue resulted in more than 200 U.S. servicemen being killed.
In his analysis of the Battle of Fallujah, Jonathan F. Keiler, a military historian and former officer in the Judge Advocate General's Corps, compares it to both Israel's Siege of Beirut and the Battle of Hue. He wrote:[31]
The Marine Corps' military operations in urban terrain doctrine recognizes that tactical success does not necessarily translate to strategic victory. It notes the Israeli's tactical victory in Beirut was a strategic defeat—and observes the same about the Battle of Hue in the Vietnam War, when Marines defeated an enemy that sought to put up a good fight but never expected to win. Much the same can be said of Fallujah's defenders. In spite of the beating they took in November, they will continue to assert they repelled the initial attack and fought well thereafter.
In popular culture
Memorials
The U.S. Navy Ticonderoga class-guided-missile cruiser USS<i>Hué City, commissioned in 1991, is named after the battle. To date it is the only U.S. Navy ship named after a battle in the Vietnam War.
The Huế War Museum (Vietnamese: Bảo tàng Cách mạng Thừa Thiên Huế) located inside the Citadel displays various weaponry used in the battle.
Film and literature
Michael Herr writes about the Battle of Huế in chapter two of his 1977 autobiographical book, Dispatches.
The battle comprises the second half of Stanley Kubrick's 1987 film Full Metal Jacket. The film is based on Vietnam veteran Gustav Hasford's semi-autobiographical 1979 novel The Short-Timers, part of which is also set during the battle of Huế.
See also

Alfredo Cantu Gonzalez
Massacre at Huế
Second Battle of Fallujah

This article incorporatespublic domain material from websites or documents ofthe United States Army Center of Military History.
This article incorporatespublic domain material from websites or documents ofthe United States Marine Corps.

Contemporary news reporting

Who led American forces in the Battle of Huế?